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Objectives: To evaluate the changes in pain pressure threshold (PPT) and active cervical range of motion (ACROM) after the application of superficial dry needling (DN) or deep DN in myofascial trigger point (MTrP) 1 of the upper trapezius versus a simulated DN technique in the gastrocnemius muscle (control group). Design: Double-blind, randomized controlled trial with 7-day follow-up. Participants: Asymptomatic volunteers (n = 180; 76 men, 104 women) with a latent MTrP 1 in the upper trapezius were randomly divided into three groups: G1, receiving superficial DN in the upper trapezius; G2, receiving deep DN in the upper trapezius; and G3, control group, receiving simulated DN technique in the gastrocnemius muscle. Main outcome measures: While sitting in a chair, each subject underwent measurements of PPT and ACROM (ipsilateral and contralateral side flexion and rotation, flexion and extension) preintervention, (immediately) postintervention, and at 24 h, 72 h and 7 days. Results: Superficial and deep DN produced an increase in PPT at 7 days with respect to preintervention levels. Furthermore, superficial and deep DN produced a decrease in cervical flexion at 24 h and an increase in ipsilateral rotation until 72 h, increasing to 7 days in the case of deep DN. On the contrary, superficial DN produced an increase in ipsilateral and contralateral side flexion after intervention, unlike deep DN that produced a decrease at 24 h. Furthermore, superficial DN produced an increase in contralateral rotation at 24 h and deep DN decreased extension at 72 h. Conclusion: A single intervention of superficial or deep DN did not produce statistically significant changes in PPT or goniometry measurements. Trial registration number: NCT03719352 (ClinicalTrials.gov) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This study aims to examine how prisoners' early release affects other citizens' perceived insecurity and their attitudes towards those released prisoners, and how citizens' political orientation influences these variables.Design/methodology/approach: A total of 383 Portuguese participants were presented with a recommendation from the United Nations for the release of prisoners because of COVID-19 and then asked to fill in a questionnaire measuring their political orientation, support for the early release of prisoners, perceived insecurity regarding such measure and their attitudes towards the released prisoners.Findings: Results showed that support for the release of prisoners during COVID-19 is associated with perceived insecurity and both, in turn, predicts inclusive attitudes regarding these prisoners, while only perceived insecurity is associated with an agreement with an intensification of social control measures. Right-wing participants were found to express the negative side. The more participants felt insecure, the more they believed released prisoners should not have the same rights as common citizens and the more they should be left out of the community.Research Limitations/implications: The major limitation of this study concerns the sample: the authors collected answers from Portuguese participants exclusively, most of which held a university degree.Practical Implications: At least two major implications can be drawn from this study's results. These implications deal with prisoners' entrance in what can be considered a cycle of exclusion and the promotion of their social reintegration once they are released from prison.Social Implications: The findings point out the necessity to firstly put an effort in deconstructing the insecurity perception that results from the prospective of having prisoners back into society - that is to understand why it happens and how it can be reduced - promoting efficacy in the inclusion of these prisoners and preventing the emergence of controlling or protective approaches directed to these individuals in their return to society by enhancing people's awareness that the social reintegration of ex-prisoners will benefit the whole community.Originality/value: The authors present a different perspective of the impact that managing COVID-19 in prisons has on society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The quantification of problems that actors decide to understand and fix has become central to policy-making. However, this article suggests that critics of this move miss the point if their critique is limited to inadequate methods or inaccurate results. Dialoguing with recent literature on governance by numbers, the article argues that errors are not the issue. Taking development policy-making as an illustration, the article suggests that numbers in policy are increasingly imbued with a reasoning according to which it is only necessary to find "enough" correlation. By looking at "good enough data/methods/governance" in the World Bank and OECD in the context of the "fragile states" agenda, the aim is to show how imperfect methods and objects become authoritative while their imperfection is anything but hidden. As the pursuit of better numbers moves the wheel, the article suggests the need to learn more about authority and power in these dynamics by looking at how errors are a practical, accepted, and ubiquitous element in donors' practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The articles in this special section argue that, by looking at quantification as a technical and political technique of power, we can effectively engage with newly established types of transnational power and better understand how numbers can enable reconfigurations and hence reorderings of power relations. The section looks at how numbers, in the form of risk assessments, measuring for results, and governance indicators, have a crucial impact in current transnational politics, which in turn influences resource allocation and recognition, discourses on undesirable individuals, possibilities for political leverage, and potential ownership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The fragile states agenda has recently converged with the so-called culture of measuring for results, creating standards often seen by critics as donor driven. The newly established Sustainable Development Goals now invite a data revolution that can see yet more intense practices of quantification. Nevertheless, this article argues such practices can be widening windows of opportunity for change. It looks at the g7+ group of self-labeled fragile states and its tools for self-measurement. These tools closely resemble mainstream quantification, but also bring key contributions. In fact, direct opposition on the part of fragile states is perhaps as possible as it once was for the so-called Third World; on the other hand, the article suggests subtle power can perhaps be countered by subtle change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Modulation at the level of the nucleus tractus solitarii (NTS) appears to be an effective way of controlling cardiovascular reflexes. Angiotensin II acting on angiotensin AT1 receptors at the central nervous system appears to have an important role in these modulatory processes. The hypothalamic defence area (HDA) is a potential source of descending fibres containing angiotensin II that innervate the NTS. We investigated the effect of AT1 receptor blockade in the NTS on the response to stimulation of HDA in anaesthetised rats treated with the neuromuscular blocking agent pancuronium bromide. The characteristic increase in heart rate, blood pressure and phrenic nerve activity evoked by electrical stimulation of HDA is decreased by the microinjection of the AT1 receptor antagonist losartan into the NTS and the cardiovascular response to carotid body chemical stimulation is also reduced. These results support the hypothesis that AT1 receptors in the NTS play a role in the modulation of cardiovascular reflexes, and modify the influence exerted on the processing of these reflexes by other areas of the central nervous system. Experimental Physiology (2003) 88.3, 309-314. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]