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In thinking about the legacy of the sanctions on Iraq, some things are quite clear: the long-term impact of malnutrition; the loss of life and the suffering from lack of adequate medical care; the disappearance of the middle class; the deep corruption and growth of criminal networks and so forth. But there is a different kind of legacy as well. The sanctions imposed by the United Nations (UN) Security Council for over a decade were as damaging as they were in large measure because they were deeply imbedded in bureaucracies, and bureaucratic manoeuvres, that were both arcane and opaque. These included the 'retroactive oil pricing policy', the reverse veto, the holds on contracts and the consensus rule within the 661 Committee. While the narrative that emerged in the aftermath of the sanctions holds that 'we are now in the era of smart sanctions, and the old, comprehensive measures we saw in the Iraq case are now in the past', in fact that is not at all the case. Rather, part of the legacy of the Iraq sanctions is that precisely the bureaucratic manoeuvres that made it possible to cripple Iraq's infrastructure, healthcare, education and food security are the mainstay of contemporary sanctions regimes. This article looks at how the reverse veto and the absence of a sunset clause in the Iraq sanctions can be seen at work in the current US sanctions against Cuba; how the interminable obstacles and burdens that choked the humanitarian exemption process are now being used in the Security Council measures against North Korea; and how macroeconomic shocks that were triggered by undermining Iraq's oil exports have been put in place in regard to UN and US sanctions against Iran and Venezuela. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: The present research was conducted with the aim of examining and analyzing the role of preservation of works in Iranian libraries, and specifically, the National Library of Iran as an authority among Iranian libraries. Methodology: The current research is practical in terms of its purpose and was conducted with a qualitative research approach. The method of documentary analysis was suitable for the current research. Therefore, 36 selected national, academic, medical sciences, public and digital libraries inside and outside Iran were investigated and in some cases through e-mail and communication with libraries, the desired information received. Also, in data analysis, primary, secondary and classification coding has been used. Findings: The analysis of data from the research and open coding indicates that 116 primary codes, 188 conceptual codes, 227 categories and 5 classes were obtained. The analysis of data from the research and open coding indicates that 116 primary codes, 188 conceptual codes, 227 categories and 5 classes were obtained. The findings of the research show that the solutions and recommended policies of copyright in libraries can be classified into five classes. The moral and economic; non-profit use, license and agreement, fair use and violation of copyright are the most important in the development of copyright policy of printed and digital resources in libraries. Conclusion: The libraries can provide legal and authorized services to users by having a copyright policy and a legal framework. Also, libraries can use the solutions proposed in the current research, such as creating the "rights and access" field in library software, using permission to access certain resources, and using technical control measures. Copy and access to protect the intellectual rights of the owners of the works, use the form "copyright registration of works", create a copyright office/center and the like to provide proper services to the users and protect the rights of the creators. In addition, it is suggested to the legislators to prioritize the approval of the bill of literary and artistic property rights and related rights, which has been compiled since 2005. This bill has tried to resolve some of the ambiguities in The Iranian Law for the Protection of Authors, Composers and Artists Rights (1970), and to resolve some ambiguities related to libraries and its exceptions. Also, the ratification of the Marrakesh Treaty, which Iran has accepted since 2014, can take a small step in providing optimal services to the target users of the treaty. Because this is the only treaty that has paid attention to the access of the mentioned groups to the resources by considering the author's right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de la Facultad de Derecho y Ciencias Políticas is the property of Revista Faculdad de Derecho y Ciencias Politicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

While the road leading to the recognition of a human right to water has been rather bumpy, it has nonetheless had a significant impact on international economic law. It operates as a shaping force in international trade law and international investment law as the two main branches of international economic law by incremental change rather than radical transformation. Against this background, the present article seeks to identify where and by virtue of what mechanisms one may expect the most profound and lasting changes in and to international economic law under the impact of the human right to water. