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Conspiracy theories pose risks to consumers, businesses, and society. The present research investigates the role of scientific literacy in a variety of conspiracy beliefs with implications for consumer well-being and sustainability (e.g. regarding coronavirus disease 2019 [COVID-19], genetically modified organisms, and climate change). In contrast to the mixed effects of education in prior work, we find that scientific literacy undermines conspiracy beliefs and, in turn, conspiracy-related behaviors. This finding is explained by people's ability to use two dimensions of scientific literacy—scientific knowledge and reasoning—to accurately assess conspiracy evidence. For robustness, we assess scientific literacy through both measurement and manipulation (i.e. interventions), identify two moderators (evidence strength and narration) that attenuate the effect, and further validate our theorizing using national and international datasets (regarding COVID-19 vaccination and Google search, respectively). We discuss the implications of our findings for consumers, companies, nonprofit organizations, and governments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article introduces the notion of platformed conspiracism to conceptualize reconfigured forms of conspiracy theory communication as a result of the mutual shaping between platform specificities and emergent user practices. To investigate this relational socio-technological shaping, we propose a conceptual platform-sensitive framework that systematically guides the study of platformed conspiracism. To illustrate the application of the framework, we examine how platformed conspiracism unfolds on BitChute and Gab during the COVID-19 pandemic. Our findings show that both platforms have positioned themselves as technological equivalents to their "mainstream" counterparts, YouTube and Twitter, by offering similar interfaces and features. However, given their specific services, community-based and politically marketed business models, and minimalist approaches to content moderation, both platforms provide conspiracy propagators a fertile refuge through which they can diversify their presence and profit monetarily from their supply of conspiracy theories and active connection with their followers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Believing conspiracy narratives is frequently assumed to be a major cause of vaccine hesitancy, i.e., the tendency to forgo vaccination despite its availability. In this scoping review, we synthesise and critically evaluate studies that assess i) the occurrence of vaccine-related conspiracy narratives on the internet, ii) the prevalence of belief in vaccine-related conspiracy narratives, iii) the relationship between belief in conspiracy narratives and vaccination intention or vaccination uptake, and iv) interventions that reduce the impact of conspiracy narratives on vaccination intention. In July 2022, we conducted a literature search using three databases: PubMed, PsychInfo, and Web of Science. Following the PRISMA approach, of the 500 initially identified articles, 205 were eligible and analysed. The majority of identified studies were conducted in Europe and North America, were published in 2021 and 2022, and investigated conspiracy narratives around the COVID-19 vaccination. The prevalence of belief in various vaccine-related conspiracy narratives varied greatly across studies, from 2 to 77%. We identified seven experimental studies investigating the effect of exposure to conspiracy narratives on vaccination intentions, of which six indicated a small negative effect. These findings are complemented by the evidence from over 100 correlative studies showing a significant negative relationship between conspiracy beliefs and vaccination intention or uptake. Additionally, the review identified interventions (e.g., social norm feedback, fact-checking labels, or prebunking) that decreased beliefs in vaccine-related conspiracy narratives and, in some cases, also increased vaccination intentions. Yet, these interventions had only small effects. In summary, the review revealed that vaccine-related conspiracy narratives have spread to varying degrees and can influence vaccination decisions. Causal relationships between conspiracy beliefs and vaccination intentions remain underexplored. Further, the review identified a need for more research on interventions that can reduce the impact of conspiracy narratives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes the presence of a subliminal thesis—with conspiratorial and apocalyptic content—in the discourse of the Seventh-day Adventist tradition based on a documentary analysis of Adventist publications from the 1900s to the 1990s. The history of the development of this thesis is classified into three periods: (1) Proto-Adventist Subliminal Thesis, from 1900s to 1940s, with a discourse of anti-spiritualist emphasis; (2) Adventist Subliminal Thesis' First Wave, from 1950s to 1960s, with a discourse of anti-media emphasis in the context of James Vicary's experiments in the 1950s; and (3) Adventist Subliminal Thesis' Second Wave, from 1970s to 1990s, with a discourse of conspiratorial emphasis in the context of the satanic panic of the 1980s and 1990s. The Adventist subliminal thesis is configured in a way of thinking that considers (1) the human being as a "mass-man" and culture as "mass culture"; (2) the media as having the power of manipulation and mental control; (3) adherence to moral panic phenomena as reactions to media threats to traditional values; and (4) the cosmic narrative of the Great Controversy as a worldview for understanding media messages and products as part of a satanic conspiracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reviews anthropological explorations of conspiracy theories—in dialogue with insights from other disciplines, primarily political science, philosophy, and social psychology—to frame conspiracy theories as productive social practices. While conspiracy theories are often depicted through their epistemological shortcomings and associated with social and political margins, this article traces the nascent threads across anthropological scholarship to reach an emic understanding of those narratives and their sociopolitical reverberations and proposes approaching conspiracy theories through their style, agentive implications, and political effects. Conspiratorial style, the article argues, pertains not to the content of the narrative but to its incessant seeking of covert operations beyond readily visible forms as well as a growing flexibility regarding the narrator's belief in the narrative's veracity. The agentivizing dynamic generated through conspiracism differentiates contemporary conspiracism from its predecessors and