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Global and regional issues and challenges of nations are constantly evolving. One of these challenges is the problem of drug production and trafficking. The issue of drug trafficking is a major social, political, economic, cultural and security problem. Borders have been a frequent source of tension between governments and have strongly influenced the interaction between people living in neighboring areas. Border is one of the most important elements related to internal security; an issue that has been associated with relative instability in some neighboring countries, namely Afghanistan and Pakistan. This has led to security threats and numerous security incidents inside Iran. Blocking the eastern borders of Iran has a special priority, due to the various security concerns. Since borders, especially land borders, are the main gateways for drug smuggling, border measures play an important role in preventing such traffic. This study, which aimed to investigate the appropriate border measures to prevent drug trafficking from the borders of Sistan and Baluchestan province, was conducted using the qualitative method and has a descriptive-analytical nature. This study, based on its goals, should prove to be practical through the use of its outcomes in the required Political, spatial, economic and social planning and studies of border provinces. The statistical population of this study are a number of experts in the field of border security, including military and law enforcement border guards, forces working in the anti-narcotics headquarters, governorates, and also professors and experts in geographical sciences. The findings show that the best way to secure the eastern borders of Iran is the implementation of a coordinated patrol and inspection management model by the governments of Iran, Pakistan and Afghanistan with the cooperation and assistance of the three countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: With more countries exiting lockdown, public health safety requires screening measures at international travel entry points that can prevent the reintroduction or importation of the severe acute respiratory syndrome-related coronavirus-2. Here, we estimate the number of cases captured, quarantining days averted and secondary cases expected to occur with screening interventions.Methods: To estimate active case exportation risk from 153 countries with recorded coronavirus disease-2019 cases and deaths, we created a simple data-driven framework to calculate the number of infectious and upcoming infectious individuals out of 100 000 000 potential travellers from each country, and assessed six importation risk reduction strategies; Strategy 1 (S1) has no screening on entry, S2 tests all travellers and isolates test-positives where those who test negative at 7 days are permitted entry, S3 the equivalent but for a 14 day period, S4 quarantines all travellers for 7 days where all are subsequently permitted entry, S5 the equivalent for 14 days and S6 the testing of all travellers and prevention of entry for those who test positive.Results: The average reduction in case importation across countries relative to S1 is 90.2% for S2, 91.7% for S3, 55.4% for S4, 91.2% for S5 and 77.2% for S6. An average of 79.6% of infected travellers are infectious upon arrival. For the top 100 exporting countries, an 88.2% average reduction in secondary cases is expected through S2 with the 7-day isolation of test-positives, increasing to 92.1% for S3 for 14-day isolation. A substantially smaller reduction of 30.0% is expected for 7-day all traveller quarantining, increasing to 84.3% for 14-day all traveller quarantining.Conclusions: The testing and isolation of test-positives should be implemented provided good testing practices are in place. If testing is not feasible, quarantining for a minimum of 14 days is recommended with strict adherence measures in place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Purpose - The purpose of this paper is to develop a modelling approach that enables the analysis of long-term food security policies. Specifically, the authors explore the effect of China's agricultural domestic support on its agricultural and food market by also considering the impact of incomplete price transmission. Design/methodology/approach - The authors extend the standard Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP) modelling framework. First, the authors incorporate incomplete price transmission into the GTAP model by generating tariff-equivalent price transmission elasticities. Second, the authors improve the current representation of China's agricultural domestic support in the GTAP model and the underlying database by considering the production requirements and the trade-distorting effect of different policy instruments. Running a set of simulations, the authors examine first how the incorporation of incomplete price transmission affects the model's results and second how increased agricultural domestic support affects China's agricultural and food market accounting for incomplete price transmission. Findings - Considering incomplete price transmission mitigates the domestic price increases as responses to high international agricultural prices, which also lead to an increase in China's trade deficit and prohibits net food sellers from receiving high prices. In the long term, an increase in China's agricultural domestic support to its World Trade Organisation de minimis commitment level would increase domestic agricultural production and reduce its demand pressure on the international market. Originality/value - This paper contributes to the literature by examining the impact of increased agricultural domestic support on the domestic market while innovatively accounting for incomplete food price transmission. The authors combine econometric estimated price transmission elasticities and an extended GTAP framework to underscore the importance of enhancing the model's ability in accounting for incomplete price transmission when analysing the impact of agricultural policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the impact of border measures for climate policy on carbon leakage and the competitiveness of U.S. aluminum producers. An appropriate border measure is shown to depend on competition in aluminum production, as well as the basis for assessing trade neutrality of a border measure. If neutrality is based on market volume, carbon leakage is prevented, but competitiveness cannot be maintained. If neutrality is based on market share, competitiveness can be maintained and there is negative carbon leakage. In either case, users of aluminum incur deadweight losses from the combination of climate policy and border measures. The key policy implication of the analysis is that appropriately designed border measures for climate policy may break the link between competitiveness and carbon leakage, but their design is important in ensuring that they are not protectionist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented on the proposed European Union (EU) trademark rules. In adopting the proposal, the European Parliament suggests to make amendments that balance intellectual property and public health interest. It argues that amendments are good law and should be maintained, despite of the Border Measures Regulation.

In 2008, Dutch customs authorities blocked generic medicines in transit in the Dutch territory on suspicion of their being counterfeit. India and Brazil subsequently claimed that external transit control of medicines is inconsistent with the Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS), the Doha Declaration on TRIPS and Public Health and international provisions on access to medicines. This article aims to shed light on the consistency of external transit control of generics with international law, and on the interrelations between issues of intellectual property, free trade and public health at the international level; it shows that TRIPS makes possible a broad extension of IP rights protection while ceilings present some weaknesses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Border carbon adjustment (BCA) has had a high profile in climate and trade talks, due to differences between the EU and China. Much of the debate has revolved around the possibility of EU taxation on Chinese exported products in order to both avoid carbon leakage and support the EU's unilateral efforts to curb CO2 emissions. This article examines the motives behind the rejection of BCA by Chinese officials. In addition to the conventional argument that BCA is inefficient and unfair, new explanations are provided for China's stance. First, China claims that its exports of energy-intensive products are already taxed, with the CO2e price for Chinese export taxation averaging European Union Emissions Trading Scheme CO2 price levels. Second, the EU trade dispute concerning Chinese export restrictions – occurring just a few years after disputes concerning the subsidization of similar products – provides evidence that the EU's stance on trade issues is incoherent, casting doubt on its willingness to genuinely get the carbon price right for products entering its market. Finally, BCA options contemplated by Annex I countries unilaterally convey the signal that China is perpetually falling short of international standards and of sharply increasing responsibilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What is the macro-economic case for border measures? A central tenet of economics is that the imposition of a border tax (a tariff) will always reduce global welfare. This holds even in the untypical case that a tariff increases the welfare of the country that imposes it. However, the existence of a global external effect like the one arising from GHG emissions overturns this rule. The imposition of an import tax on the CO2 content (including embedded carbon) of all goods imported into the EU from countries without carbon pricing or regulation would arguably reduce global carbon emissions and increase global welfare. The net effect of this action is to transfer, at least partially, carbon pricing across the globe. Border measures could be designed in a World Trade Organisation (WTO)-compatible way. The equity considerations enshrined in the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) could be addressed by rebating tax revenues according to the level of development. Analytical tools to establish responsibility and capability exist in the form of benchmarking and, more recently, commercial carbon foot-printing schemes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]