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women's role in the Sudanese revolution of 2019 was celebrated, and their bravery and strength were commended by political parties as well as the international community. Women were hopeful of change. Popular feminist groups rallied around a representation campaign, demanding that 40% of women's representation be guaranteed in the constitutional document and transitional government. Examining the effect of the neoliberal wave on feminist movement building, this article aims to assess the representation agenda from two angles: first, how it became the dominant agenda, and second how effective it was in articulating women's demands and prioritising their economic rights. Through interviews with women's rights activists in Khartoum and North Kordofan, we find that the strength of the representation agenda is its bare minimum quality that brings together women groups from different political, racial, and economic backgrounds. The support the agenda received from the international community, and the assumption that the representation of women in positions of power brings women's issues to the forefront, were important factors in its popularisation. However, according to the women activists, the appointment of women into positions of power did not change the direction of the transitional government agenda, nor was it successful in elevating true representatives to these positions. We conclude by arguing that the structural constraints facing the revolutionary movement played a major role in defining the limitations of resistance in economic justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study is devoted to economic diversity and the exercise of economic rights and freedoms of a human through the prism of the Constitution of Ukraine. It is argued that the diversity of forms of incorporation of business can be considered as achievement of the Ukrainian legal system, and this diversity is compliant with the European Union-Ukraine Association Agreement and the requirements for the adaptation of the Ukrainian legislation to the EU legislation. Preservation of economic diversity in the conditions of war and post-war restoration of the country serves as one of the guarantees of resuming the economic activity of citizens. Attention is drawn to the fact that the unification of forms of incorporation of economic entities (in fact, the denial of specific features objectively inherent in various forms) as a legislative technique cannot compete with the constitutional imperative of economic diversity, equality of subjects of ownership and economic entities. The methodological basis for the development of scientific knowledge about economic entities, the development of normative legal acts that regulate the economic life of society, judicial knowledge and decision-making of a law enforcement nature should be an economic and legal approach. The article emphasizes that, for the theory of economic law, the division of subjects of property relations into legal person and natural person is not relevant, and the recognition of a person as economic entity is not directly related to their having the status of a legal person. Instead, a specific form of incorporation makes it possible to determine the specific features of the internal relations that develop in connection with the creation, activity, and termination of a subject, and in general, such specificity reflects the specialization and differentiation of the legal regulation of individual fragments of the economic life of society. The choice of one or another form of incorporation should be determined by: 1) the form of ownership and, in some cases, the nature of the relationship between the founders, for example, family relationship, united by the capital and/or own labour (labour participation) for the purpose of an economic activity (farm enterprises); 2) the sphere of economic activity, since in order to protect public interests, the legislator can define requirements regarding the form of incorporation complying with which is a necessary prerequisite for entering the relevant market. Distinguishing a separate form of incorporation in the legislation determines the impossibility, as a general rule, of applying by analogy of law norms to different forms. In the theory of economic law, it is possible to single out as a group non-typical subjects that do not have the status of a legal entity (for example, mutual investment funds) and should be a separate object of research, since their activities are important for the postwar recovery of the country's economy (in particular, to attract citizens' savings into the economy through joint investment institutions, e-business development, etc.). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study focuses on the right to conduct collective bargaining between the employers and their organisations and the trade unions as the form of association of employees (working people). The introductory remarks review the conventional regulations of collective bargaining right with special emphasis on the International Labour Organisation (ILO) Conventions, particularly, No.98 of 1949 and No. 154 of 1981. The article analyses the European Social Charter as a core of social act regarding social rights within the Council of Europe system, with special attention given to its collective bargaining regulations, principally provisions its art. In addition, the article comments on the provisions of art. 28 of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights, a crucial EU regulation dealing with the process of collective bargaining. In conclusion the article argues whether the specifics of collective bargaining in the EU belong to the national regulations of EU member states. In its further parts, the article examines the principle of social dialogue in the European treaties and the practices of the Social Dialogue Committee of the European Union. Furthermore, the study presents the issue of relation between protection of economic freedoms and rights of an individual as provided by the 1997 Constitution of Poland and protection of such as established by universal and regional international regulations, including International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights of 1966 and the ratified regulations of the Council of Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Neutrosophic Computing & Machine Learning is the property of Multimedia