involves an empowering current. Finally, the article focuses on how contemporary conspiracism is intricately linked to political contestations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the situational theory of problem solving (STOPS), this study examines the impact of closed-minded communication in the secondary digital information market in crisis situations where controversial issues about large corporations can unduly deteriorate the relationship between the business and publics. A combination model was constructed to examine the influence of the situational antecedents of STOPS and the conspiracy orientation on selective forfending. An analysis of online survey data (N = 700) revealed the influences of conspiracy orientation and factors other than problem recognition were significant among the factors for problem situations. Publics was subdivided into "non-conspiracy theorists," "conspiracy theorists," and "situational problem solvers" groups with the "conspiracy theorist" group performing selective forfending of business ethics issue information, engaging in the most prominent degree of acquisition and transmission of the information among the groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social media technology not only affords opportunities for digital activism and global liberation, but it also poses threats to the freewheeling of democracy. The emergence and prevalence of conspiracy theories on social media stem from communal processes of online political debate or social movements that degenerate into conspiracy beliefs. This study views the online formation of conspiracy theories as a socially emergent process. Subscribing to a social constructionist lens and synthesizing extant literature on social movements and social media affordances, we conducted discourse analysis on discursive data collected from Twitter for the 2020 U.S. Presidential Election Fraud Conspiracy Theory. Through the analysis, we delineate the formation of conspiracy theory into four stages and characterize each stage according to its mobilizing structure, participants, mode of interaction, content created, and discernible collective action. We also identify social media affordances facilitating the formation of conspiracy theories within and across stages. Findings of this study advance contemporary knowledge on conspiracy theories by not only extending our understanding of the role of social media in conspiracy theory formation, but they also aid practitioners in comprehending the formation process of conspiracy theory formation, the latter of which constitutes the foundation for devising appropriate prevention and mitigation strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Emerging from an ad hoc effort to counter Trump supporters at a 2017 Women's March, the Birds Aren't Real movement has transformed from viral performance art into a Gen Z response to political conspiracy culture. This article explores the campaign as an extension of the kind of postmodern parody that became iconic with shows like The Colbert Report in which comedians engage in absurd reproductions of increasingly absurd political realities. Inspired by the work of cultural theorist Nidesh Lawtoo, we argue that Birds Aren't Real engages in parodic hypermimesis, or an ironical meta-mimicking of the digitally networked and infective mimetics responsible for the contemporary proliferation of conspiratorial misinformation. After explaining how parodic hypermimesis works, we illustrate its enactment in the Birds Aren't Real movement, particularly in the way that it relies on doubling to debase conspiracy rhetoric as a predictable set of topoi, cultivates a conspiracy community via intoxicating affect, and derides the mainstream media by baiting outlets with parodic spectacles. Ultimately, this essay ponders whether, in reverberating conspiracy logics, such well-intentioned parody can successfully ascend the cardinal sins it critiques. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rise of conspiracy culture and the growing influence of conspiracy theories have attracted the attention of scholars from a range of fields. In recent years, Daniel Jolley, Asbjørn Dyrendal, and others have noted the prevalence of conspiracy theories amongst adolescent schoolchildren in Scandinavia and the UK. This article draws on Paulo Freire's concept of the 'banking model' of education to make the case against a 'debunking' approach to anticonspiracist education. It argues that conspiracism should be understood as a feature of our culture and as such it should be interrogated rather than dismissed by educators who are engaged in the process of educating for democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a personal discussion on the topic of anti-Semitism, this article brings together the common issues that lead to the conceptual complexity of anti-Semitism. The breach of anti-Semitism into public politics and the organized left through the two-axis points of Israel and conspiracy theories are discussed, in particular recent controversies in the Labour Party, attacks on religious centers, and discordant views on what qualifies as anti-Semitism. Weaving together personal narratives, the essay unpacks the difficulty of considering anti-Semitism in the contemporary understanding of oppression, colonialism, and white supremacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Omer Halisdemir Universitesi Iktisadi ve Idari Bilimler Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Omer Halisdemir University, Faculty of Economics & Admistrative Sciene and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Using a questionnaire, this study investigated the numerous factors affecting the Jordanian population's rejection of COVID-19 vaccines. The data were collected in 2020 to 2021. Using the chi-square test, t -test, Cramer's V -test, and analysis of variance, we found that most of the Sample (72.6%) obtained information on COVID-19 and its vaccines from social media, radio, and television. In comparison, 31.1% and 35.4% of the Sample obtained from government/official sources or health specialists, respectively, with a lesser share relying on colleagues (13.7%) and scientific lectures (17.5%). Furthermore, depending on the participants' characteristics, there were significant differences in the information sources or abstinence factors. Several factors were associated with vaccine refusal and hesitancy, including contradictory/conflicting information, lack of trust in vaccines/manufacturers, doubt about the vaccines' effectiveness, and the belief that the risks of COVID-19 are minimal. Based on these findings, we present several recommendations for policymakers. Plain Language Summary: Vaccine Refusal Factors associated with vaccination refusal among a sample of the Jordanian