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This paper analyzes this shift in the relationship between China and the United States, focusing in particular on the role of American corporations in shaping US geopolitical strategies with regard to China. Once aggressive promoters of economic integration with China, these firms now defend policies designed to block the growth of Chinese firms in Western markets and protect America's lead in critical emerging technologies. The current tension between the US and China, we argue, reflects, in part, a dispute for control over technical progress in these key areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Internacional y Comparada de Relaciones Laborales y Derecho del Empleo is the property of ADAPT University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Proposals for slowing climate change by reflecting sunlight back to space, known as solar geoengineering (SG), are gaining traction in climate policy. Given SG's capacity to slow warming without reducing carbon emissions, prominent criticism suggests that it will enable fossil fueled business-as-usual. This assessment is not without merit, yet the primary funders of SG research do not emanate from fossil capital. We analyze sources of funding for SG research globally, finding close ties to mostly US financial and technological capital as well as a number of billionaire philanthropists. These corporate sectors and associated philanthropies comprise part of 'climate capital' – the fraction of the capitalist class nominally aligned with climate action. We argue that SG is being positioned as a tactic for enabling incremental, market-driven decarbonization, explore key institutions advocating this approach in US climate policy, and conclude that SG is poised to serve as a tool for class compromise between fossil and climate capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The past decade has seen a resurgence of interdisciplinary interest in fiscal studies, from the new fiscal sociology to fiscal geographies and beyond, with roots in the 20th century theories of Schumpeter (liberal) and O'Connor (Marxian). The notion of a 'tax state' remains particularly germane, and indeed fiscal studies have all but narrowed to assessments of the relations and implications of taxation. This paper calls for a meaningful engagement with the 'fiscal' in fiscal studies where taxation is better understood as being but one component of public sector revenue and expenditure (alongside other important features like asset ownership, debt/credit, and intergovernmental transfers). More than an academic quibble over terminology or unit of analysis, narrowing 'fiscal' to 'tax' obscures many budget items and misses out on important temporal trends in the political economy of state revenue and expenditure. These issues are explored in two parts: the roots of fiscal studies (politicizing theoretical underpinnings), and the various conjunctural features of the fiscal state (tracing the temporal through Canadian examples). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The right-wing movement in India received an impetus in 2014 with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), capturing governmental power at the national level. Among the fundamental traits of the right-wing movement in India, as in America, is what is called post-truth. The latter is a condition where blatant lies (or half-truths) are deliberately produced and spread on a massive scale, for an ideological and political purpose. The post-truth condition has important intellectual and political implications. For example, given its commitment to claims that are without any objective basis, the right-wing movement sees society as divided into groups on the basis of subjective criteria (e.g., religion). Thus it denies the objective basis for seeing a society as class-society. It also concomitantly denies the state as class-state. A directly political implication of post-truthism is the accumulation of lies by means of the suppression of dissent. The right-wing movement, including its post-truthism, does not hang in the air, however. It has a solid political-economic foundation. This article critically discusses the post-truth character of India's right-wing movement, and explains how it is that the overall character of India's capitalist economy is behind this. The broader arguments of the article have wider applicability beyond India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal Public Administration & Social Management / Administração Pública e Gestão Social is the property of Administracao Publica e Gestao Social and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Crítica y Resistencias: Revista de conflictos sociales latinoamericanos is the property of Fundacion El llano - Centro de Estudios Politicos y Sociales de America Latina (CEPSAL) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bingol University Journal of Economics & Administrative Science is the property of Bingol University Journal of Economics & Administrative Science and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The theme issue 'Making Space for the New State Capitalism' brings together insights from critical economic geography and heterodox political economy through a series of papers to be published in three installments, each accompanied by an introductory essay written by the guest editors. In this, the first of these introductory commentaries, we highlight some of the potentially productive ambiguities that accompany the new state capitalism rubric. Subsequent introductory commentaries will consider the consequences of embracing relationality, spatiotemporality and uneven development (along with the second group of papers); and the challenges and opportunities of thinking conjuncturally (with the third group of papers). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While authoritarian populism and its relationship to the rural world have gained analytical prominence recently, few have attempted a systematic exploration of how various authoritarian populisms emerge from, and are embedded within, dynamics of capital accumulation, state, and class struggle. Drawing on Poulantzas' approach to "state contradictions," we focus on the ways by which bovine meat figures in Narendra Modi's authoritarian populist project in contemporary India. On the one hand, violent authoritarianism in the country uses beef eating as a powerful tool for subjugating subaltern groups to Hindutva rule. On the other hand, the country houses a rapidly expanding beef meat agro‐industry, accounting for as much as 20% of global exports and based on corporate concentration around dominant class interests. We argue that this points to state contradictions in Modi's India witnessing strained accumulation patterns. These contradictions, we emphasize, have distinct ramifications for India's classes of labour in the countryside, as certain groups experience what we describe as a process of "double victimization." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay conceptualizes the capitalist state's taxation and expenditure activities in Marx's circuit of capital. It also empirically shows how the net social wage has evolved in Turkey in the period 1980–2019 and in what direction it has influenced the rate of surplus value. The essay's empirical findings demonstrate the utter failure of the pseudo-welfare state of Turkey to ameliorate income distribution. Hence, the article contributes to demolishing the myth that the Islamist party AKP, in power since 2003, is pro-poor and pro-labor, and that its fiscal policies have been consistent with its glorified Islamic values and its self-ascribed image of an antipoverty stance. JEL Classification : H2, H5, I30 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Today the social functions of the state and commons, which have been able to escape capital’s transformative effect so far, are under attack around the world. Discussions around the concept of primitive accumulation are attempts to understand the reasons, mechanisms and results of such attacks. Primitive accumulation in historical sense refers to a precapitalist separation of peasants from the means of production, which creates the necessary conditions for capitalist development. On the other hand, many scholars since Luxemburg argue that primitive accumulation is a continuous process throughout capitalism’s history and it is intertwined with capitalist accumulation. Bringing primitive accumulation from precapitalism to contemporary era has created theoretical problems. Since the state is traditionally the perpetrator of primitive accumulation, the proposed way to solve them is to revisit the capitalist state debate and to scrutinize its role in contemporary developments, such as land, water and resource grabbing, simultaneously happening around the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of the circular economy has gained significant political momentum because it offers policymakers a viable approach to tackling resource depletion, reducing waste and promoting economic development all at the same time. Current research, however, only focuses on the technological feasibility of this model, overlooking circularity's inherent contradiction: namely, that it valorizes waste rather than reducing it. This article tackles this limit by questioning the role of the state in what we describe as 'waste valorization'. It interrogates the urban political ecology of construction and demolition waste, the largest stream of inert materials in the world. It analyses CDW's geographies and economic position in urban development and the shifting rationales by which it is governed. To do this, it compares historical shifts in how CDW has been regulated in Hong Kong and Rotterdam. The article shows that waste is no longer an abject residual of urbanization, but a driver of urban development and a burgeoning sphere of accumulation in ecological capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Colombia Internacional is the property of Universidad de los Andes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Agricultural development and water infrastructure constitute the central features of California's Central Valley. Marxist ecological theory has examined the development of capitalist agriculture in the Central Valley, while decolonial scholarship has critiqued the disproportionate impact of California's water resource management on Indigenous communities. We bring together Marxist ecology and critiques of settler colonialism through an examination of land reclamation in California, culminating in the development of the Central Valley Project (CVP) in the 1930s. Reclamation combined the twin logics of capitalism (accumulation) and settler colonialism (elimination) to produce landscapes conducive to capitalist agriculture. Faced with ecological limits to accumulation, colonial‐capitalist expansion required state intervention in the form of infrastructure projects to secure water for agricultural production. The CVP generated a rift in California's hydrologic cycle, causing significant declines in water quality and fisheries and giving rise to forms of resistance and restoration that challenge colonial‐capitalist water development in the Central Valley. The reciprocal restoration of salmon fisheries offers a method to begin mending this hydrologic rift while disrupting ongoing settler colonial violence in California. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Acta Scientiarium: Education is the property of Universidade Estadual de Maringa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Selcuk Law Review / Selçuk Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Selcuk Law Review and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of PRAKSIS is the property of PRAKSIS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article analyzes the actions of capitalist countries in the situation of the crisis related to the Covid-19 pandemic, primarily the actions of the world's leading economic powers (the United States, China, Japan, Germany, India). An attempt is made to find the characteristics and motifs of these actions. On this basis, an assessment is made of the adequacy of the definition of the capitalist state by Friedrich Engels as "the ideal collective capitalist". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista HISTEDBR on-line is the property of Universidade Estadual de Campinas - Portal de Periodicos Eletronicos Cientificos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The intensifying global ecological crisis is, by any measure, among the defining political economy issues of our epoch. Questions concerning the state have recently returned to prominence in the field of environmental politics, offering a productive meeting point for research addressing environmental politics and that addressing the political economy of state transformation. The papers in this section all approach the question of the state and its relationship to ecological crisis from a political-economic perspective, foregrounding its relationship to the broader political-economic model in which it is situated. This short article introduces the four contributions to the special section and situates them amidst the broader contemporary research literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay is part of a dossier on Cristina Lafont's book Democracy without Shortcuts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The canonical version of the 'bourgeois revolutions' has been under attack from both pro-capitalist 'Revisionist' historians and 'Political Marxists'. Neil Davidson's book How Revolutionary Were the Bourgeois Revolutions? provides a thorough review of the intellectual history of the notion of the bourgeois revolution and attempts to rescue the concept from varied criticism. Despite distancing himself from problematic formulations of the bourgeois revolution inherited from Second-International Marxism, Davidson's own framework reproduces many of the historical and conceptual problems of this tradition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study argues that Nicos Poulantzas presents nuanced understanding of the state and its mechanisms in capitalist societies. Unlike conventional Marxist perspectives that view the state merely as a tool of oppression for the ruling class, Poulantzas's approach recognizes the potential for popular participation in socialist transformation. His standpoint emphasizes the state as a site of class struggle and highlights its role in establishing, maintaining, and perpetuating the relations of production. It stresses the significance of developing new political subjectivities to challenge the existing structures of power and domination. Poulantzas acknowledges complexities inherent in the state within capitalist societies and rejects deterministic interpretations of its function. He focuses on the various forms of exploitation experienced by subordinate classes across economic, political, and ideological domains. His ideas offer valuable insights into influence of state on socio-economic structures, contributing to debates about the role and purpose of the state. Study offered significant information in reaching conclusion and extracting recommendations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ra Ximhai is the property of Universidad Autonoma Indigena de Mexico and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Optimistic commentators welcome ‘the rise of the South’ as a phenomenon that will transform geopolitical architectures and development thought. This essay situates this alleged rise and ‘South–South relations’ within world market capitalism and discusses their liberating potential with a case study of Chinese mining investment in Ecuador. Despite the ostensibly differing approaches to development embodied in the Chinese and Ecuadorian alternatives to neoliberalism, the Mirador project reveals eerily familiar outcomes, dominated by visions of national modernization and business-state alliances that reproduce market inequalities and postcolonial exclusions. While the Mirador project grants significant economic clout to pursue development through redistributive means, it also attests to the role of the state in opening new market frontiers and securing conditions for transnational capital accumulation. I argue that in this context and similar ones, it is problematic to project the attributes of the South as a symbol of struggle for emancipation on to the nation-state. Although the South remains a useful concept, it should be understood as a space made up by those who are subject to diverse forms of oppression in the name of globalization and national development – a space that is reshaped by the works of the state in multiple and often contradictory ways. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Four recent books on competition and crisis in the 20th century have contributed to renewed interest in Marxist theory while reopening some contentious issues. While central to all four books, the role of the capitalist state is not theorised systematically, a weakness which reflects an enduring gap in Marxist theory. One of the challenges when theorising the state is that the latter must be situated within a complex set of multiscalar relationships involving accumulation and competition. The author argues that the state must be understood as having multiple, intersecting determinations and suggests that a satisfactory theory of the state may be constructed by showing how these determinations arise from the logic of capitalist competition and crisis. Conceptualised as generative mechanisms, they denote not only the main influences on state decisions and behaviour but also--and crucially--the fundamental limits on state decision making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses US counterterrorism from a class perspective. It sees counterterrorism as a state policy with differential effects on different social classes. In doing so, the article starts to address a lacuna in critical studies of counterterrorism, which tend to be rather structural and formal, thus ignoring the pertinence of counterterrorism to the field of social dynamics. To partly rectify this blind spot by addressing some class implications of counterterrorism, the article examines the effects of counterterrorism policy on capital accumulation and its social conditions. It notes that counterterrorism has different implications along class-lines: for dominant capital, it signifies appropriation of public money and direct participation in political decisions; for everyone else, it means material dispossession and political exclusion. Given that counterterrorism was developed between two crises of neoliberalism, the article distinguishes between economic crises, which tend to benefit capitalism, and political crises, which can be destructive, and suggests that counterterrorism is partly a restructuring of the neoliberal state so that it can manage recurring economic crises, while preventing their evolution into political ones. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Revista Brasileira de Estudos Urbanos e Regionais is the property of Associacao Nacional de Pos-Graduacao e Pesquisa em Planejamento Urbano e Regional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Quaestio Iuris (QI) is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Quaestio Iuris (QI) is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Insisting on the status of money as a creature of both the market and the state, this article challenges dualistic understandings of capitalist imperialism as entailing two fundamentally distinct logics, one capitalist, the other territorial. In opposition to the dual-logics position, the article argues for the distinctiveness of capitalist money in terms of a complex but unitary socio-economic logic. The social dynamism of this logic involves the spatial-territorial extension of the domain of modern value relations, embodied in fully-capitalist money. Departing from the development of coinage in ancient Greece, the article proceeds to identify the 1690s in Britain as the decisive moment in the emergence of a new and distinctively capitalist form of (world) money, institutionally based upon the Bank of England, in which state debt was thoroughly integrated with private financial markets. The crucial role of the Bank of England in this new monetary system is shown to have pivoted on its capacities to finance Britain's inter-colonial wars. Colonialism, war, slavery and dispossession underline the omnipresence of 'blood and dirt' (Marx) in the development and reproduction of capitalist impersonal power as expressed in world money. Undoing the impersonal power characteristic of bourgeois money thus entails undoing the economic dispossession of the labouring poor, which forms the basis of their 'possession' by capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contrast to assertions that the capitalist state is either losing control or that it has returned, this article argues that during the last two decades the state itself has been reshaped. To understand the processes that the capitalist state is exposed to it is necessary to conceive of it as a series of form-specific practices. Which practices form 'the state' is not a result of pre-given institutions but of conflicts and struggles. The capitalist state, separated as it is from the relations of production, must not be made synonymous with the national state. Only as a result of certain relations of force does bourgeois rule acquire the form of the national state. These relations between classes are currently being dissolved by the ruling classes. The capitalist state is being reorganized and is constructing new elements of a transnational network state, whilst the state itself is governed through new techniques-that is, those of governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political ‘explosion’ that took place in Greece was a symptom of a systemic and deep-rooted legitimation crisis of the Greek state. This essay examines some of the causes of this crisis, how the political space in which this explosion occurred was produced, and possibilities for continued political antagonisms and struggles. Résumé L'‘irruption’ politique qui a eu lieu en Grèce était un symptôme d’une crise de légitimité systémique et profonde de l’État grec. Ce texte s’intéresse à certaines causes de cette crise, aux modalités de production de l’espace politique dans lequel s’est produite cette irruption, ainsi qu’aux possibilités de voir perdurer conflits et antagonismes politiques. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Marxist theories of the state adopt either a functionalist view of the state as absolutely or relatively autonomous from the ruling class and capitalist economy, or a dialectical view of the state as a form of capital that leaves no scope for autonomy. This paper argues both views are one-sided. The paper is in two parts. Part One, presented here, argues that the contemporary capitalist state takes on an increasingly relatively autonomous relationship with the ruling capitalist class and the capitalist economy in the context of a declining value relation that can best be explained in terms of the negation of abstract labour. The example of social democracy is discussed to illuminate this argument. Part Two will argue that the development and decline of abstract labour best illuminates Marx's and Engel's view of the state as, on the one hand, the mechanism for the suppression of the proletariat and, on the other hand, an entity that the proletariat simply cannot ignore with respect to the dictatorship of the proletariat in the context of a transition to socialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]