Larga and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The main problem this article addresses is that women are more vulnerable than men in economic terms. The aim of this research is to identify the differences in the destination of savings according to gender and its implications related to their economic rights. Chi-Square tests were performed to test for the existence of statistically significant differences in the destination of men's and women's savings, based on the National Survey on the Destination of Savings in Mexico (ENIF). The hypothesis to be tested is that there is a gender difference in the way in which the destination of savings is allocated. As a result, it is possible to see that women focus their savings on issues related to health and education at home, in contrast to men, who tend to protect their own economic future by focusing their savings on remodeling or buying real estate or starting or expanding a business. In this sense, the hypothesis is partially verified in 4 of the 8 savings destinations. This article is motivated by the desire to identify this possible economic gap between genders, considering that it is an issue that affects the economic and personal future of women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article contains a comparative analysis of constitutional regulation of the right to entrepreneurial activity in Poland, Romania, Slovakia and Hungary in part of general enshrinement of this right and foundations of state protection of competition within entrepreneurial activities, determination of common trends of such regulation and its comparison with Ukrainian one. The comparative analysis indicates that in all the examined foreign countries (Poland, Romania, Slovakia, and Hungary) the right to entrepreneurial activity is directly constitutionalized. Although the ways of its enshrinement differ, there is similar prevailing approach of establishing the freedom of entrepreneurial activity and regulating its exercise subject to conditions/restrictions set by law. Similar approach towards general enshrinement of the right to entrepreneurial activity is also applied in Article 42(1) of the Constitution of Ukraine. Another feature of the examined EU member states is the elevation of protection of competition within entrepreneurial activities to the constitutional level. This trend is common to all the examined countries. The level of detail inherent to provisions regarding protection of competition in the constitutions of Poland, Romania, Slovakia, and Hungary varies, however, their overall direction is similar. It comprises taking responsibilities on protection of competition by the state, followed by determination of specific ways of such protection. A specific feature of the Constitution of Poland is that it contains a provision that any monopoly shall be established by means of statute. Similar provision is in place in Article 42(3) of the Constitution of Ukraine, which states that types and boundaries of monopoly shall be determined by law. Based on the research results, it is concluded that, overall, trends and tendencies in regulating entrepreneurial activity in part of general enshrinement of the right to such activity and state protection of competition during its conduct, which are inherent in the constitutions of the examined EU member states, have been implemented in the Constitution of Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on Fortescue's analysis of the economic impact of various forms of government, based on a comparison between the material well-being which the English enjoy by virtue of their "political kingdom" and the conditions of extreme poverty of the common people in France, an effect of their political-legal system. Fortescue's criteria for judging between different regimes are pragmatic: the main reason for his preference for the temperate monarchy of England is the fact that it gives all inhabitants full enjoyment of the fruits of their labour, and encourages the economic growth of all parts of the realm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work is a reexamination of the historic economic rights debate in light of two major changes in American public policy. The first change considers the effect of the debate by the passing of the Affordable Care Act (Obamacare). The second policy change considers how the debate should include the effects of the economic bailout brought about by the TARP program. These changes are explained first, as government interventions made in response to widespread suffering and medical cost bankruptcies due to the United States' healthcare system having no guaranteed right to healthcare. The second change focuses on the necessity of a national economic bailout conducted in response to a "Great Recession," as an historic proof that government must intervene when severe economic downturns threaten to collapse the national economy. These interventions support the passage of economic rights and show how the opposition to the passage of economic rights have been based on faulty moral argumentation and reasoning. The essay concludes with a continued call for the passage of the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Human rights, a cornerstone of democratic states, enable and protect individual freedom, dignity and choice, making it one of the most powerful concepts of the present times. Improving individual conduct and social character facilitates human rights and, in this vein, reading and comprehending religious texts of diverse religions can assist one to glean through such universal principles that improve individual and social conduct, thereby establishing the universality of morals on which human rights are based. The presence of universality in the Bani of Sri Guru Granth Sahib and theistic philosophy of Sikhism vouches for an equal and fair society where human rights flourish. Studying Bani contained in Guru Granth in context of discourse on human rights is the objective of the paper for the values like individual and political rights, social dignity, justice, equality etc. permeates the entire Granth. The Bani profusely quoted exemplifies entire gamut of rights like civil, political, social, economic etc. and engaging in Bani is a way how individual and social character can be more rightoriented creating a just societal order in which happiness prevails. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Marmara Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Hukuk Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Marmara University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Al-Zaytoonah University of Jordan Journal for Human & Social Studies is the property of Al-Zaytoonah University of Jordan and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Propiedad Inmaterial is the property of Universidad Externado de Colombia, Centro de Estudios de la Propriedad Intelectual and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cuestiones Políticas is the property of Revista Cuestiones Politicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Díkaion is the property of Universidad de la Sabana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

What is the relationship between a government's respect for the rights of its own citizens and that government's regard for refugee rights? On one hand, we may expect that a country with high human rights standards will also offer a higher quality of asylum. Domestic laws that protect citizens' rights may be extended to refugees, for example. On the other hand, there are reasons to theorize that a country with high human rights standards may offer a lower quality of asylum. For instance, governments may claim that protecting citizens' wellbeing necessitates the rejection of refugees. To explore these questions, I analyse a global dataset drawn from reports by the US Committee for Refugees and Immigrants. I find that the relationship between citizens' rights and refugee rights is modified by economic conditions and the size of the refugee population. Moreover, some domestic rights (like freedom of movement and labor rights) may increase protections for refugees, while others (like rule of law) may decrease them. Refugees have been largely absent from the literature on the politics of human rights. By systematically examining the relationship between human and refugee rights worldwide, this paper fills an important gap in the scholarly and policy literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Personal data are new assets in the digital economy. While personal data are protected by GDPR in the European Union, its economic value is not protected. Unless, the economic value of personal data is addressed in legal systems of Member states, the interests of people are not fully covered. The article aims to fill the vacuum by introducing new property right to data, the dualistic data property rights. The dualistic data property right is conceptually inspired by Copyright. The article proposes the character and content of the right that is in line with existing legal system and GDPR as well. The authors embark on analyses of all aspect of the dualistic property right and its benefits for the digital economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Dilemas Contemporáneos: Educación, Política y Valores is the property of Dilemas Contemporaneos: Educacion, Politica y Valores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

There are seven clauses regarding Aceh's economic rights regulated in the Helsinki Agreement. Firstly, Aceh has the right to obtain funds through foreign loans and to set interest rates. Secondly, Aceh has the right to establish and collect taxes as well as to conduct trade and business internally and internationally. Third, Aceh will have authority over living natural resources in the territorial sea. Fourth, Aceh will have the right to control 70% of revenues from hydrocarbon reserves. Fifth, Aceh will conduct the development and management of all seaports and airports. Sixth, Aceh will enjoy free trade. Finally, seventh, Aceh will enjoy direct and unhindered access to foreign countries by sea and air. From all the above clauses, only part of it was adopted by Act No. 11/2006 regarding Aceh Administration. This condition demonstrates the exclusion of Aceh's economic rights, which were mandated by the 1945 Constitution. There are two issues addressed in this paper, i.e., the legal perspective of Aceh's economic rights as mandated in the Helsinki Agreement with regards to Act No. 11/2006 and the sociological viewpoint of Aceh's economic rights as mandated in the Helsinki Agreement with regards to Act No. 11/2006. The four approaches employed to review the Helsinki Agreement and the Aceh Administration Act in this paper are the legislative approach, the analytical approach, the philosophical approach, and the legal sociology approach. Firstly, based on a legal perspective, Aceh's economic rights in the Helsinki Agreement generated legal certainty and must be implemented by the central government because the Aceh Administration Act has partly adopted these rights. The economic rights are constitutional rights of the Acehnese people that must be fulfilled by the central government. Failure to fulfill these rights is a violation of the provisions in the 1945 Constitution. Secondly, based on the sociological perspective, the Aceh's economic rights in the Helsinki Agreement impact the people of Aceh as social institutions. Therefore, all economic rights should immediately be carried out by the authorities, including the central government, the Government of Aceh, and the Aceh Parliament as legal functionaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zarqa Journal for Research & Studies in Humanities is the