population This study aimed to comprehend what causes Jordanians to refuse vaccinations. Most participants of the present study learned about COVID-19 and vaccines from radio, television, and social media. Fewer of them turned to official and professional sources. Conflicting information about COVID-19, skepticism about the effectiveness of vaccines and potential side effects, skepticism toward vaccine manufacturers and media sources, uncertainty regarding the efficacy of vaccines, and mistrust in information sources regarding the virus and vaccines have led to confusion and resistance to following health recommendations. These factors resulted in vaccine rejection by considerable percentages of the Jordanian population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conspiracy theories are a constant feature of human society but have recently risen in prominence with the flurry of COVID-19 conspiracy theories and their public display in social media. Conspiracy theories should be studied not only because of their potential harm but also because they are related to other sources of misinformation such as folk theories, rumors, and fake news. Recent understanding of their spread has shifted the focus from investigating the believers to characteristics of the social processes that motivate and persuade, with a new view of the conspiracy theorist as a bricoleur dealing with threats through social (re)construction of reality. These tendencies are strengthened by the markets for attention and approval constructed by social media platforms, and bots also amplify them. We identify an agenda of multiple important and urgent paths for future research that will help understanding of conspiracy theories in society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It has long been recognized that conspiracy narratives may be seen as a special kind of myth. In most cases, however, this is taken as a sign of their irrational and unsubstantiated nature. I argue that mythical modes of reasoning are actually far more pervasive in modern political and cultural discourse than we commonly admit and that the difference between mainstream discourse and conspiracy narratives is not one between "rational" and "mythical" thought but rather one between different types of mythical thinking. The specific nature of conspiracy myths is best understood in relation to two other types of social myths: political myths and fictional myths. Conspiracy myths are a hybrid of these two genres: like fictional myths, they make use of imaginative elements, but like political myths, they are understood as having a relatively straightforward relation to reality and not just a metaphorical one. They are essentially anti-systemic, and their chief ethos is that of distrust. Nevertheless, the degree to which they reject the system varies, and it is thus useful to distinguish between weaker and stronger conspiracy myths. While the latter reject the system altogether and are incompatible with political myths, the former are capable of co-operating with them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rather than seeking to recuperate the ideal of a digital public sphere or lament its demise with the rise of social media platforms, in this paper I seek to identify the dangers of precisely this insistence to imagine the Internet as a public sphere. It is this curious insistence and persistence that, I claim, may feed into precisely those post-truth media dynamics such critical accounts worry about and rally against. The success of viral conspiracy narratives like Pizzagate and QAnon, as well as other forms of mis- and disinformation, hinges not (only) on the absence or distortion of a healthy democratic public sphere, as is typically assumed, but (also) on its persistence as an imaginary in an environment that obeys an altogether different set of logics, namely that of ‘communicative capitalism’ and ‘information warfare.’ Whereas the former has drawn most critical attention in connection to current post-truth dynamics (e.g., the effects of targeted advertising and the role of algorithms in creating polarizing echo chambers and filter bubbles), I will instead focus on the latter. The unique problem and ‘cunning’ of what I refer to as ‘post-truth conspiracism’ is that it draws on idea(l)s of digital publicness to establish its own epistemic legitimacy, as well as derive its unique powers of persuasion, while also mobilizing the full tactical arsenal of information warfare in a global attention economy. The resulting weaponization of digital public sphere imaginaries complicates attempts to recuperate the idea(l) of a digital public sphere as a solution to a ‘polluted’ information environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction. The COVID-19 pandemic has triggered a surge in existing anti-vaccine sentiments in Ukraine, posing a threat to public health. This study aims to analyze the anti-vaccine campaign in the Ukrainian blogosphere, which intensified during the pandemic and coalesced around issues related to the coronavirus. Relevance of the study. The relevance of the study is determined by the increasing popularity of anti-vaccine sentiments in Ukraine, which are facilitated by the growing influence of the blogosphere as a powerful channel for disseminating destructive content. The study aims to identify the key categories that bloggers appealed to while conducting the campaign against vaccination for coronavirus disease in Ukraine during the COVID-19 pandemic. Methodology. To determine the most influential representatives of the anti-vaccine movement in Ukraine, a media monitoring was conducted focusing on the exposure of fakes and misinformation regarding COVID-19. A list of the channels of the most popular Ukrainian bloggers who are corona-skeptics and opponents of vaccination was compiled. Subsequently, 232 videos published on these bloggers’ channels were studied. The content analysis method was applied to identify the key messages and calls used by vaccination opponents. Results. The most popular representatives of the anti-vaccine movement in Ukraine were found to be lawyers, pseudo-experts, citizen journalists, and proponents of conspiracy theories. The media activity of anti-vaccination bloggers was recorded throughout the entire pandemic of the coronavirus disease in Ukraine and for some time after its end. The chronology and reasons for the main surges in their activity and audience interest are revealed. The study identified the most common categories appealed to by bloggers in the anti-vaccination campaign, as well as their calls to action and objects of their criticism. Conclusions. The study demonstrates that Ukrainian vaccination opponents politicize vaccination issues, actively using conspiratorial rhetoric. The key categories of coronaskeptics