property of Zarqa Journal for Research & Studies in Humanities and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The situation and implications of the COVID-19 pandemic are extremely challenging for all sections of society, particularly economically. The Orang Asli also suffered negative consequences as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic, as their current situation is plagued by economic difficulties, poverty, and marginalization from mainstream development. Therefore, the main objective of this article is to analyze the situation of Indigenous economic rights and legal challenges in the era of the COVID-19 pandemic. The article also analyzes the laws, policies related to the economic rights of the Orang Asli, further identifying the existing legal challenges. This article presents two main findings, namely 1) government efforts should be further enhanced to assist Orang Asli in facing the challenges of COVID-19; and 2) the existence of existing legal gaps and challenges regarding Orang Asli rights including economic rights in the face of the COVID-19 pandemic. This finding is very significant because the rights of the Orang Asli, including economic rights, are still far behind and need immediate improvement in various aspects including strategies, laws and implementation, especially in the era of the COVID-19 Pandemic. In conclusion, this article can provide an important contribution towards sustainable development for the Orang Asli and further help Malaysia fulfill its international legal obligations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Arte, Individuo y Sociedad is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Philosophy of Law & General Theory of Law / Filosofia Prava i Zagal'na Teoria Prava is the property of Yaroslav Mudryi National Law University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zagazig Journal of Agricultural Research is the property of Egyptian National Agricultural Library (ENAL) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In July 2019, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo launched a Commission on Unalienable Rights, charged with a reexamination of the scope and nature of human rights–based claims. From his statements, it seems that Pompeo hopes the commission will substantiate—by appeal to the U.S. Declaration of Independence and to natural law theory—three key conservative ideas: (1) that there is too much human rights proliferation, and once we get things right, social and economic rights as well as gender emancipation and reproductive rights will no longer register as human rights; (2) that religious liberties should be strengthened under the human rights umbrella; and (3) that the unalienable rights that should guide American foreign policy neither need nor benefit from any international oversight. I aim to show that despite Pompeo's framing, the Declaration of Independence, per se, is of no help with any of this, whereas evoking natural law is only helpful in ways that reveal its own limitations as a foundation for both human rights and foreign policy in our interconnected age. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An important factor in the development of modern society and a means to form a social state with the rule-oflaw is the constitutional declaration of human rights and freedoms as the highest value. However, formal recognition of democratic and broad rights and freedoms does not imply the instant acquisition by an individual of the possibility to fully exercise the values determining the rights. It is important to create an efficient social and legal mechanism for implementation of rights and freedoms that includes guarantees to secure and protect them. That is why in this study, the author employed such research methods as logical, observation, modeling, forecasting, comparative law analysis, etc. The state recognizes a right of an individual and a citizen to entrepreneurial activity. At the same time, it shall guarantee the possibility to exercise the kind of activity within its territory. The guarantees are stipulated not only in the Constitution of Ukraine but also in the respective sectoral law. In addition, by recognizing agreements ratified by Ukraine to be part of Ukrainian legal system, legislators confirmed that human and citizen rights protection, including also such important right as the constitutional right to entrepreneurial activity, is not an exclusive internal affair of Ukraine. Despite the 30 years of market economy functioning in Ukraine, citizens still have inflated demands for the paternalistic role of the state. The principle of social state fixed in the Constitution of Ukraine is partly restricting the exercise of the constitutional right to entrepreneurial activity. In fact, equality before the law is often interpreted as the need to provide for equality of results in society with the help of fair redistribution. At the same time, the shaping a market economy in Ukraine, with the leading role of oligarchic business groups, resulted into mass pulling of their capital into offshore, investment of profits gained in Ukraine into foreign businesses and real estate. Consequently, it generates distrust and disappointment of Ukrainian citizens for their own state and its representatives, and impedes the reform process in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this essay I defend an alternative account of why markets are legitimate. I argue that markets have a raison d'être—a potential to be valuable that, if fulfilled, would justify their existence. I characterize this potential in terms of the goods that are promoted by the legal protection of economic agency: resource discretion, contribution esteem, wealth, diffusion of power, and freedom of association. I argue that market institutions deliver these goods without requiring the participants to have shared ends, or