bloggers’ messages include violations of rights (both fundamental rights and rights to work, choice, etc.), safety (of vaccines or the disease itself), conspiracy theories and moral. The most popular appeal of vaccination opponents is to “think critically” and not comply with requirements related to vaccination or quarantine restrictions. The main objects of criticism are authorities, various institutions, and the media. Further investigation into the discursive strategies of antivaccine campaigns will contribute to the formation of an effective counter-narrative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From #Pizzagate to anti‐vaxxers, passing by 9/11 or Obama 'birthers', we have seen many communities growing on social media around conspiracy theories and thereby gaining public prominence. Debunking or presenting alternative views to conspiracy theories often fails because individuals within these communities can grow more resolute, encouraging and reinforcing their beliefs online. Instead of withering in the face of contradiction, such communities hunker down; escalating their commitment to their conspiratorial beliefs. By interacting over social media platforms, they develop a sense of a shared social identity, which in turn fosters escalating behaviours and can lead to radicalization. For some people, the choice of abandoning or moderating these beliefs is unthinkable because they are too deeply invested to quit. This study advances a second‐order affordance for identity‐driven escalation that explains the process of conspiracy theory radicalization within online communities. We offer a theoretical account of the way social media platforms contribute to escalating commitment to conspiracy radicalization. We show how the sequential and combined actualization of first‐order affordances of the technology enables a second‐order affordance for escalation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In two preregistered online studies with U.S. adults, we provide evidence of a common psychological profile characterizing belief in prejudicial and non‐prejudicial epistemically unwarranted claims. We solicited self‐report ratings of beliefs in prejudicial and non‐prejudicial pseudoscientific, conspiratorial, and paranormal claims, as well as individual difference measures related to cognitive style, social dominance orientation (SDO), and trust in science. We found moderate to strong positive correlations between endorsing prejudicial and non‐prejudicial unwarranted claims, and robustly replicable associations between endorsement of all the assessed varieties of epistemically unwarranted beliefs, SDO, and perceptions of the credibility of science. Our findings suggest that individuals who endorse epistemically unwarranted beliefs are not only characterized by a rejection of epistemic authority (e.g., science), but also by preferences for a rigid, inequitably stratified society. This suggests that successfully challenging epistemically unwarranted beliefs may benefit by incorporating explicit challenges to social dominance motivations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conspiracy seems to be everywhere, and not only in the United States, where the "rigged election" conspiracy led a US president to reverse the results of a national election. We consider what is distinctive about contemporary conspiracism and argue that the prevalence of fact-free conspiratorial narratives marks a shift from what Hofstadter called the "pedantic" style of conspiracy theory. We show how conspiracism today threatens democratic institutions and sketch how the articles in this volume (on conspiracism) advance our understanding of conspiracy and democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The attention to and concerns about conspiracy theories have increased in recent years, fuelled by a surge in conspiratorial discourse during the Donald Trump presidency in the United States. Responding to this development, the scholarship on how democracies should deal with conspiracy theories has focused on what new regulations and institutions ought to be introduced to tackle its threats to democracy. In this article, I consider this practical question from a different angle by exploring the discursive strategies that are available to political elites when they encounter a conspiracy theory. I flesh out three general strategies – ignore, rebut and embrace – and identify the circumstances that shape when each strategy should be used in order to maximize the effects of discourse as an anti-conspiracy mechanism. This perspective thereby aims to reveal the elements of skill and nuance that are required of a politician who seeks to engage a conspiracy theory in a way that advances democratic values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A conspiracy theory (CT) suggests covert groups or powerful individuals secretly manipulate events. Not knowing about existing conspiracy theories could make one more likely to believe them, so this work aims to compile a list of CTs shaped as a tree that is as comprehensive as possible. We began with a manually curated 'tree' of CTs from academic papers and Wikipedia. Next, we examined 1769 CT-related articles from four fact-checking websites, focusing on their core content, and used a technique called Keyphrase Extraction to label the documents. This process yielded 769 identified conspiracies, each assigned a label and a family name. The second goal of this project was to detect whether an article is a conspiracy theory, so we built a binary classifier with our labeled dataset. This model uses a transformer-based machine learning technique and is pre-trained on a large corpus called RoBERTa, resulting in an F1 score of 87%. This model helps to identify potential conspiracy theories in new articles. We used a combination of clustering (HDBSCAN) and a dimension reduction technique (UMAP) to assign a label from the tree to these new articles detected as conspiracy theories. We then labeled these groups accordingly to help us match them to the tree. These can lead us to detect new conspiracy theories and expand the tree using computational methods. We successfully generated a tree of conspiracy theories and built a pipeline to detect and categorize conspiracy theories within any text corpora. This pipeline gives us valuable insights through any databases formatted as text. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on conspiracy theories has proliferated since 2016, in part due to the US election of President Trump, the COVID-19 pandemic, and increasingly threatening environmental conditions. In the rush to publication given these concerning social consequences, researchers have increasingly treated as definitive a 2016 paper by Michael Wood (Political Psychology, 37(5), 695–705, 2016) that concludes that the phrase "conspiracy theory" has no negative effect upon people's willingness to endorse a claim. We revisit Wood's findings and its (re)uptake in the recent literature. Is the label "conspiracy theory" a pejorative? If so, does it sway or affect people's belief in specific claims of conspiracy (i.e. particular conspiracy theories), or is the effect one that concerns claims of conspiracy more generally (i.e. all conspiracy theories)? Through an examination of the conceptual and methodological scope of Wood's work and the results of our similar quasi-experimental design, we argue that it is premature to suggest the label "conspiracy theory" has no impact on the believability of a claim, or that it has no rhetorical power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Etkileşim: Academic Journal of Uskudar University Faculty of Communication is the property of Etkilesim and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Science and Society Research Group at the Ludovika University of Public Service organised a conference in Budapest on 13 October 2023 titled: ‘Science and disinformation: how science can support society against disinformation’. The conference explored the complex relationship between science, society, and disinformation. A panel discussion was held with the aim of examining the challenges and strategies for science communication in the context of the ever-increasing issues of dis-/misinformation. The discussion highlighted the multifaceted factors that influence public trust in science; the role of digital culture on science communication and scientific knowledge production; the impact of artificial intelligence; and the relationship between science and business developments on science disinformation, especially on science-related conspiracy theories. The participants helped shed light on how science communication strategies can be improved to stabilise trust in a multi-stakeholder information environment. This article summarises the main insights and conclusions from the discussion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social Credit was a constant presence in Canadian politics at the federal level from the mid-1930s until the late 1970s. Yet, the federal Social Credit Party has often been dismissed as the "lunatic fringe." This article will contextualize the federal Social Credit Party as part of the political right in the early Cold War. By analyzing the statements of several Social Credit MPs, as well as text from the Canadian Social Crediter, this article seeks to better understand the nature of conspiratorial thinking within Social Credit and how it was interwoven into broader, more "mainstream," postwar concerns, such as international Communism, the perceived decline of Britishness and Christianity, and the growing welfare state. The federal Social Credit Party pushed against the permeable barriers between "fringe" and "mainstream" by pairing conspiratorial thought with widespread concerns and operating within the center of political respectability in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the allure of conspiracy theories lies in their evolutionary origins, specifically in our capacity to communicate unrepresented threats. Drawing on threat-detection psychology and error management theory, it posits that these theories serve as adaptive responses to perceived threats and social coalition-building, rather than as flaws in reasoning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing research on conspiracy theories rarely examines their impact on interaction or how these theories are perceived by non‐believers. We conducted in‐depth interviews with twenty non‐believers whose family members believed in the QAnon conspiracy theory. Using face‐work as the main framework, findings reveal the role of face in the structure of encounters between believers and non‐believers. Non‐believing participants experienced identity violations and responded to face‐threats through protective or defensive maneuvers; corrective processes, or aggressive uses of face. The study places conspiracy belief in social context, showing how epistemic identity is asserted in interactions, and demonstrating its relevance to our post‐truth era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article argues that where secrecy and secrets are key aspects of conspiracy theory narratives and practice, the genealogies of the/a secret have not been well understood. We argue that two forms of the secret, one a premodern notion of the secret as truth and revelation, the other a post-Derridean non-secret, inform two distinct forms and functions of contemporary conspiracy practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

National security experts in the United States have recently warned that the QAnon conspiracy theory is a danger that could soon rival more traditional terrorist threats. Are their fears warranted? Are QAnon supporters like other U.S. extremists? This paper addresses these questions by examining 100 QAnon sympathizers who committed crimes in the United States through August 2021. We argue that while QAnon presents a danger, it is not a traditional terrorist threat. QAnon offenders have not displayed the motivation or capabilities required to successfully carry out terrorist attacks. Rather, QAnon adherents have been primarily motivated to commit acts of interpersonal violence, often targeting those around them, including their own children. Moreover, while QAnon offenders come from diverse backgrounds, we find that many share characteristics that distinguish them from other U.S. extremists. QAnon crimes have been committed by a significant number of women, as well as individuals struggling with mental health concerns, substance use disorders, and family disruptions. Traditional counterterrorism strategies are not designed to mitigate threats of violence that are primarily found in the household. We argue that a public health response based on violence prevention and support services would be a more effective strategy for countering the conspiracy theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the role of information sources in the propagation and reception of misleading narratives on social media, focusing on the case of the Chemtrail conspiracy theory--a false claim that the trails in the sky behind airplanes are chemicals deliberately spread for sinister reasons. We collected data from Facebook Pages and Groups discussing the conspiracy theory. We specifically focused on identifying and analyzing "signature" information sources, which are repeatedly used by online communities engaged in the discussion of a misleading narrative but are not widely used by other communities. The findings indicate that messages referencing signature sources contain more death-, illness-, risk-, and health-related words, convey more negativity, and elicit more negative reactions from users, compared with those without signature sources. The insights from this study could contribute to the development of effective strategies to monitor and counter the spread of misleading narratives in digital spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is often thought that an external threat increases the internal cohesion of a nation, and thus decreases polarization. We examine this proposition by analyzing NATO discussion dynamics on Finnish social media following the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. In Finland, public opinion on joining the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) had long been polarized along the left-right partisan axis, but the invasion led to a rapid convergence of opinion toward joining NATO. We investigate whether and how this depolarization took place among polarized actors on Finnish Twitter. By analyzing retweet patterns, we find three separate user groups before the invasion: a pro-NATO, a left-wing anti-NATO, and a conspiracy-charged anti-NATO group. After the invasion, the left-wing anti-NATO group members broke out of their retweeting bubble and connected with the pro-NATO group despite their difference in partisanship, while the conspiracy-charged anti-NATO group mostly remained a separate cluster. Our content analysis reveals that the left-wing anti-NATO group and the pro-NATO group were bridged by a shared condemnation of Russia's actions and shared democratic norms, while the other anti-NATO group, mainly built around conspiracy theories and disinformation, consistently demonstrated a clear anti-NATO attitude. We show that an external threat can bridge partisan divides in issues linked to the threat, but bubbles upheld by conspiracy theories and disinformation may persist even under dramatic external threats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chivu Stoica was one of the few Romanian communists who held some of the highest positions not only within the party but also in the state: President of the Council of Ministers (1955-1961) and President of the State Council (1965-1967). He attained these positions thanks to his very close relationship with Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej. In 1969, Chivu Stoica was removed from the political forefront by the new leader, Nicolae Ceauşescu. On February 17, 1975, Chivu committed suicide with his hunting rifle. Numerous rumors and conspiracy theories emerged in connection with this event, suggesting that he was assassinated on Ceauşescu's orders. In contrast, the party leader accused Chivu Stoica of "moral decay" and attempted to use this case to launch a moral purification campaign, including an attack on Dej, whom he accused of encouraging, through his personal example, the immoral lives of party leaders. This article extensively debates the various theories created around Chivu Stoica's suicide, weighing them against the concrete data from the official investigation and correlating them with historical sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Professional Geographer is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Enthymema is the property of Enthymema, International Journal of Literary Criticism, Literary Theory & Philosophy of Literature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Conspiracy theories pose a variety of social and psychological consequences for individuals and society, and research suggests that around half of the U.S. population believes at least one. A two-phase inoculation experiment was conducted. Inoculated participants reported more negative general attitudes toward conspiracy theories and lower Phase II generic conspiracist beliefs, which are both indicators of harm-reduction and the beneficial healing impacts of therapeutic inoculation. The addition of therapeutic inoculation as a harm-reduction or healing technique in practitioners' stakeholder response toolkit is a valuable contribution to both theory and practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Conspiracy theory researchers observed how the conspiracy theory known as QAnon traveled from dark Web message boards like 4chan to mainstream sources like Facebook, turning everyday people into fervent believers. However, the responses from nonbelievers have been overlooked. We report findings from in-depth interviews with adults (n = 20) who identify as concerned about their family member's involvement with the QAnon conspiracy theory. Overall, the findings reveal the fundamental basis for nonbelievers' concern about QAnon. Participants reported epistemic conflicts, out-of-character behavior, broken boundaries, and fears of future actions due to their family member's involvement in QAnon. The study contributes to the theoretical concept of cognitive deviance by empirically documenting the point at which beliefs become deviant in the eyes of others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the advent of the 'age of conspiracism', the harmfulness of conspiratorial narratives and mindsets on individuals' mentalities, on social relations, and on democracy, has been widely researched by political scientists and psychologists. One known negative effect of conspiracy theories is the escalation toward political radicalism. This study goes beyond the exploration of mechanisms underpinning the relationship between conspiracy theory and radicalization to focus on possible approaches to mitigating them. This study sheds light on the role of counter-conspiracy approaches in the process of deradicalization, adopting the case study of anti-China sentiment and racial prejudice amid the Covid-19 pandemic, through conducting an experiment (N = 300). The results suggest that, during critical events such as the Covid-19 pandemic, exposure to countermeasures to conspiracist information can reduce individual acceptance of radicalism. We investigated two methods of countering conspiracy theory, and found that: (1) a content-targeted 'inoculation' approach to countering conspiracy theory can prevent the intensification of radicalization, but does not produce a significant deradicalization effect; and (2) an audience-focused 'disenchantment' method can enable cognitive deradicalization, effectively reducing the perception of competitive victimhood, and of real and symbolic threats. This study is one of the first attempts to address causality between deradicalization and countermeasures to conspiracy theories in the US-China relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conspiracy theories are rather a popular topic these days, and a lot has been written on things like the meaning of conspiracy theory, whether it's ever rational to believe conspiracy theories, and on the psychology