shared deliberation about joint ends—indeed, this feature is the source of the market's distinctive contribution to well-being. I suggest that when markets lack legitimacy, this is because they fail to fulfill their raison d'être, or fail to be recognized as doing so. Thus, the contours of legal protection must be drawn so that these goods are realized together in a recognizable way, without sacrificing one good for the sake of others. Finally, I argue that this account is appealing because it allows regulators to consider a plurality of goods, and because it makes room for the essential role of rhetoric in securing market legitimacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Half of the working poor in developing countries are informal entrepreneurs – they make a living by engaging in commercial activities in the shadow economy. A series of government and market failures – for example, corruption, policy uncertainty, and barriers in access to financial services – limit the productivity of informal businesses and condemn their owners to remain poor. This article offers a normative analysis of this problem and makes a twofold contribution. First, it argues that some institutional obstacles that push the entrepreneurial poor toward informality are a violation of a bundle of rights that we can refer as entrepreneurial rights. Second, it claims that these rights ought to be recognized as legal human rights because of their value to realize individual autonomy and to satisfy the basic need to engage in production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Constitutionalising socio- economic and cultural rights (SERs) and the directive principles of state policy is an indication that a state is disposed to protect and enforce such rights. The classification of rights into political and economic goes a long way in determining the extent of rights enforcement in a nation. In Nigeria political rights are enforceable while economic rights remain unenforceable, but stand a better chance of enforcing political and economic rights under rights unification as in South Africa. Nonetheless, a state's obligation to protect SERs ultimately rests on the resources available to such a state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article draws on public opinion survey data from Morocco, Tunisia, Egypt, and Jordan to investigate first, whether a "demand for democracy" in the region exists; second, how to measure it; and third, how respondents understand it. The picture emerging from this analysis is complex, eluding the simple dichotomy between prima facie support and second order incongruence with democracy, which characterises current debates. Respondents have a more holistic understanding of democracy than is found in current scholarship or indeed pursued by Western or regional policymakers, valuing civil-political rights but prioritizing socio-economic rights. There is broad consensus behind principles of gender equality, but indirect questions reveal the continuing influence of conservative and patriarchal attitudes. Respondents value religion, but do not trust religious leaders or want them to meddle in elections or government. Moreover, while there is broad support for conventionally-understood pillars of liberal democracy (free elections, a parliamentary system), there is also a significant gap between those who support democracy as the best political system in principle and those who also believe it is actually suitable for their country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Română de Drept al Afacerilor is the property of Wolters Kluwer Romania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Drawing on elite interviews with UK asylum policymakers, this article entails a detailed elaboration of how policy programmes are produced by particular ways of imagining asylum seeking in an effort to reduce the complexity of the phenomenon and thus devise policy responses to it. The article explores how such processes can lead to the curtailment of the economic rights of asylum seekers with specific reference the UK policy of severely restricting labour market access for asylum seekers. The policy imaginary—the story which is utilized in reducing the complexity of irregular migration in this context—is the idea of the 'economic pull factor'. That is that disingenuous asylum seekers (economic migrants in disguise) are 'pulled' to particular countries by economic opportunities. This construal of what drives irregular migration for asylum is not natural or inevitable, it is the outcome of institutionally embedded ways of viewing the world and Britain's place within it. This discussion brings insights from critical policy studies to bear on asylum policy making, offering new ways of understanding the practices and processes of policy making in this field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been much debate on the question of rights in African communitarian thinking. Some scholars have averred that duties are prior to rights in African communitarian society, and that to prioritise rights is foreign to the non-Western perspective. Yet, there are others who argue that in non-Western societies rights are prior to duties. I share this view. I present my position by arguing that economic rights in African communitarianism affirms autonomy of the individual, though the same rights are expressed through the ideas of consensus and human well-being. In my argument I state that human well-being is well expressed as a communal effort climaxed through consensus where all these are premised on individual autonomy. By arguing in this way, I respond to the accusation that says African philosophers who argue for the priority of rights have failed to demonstrate how rights are considered prior to duties in African societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Now is a good time to take stock of the global progress made toward achieving the ideals enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), which was passed by the UN General Assembly seventy years ago. Though the UDHR has played a vital role in advancing human rights globally, threats to human rights are ever present. Two issues in particular stand out as barriers to further progress. The first is state sovereignty, which presents a fundamental challenge to any effort to establish universal norms. Without strong global institutional mechanisms to ensure implementation, UDHR's impact remains limited. The second major concern is the "siloing" of human rights efforts, whereby civil and political rights have been given primacy over social and economic rights. Emphasis on some principles to the exclusion of others undermines the comprehensive advancement of human rights. The current state of affairs is a product of the collective failure to address human rights holistically and to implement real monitoring and accountability measures for states, which are directly charged with upholding them within their borders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to provide a systematic analysis of the changing relations between financial institutions, banks in particular, and individuals in the 20th and 21st centuries. The first part of the study presents the history of relations between the state, financial institutions and individuals in the twentieth century, while the second part is devoted to the changes that have taken place internationally in this area in the 21st century in the activities of non-state actors, including financial institutions, as more and more often obligations in the field of human rights protection are being emphasised. The attribution of such responsibility indicates the fact that the international community is seeking to strengthen the protection of individual autonomy. This is also confirmed by the analysis of the final observations formulated by treaty bodies functioning within the UN system of human rights protection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Annals of Juridica Sciences / Roczniki Nauk Prawnych is the property of Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL & Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawla II and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zagreb Law Review is the property of University of Zagreb Law School / Pravni fakultet Sveucilista u Zagrebu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper compares Joseph Heath's critique of the just deserts rationale for markets with an earlier critique due to Frank Knight, Milton Friedman, and Friedrich Hayek. Heath shares their emphasis upon the role of luck in prices based on supply and demand. Yet he avoids their claim that the inheritance of human capital is on a moral par with the inheritance of ordinary capital, as a basis for unequal shares of the social product. Heath prefers to argue that markets do not tend to reward talent as such. The paper raises some doubts about this factual claim, and argues that sweeping the issue of talent under the rug threatens to make our theory of justice less egalitarian than it would otherwise be. The paper also addresses the objection that claims of unfairness based on the arbitrariness of the distribution of innate abilities will undermine self-respect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main question dividing classical and high liberals is about how economic rights rank compared to other rights and public goals. That is, the question is about what can or cannot outweigh such rights. High liberals argue that economic rights can be outweighed by any legitimate state interest, such that they are prima facie rights. Neoclassical liberals, conversely, have recently sought to elevate economic rights to basic rights, which could then only be outweighed by other basic rights. This paper shows where the real debate should be for classical liberals, challenging Samuel Freeman's widely held distinction between classical and high liberalism. Economic rights are prima facie for all liberals in that they can be outweighed by, say, considerations of utility or social justice. Although neoclassical liberals are correct to say that such rights are much more important than high liberals normally recognize, it does not follow that economic rights are basic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although EU democracy assistance (DA) policy has been criticized both before and after the Arab Uprisings for reflecting a one-size-fits-all (neo) liberal script, there is little detailed exploration of how exactly EU policy is ‘liberal’. With this objective, this article examines the conceptual structure of ‘democracy’ in key policy documents. It finds that the ideas of democracy and its promotion remain virtually unchanged after the uprisings. Specifically, the analysis shows that, first, democracy is understood as involving a balance between state and civil society. Second, that while the indivisibility of human rights—particularly civil, political, social, and economic—is proclaimed, civil and political rights far outweigh social and economic rights in their importance vis-à-vis democracy in EU policy. Third, that the role of socio-economic rights progressively is being marginalized as individual policy documents develop. Fourth, that conceptions of civil society in these documents marginalize trade unions and other actors focusing on socio-economic rights. Finally, that socio-economic issues gradually are being redefined as matters not of rights but of trade and aid. This fundamentally reverses the moral economy of obligations attached to socio-economic issues: from a focus on would-be democratizing populations as right-bearers to their reconceptualization as morally and financially indebted recipients of charity. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]