and demographics of people who believe conspiracy theories. But very little has been said about why people might be led to posit conspiracy theories in the first place. This paper aims to fill this lacuna. In particular, I shall argue that, in open democratic societies, citizens justifiably presuppose that the epistemic authorities—journalists, academics, scientists, and so on—are engaged in a good faith pursuit of the truth. This presupposition generates certain normative expectations on the behaviors of the epistemic authorities—they ought to be open to new evidence, possess a healthy degree of skepticism, be willing to engage with opponents, and so on. So, when an epistemic authority is presented with some putatively anomalous data or an alternative hypothesis for some event or phenomena, people expect the epistemic authority to respond in a way that is consonant with these norms. In some instances, however, the epistemic authorities do not respond in this way and instead are dogmatic, dismissive, and engage in ad hominem. From the point of view of the citizen, there's a tension here between how the epistemic authorities ought to behave and how they have, in fact, behaved which is best resolved either by taking the epistemic authorities less seriously or by positing a conspiracy theory. Put another way, the failure of the epistemic authorities to adhere to the norms by which we take them to be governed when presented with apparent anomalies or alternative hypotheses is one reason for which one might initially posit a conspiracy theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This cross-sectional study follows Open Science principles in estimating relationships between antisemitism, i.e. anti-Jewish bigotry, and conspiracy belief, i.e. endorsement of conspiracy theories, through analysis of data collected from a representative sample of UK adults ( n = 1722). Antisemitism was measured using the Generalized Antisemitism scale, and conspiracy belief was measured using the Generic Conspiracist Beliefs scale. Positive relationships were found to exist between all forms of antisemitism and all types of conspiracy belief, and an average across all items of the Generic Conspiracist Beliefs scale was found to predict Generalized Antisemitism at least as well as any individual type of conspiracy belief. On a more detailed level, antisemitic attitudes relating to British Jews were found to be most strongly associated with belief in conspiracies relating to personal well-being, while antisemitic attitudes relating to the State of Israel and its supporters were found to be most strongly associated with belief in conspiracies relating to government malfeasance. Generalized Antisemitism itself was found to be most strongly associated with belief in malevolent global conspiracies. Exploratory analysis additionally examined the effect of standard demographic variables that had been introduced into the main analysis as controls. Through this means, it was found that antisemitic attitudes relating both to Jews qua Jews and to Israel and its supporters are more prevalent among less highly educated people and members of other-than-white ethnic groups, while antisemitic attitudes relating to Israel and its supporters are more common among younger people. In addition, it was found that female gender is associated with reduced antisemitic attitudes relating to Jews qua Jews and also with increased antisemitic attitudes relating to Israel and its supporters. However, the addition of demographic controls did not explain any additional variance in Generalized Antisemitism beyond that which was already explained by conspiracy belief – perhaps suggesting that demographic characteristics are more strongly associated with the inclination towards particular expressions of antisemitism than with antisemitism itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In society, there is often an 'official view' – a mainstream account – and alternatives to this view are seen as representing a disturbance and hampering this view's policy implementation. There is often considerable pressure to dismiss these alternatives. Reference to conspiracy theories is commonly used to ensure such dismissal. This paper discusses the issue of when an alternative hypothesis or theory can and should be dismissed. New insights are provided by taking a risk and uncertainty science perspective. This perspective clarifies the understanding of and relationships between fundamental concepts relevant to this discussion, such as plausibility, knowledge, uncertainty and probability (likelihood), and what are proper measurements and characterizations of these concepts. A set of criteria is developed to be used as a checklist for what aspects to consider when evaluating such alternatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conspiracy theories have become an increasingly important part of the political realm especially in the United States. More than 30 % of citizens either strongly or somewhat believe in QAnon, the Birther or the Truther conspiracy to name a few of these theories. In this article, I provide an overview of conspiracy theory beliefs and evaluate the factors that make people more likely to believe in such theories. With the help of an original survey comprising 1000 residents in the US, I detect that there is not necessarily a conspirational mindset. While low education, a right-wing ideology seem to increase beliefs in conspiracy theories throughout the board, the effects of other indicators including populist attitudes, low self-esteem and age tend differ based on the conspiracy theory under investigation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To better understand QAnon's anti-immigration rhetoric, the study conducted a meta-discursive analysis of one of the group's active Telegram channels by drawing on Hyland's (2005) model of interaction. Specifically, engagement markers in their immigration-related discourse were analyzed to see how they contribute to endorsing the group's macro conspiratorial arguments. The results illustrate a complex rhetorical manipulation and nearly unanimous expression of hate toward immigrants, with the use of 'directives' and 'questions' being the most prevalent metadiscursive markers. The former suggests that the commenters were more assertive or commanding in their tone, while the latter located within rhetorical persuasion, aimed at stimulating negative attitude toward immigrants. Conversely, a low frequency of the 'shared knowledge' markers indicates a lack of interest to establish credibility and constructive dialogue with the audience. The study aimed to unpack the nature of anti-immigration extremist discourse on social media, and its potential to incite violence among public. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the interrelatedness of contemporary populism and fear is analysed. It is argued that contemporary populism is burdened with the uncertainties and contingencies of late modernity. Therefore, it is not capable of merely "instrumentalizing" fear (i.e., relying on fear as an instrument of ideological goals). Instead, populism is forced to "juggle" with fear in a continuously changing, unpredictable constellation. In the first section, the ideal type of instrumentalizing fear is introduced. In the second section, this ideal type is developed into the model of juggling with fear based on theories of late modernity: the impact of the narrowing of political agency, the reconfiguration of the public sphere, and the interiorization of uncertainty are analysed. In the third section, this ideal type is further explored through a case study of illiberal Hungary: the empirical patterns of juggling with quotidian and virtual fears reveal the micro-mechanisms and the broader consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During virus outbreaks in the recent past, web behavior mining, modeling, and analysis have served as means to examine, explore, interpret, assess, and forecast the worldwide perception, readiness, reactions, and response linked to these virus outbreaks. The recent outbreak of the Marburg Virus disease (MVD), the high fatality rate of MVD, and the conspiracy theory linking the FEMA alert signal in the United States on 4 October 2023 with MVD and a zombie outbreak, resulted in a diverse range of reactions in the general public which has transpired in a surge in web behavior in this context. This resulted in "Marburg Virus" featuring in the list of the top trending topics on Twitter on 3 October 2023, and "Emergency Alert System" and "Zombie" featuring in the list of top trending topics on Twitter on 4 October 2023. No prior work in this field has mined and analyzed the emerging trends in web behavior in this context. The work presented in this paper aims to address this research gap and makes multiple scientific contributions to this field. First, it presents the results of performing time-series forecasting of the search interests related to MVD emerging from 216 different regions on a global scale using ARIMA, LSTM, and Autocorrelation. The results of this analysis present the optimal model for forecasting web behavior related to MVD in each of these regions. Second, the correlation between search interests related to MVD and search interests related to zombies was investigated. The findings show that there were several regions where there was a statistically significant correlation between MVD-related searches and zombie-related searches on Google on 4 October 2023. Finally, the correlation between zombie-related searches in the United States and other regions was investigated. This analysis helped to identify those regions where this correlation was statistically significant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Understanding health belief models, and the variables that influence adherence to public health measures imposed by local governments and international health bodies, is crucial to slowing down the spread of the virus that causes COVID-19. Conspiracy theories about the virus have quickly spread on social media and have been linked to reluctance to comply with COVID-19 regulations. Personality traits such as narcissism and collective national narcissism have also been associated with the way we perceive severity and susceptibility to the disease. To examine this further, participants (N = 183) completed an online questionnaire measuring belief in COVID-19 conspiracies, trait narcissism, national narcissism, and social media usage. A model containing these variables was able to significantly predict adherence to COVID-19 preventative health behaviours, with higher levels of COVID-19 conspiracy belief, narcissism, and social media usage all contributing to reduced adherence to recommended COVID-19 health behaviours. The findings suggest conspiracy beliefs, narcissism, and social media play a key role in adherence to behaviours orientated towards stopping the spread of COVID-19. Governments and social media companies need to demonstrate greater awareness of the negative effects of conspiracy theories spread through social media, in addition to awareness of how these effects may be greater in more narcissistic individuals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Digital false information is a global problem and the European Union (EU) has taken profound actions to counter it. However, from an academic perspective the United States has attracted particular attention. This article aims at mapping the current state of academic inquiry into false information at scale in the EU across fields. Systematic filtering of academic contributions resulted in the identification of 93 papers. We found that Italy is the most frequently studied country, and the country of affiliation for most contributing authors. The fields that are best represented are computer science and information studies, followed by social science, communication, and media studies. Based on the review, we call for (1) a greater focus on cross-platform studies; (2) resampling of similar events, such as elections, to detect reoccurring patterns; and (3) longitudinal studies across events to detect similarities, for instance, in who spreads misinformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Vaccine hesitancy is a global health issue and can be affected by several variables. We explored the predictive factors and causes of vaccine hesitancy among adults in Saudi Arabia. An online survey method with multiple regression analysis was used to identify factors predicting of vaccine hesitancy in 558 adults (46.24% women and 53.76% men). The prevalence of vaccine hesitancy is 20.6%, with higher rates among females, young people and single people. About 70% of the participants believe that vaccine hesitancy is due to concerns about the safety and efficacy of the vaccine, a lack of information about the disease and vaccine or social media. The vaccine acceptance rate is 71.3%; 17.2% are not willing to accept a COVID-19 vaccine and 11.5% are unsure. Males and married people are more accepting of the vaccine. The risk factors that predict vaccine hesitancy include age, gender, belief in conspiracy theories and psychosocial factors. Meanwhile, age, gender, belief in conspiracy theories, concerns about the safety and efficacy of the vaccine and psychosocial factors significantly predict vaccine acceptance. The high rate of vaccine hesitancy could undermine efforts to combat COVID-19. Factors predicting vaccine hesitancy can be used in interventions to address this issue during major epidemics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]