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Natural river diversion, or avulsion, controls the distribution of channels on a floodplain and channel sandstone bodies within fluvial stratigraphic architecture. Avulsions establish new flow paths and create channels through several recognized processes, or styles. These include reoccupying existing channels, or annexation, downcutting into the floodplain, or incision, and constructing new channels from crevasse‐splay distributary networks, or progradation. Recent remote sensing observations show that avulsion style changes systematically moving downstream along modern fluvial fans but, to date, no studies have assessed the significance of these trends on fluvial fan stratigraphy. Here, spatiotemporal changes in avulsion stratigraphy are investigated within the Salt Wash Member of the Morrison Formation, deposited in the Cordilleran foreland basin during the Late Jurassic epoch. Measured sections and photographic panels were analysed from 23 locations across the Salt Wash extent. Avulsion style was identified in the stratigraphic record by the basal contact of a channel storey with underlying strata: channel–channel contacts indicate annexation, channel–floodplain contacts indicate incision and channel–heterolithic contacts indicate progradation. Contact types change downstream, such that channel–channel and channel–floodplain contacts dominate proximal locations, while channel–heterolithic contacts become increasingly prevalent downstream. Outcrop results were compared to a numerical model of fluvial fan formation and remote‐sensing analysis of avulsions on modern fans. In both additional datasets, channels in proximal fan positions tend to avulse via annexation, reoccupying abandoned channels, while channels in more distal positions tend to avulse via increasingly significant progradation. These findings suggest a relationship between newly recognized downstream changes in avulsion style and well‐established downstream changes in fluvial fan architecture. Furthermore, this suggests that fan architecture can inform interpretations of ancient fluvial dynamics, including avulsion behaviour, and that avulsions can cause stratigraphically significant and measurable changes to fan architecture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Ottoman Legacy Studies (OMAD) / Osmanlı Mirası Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Journal of Ottoman Legacy Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The so-called "Moldavian language", invented by the Soviets in the 1920s, was just another instrument for the Soviet effort trying to assimilate people and to erase national identities, in order to make room for the "Soviet identity". The Gulags, the massacres, the deportations and assassinations were not enough to "convince" people to embrace the new Soviet identity, the Soviet Communists needed pseudo-science as well. But the so-called "Moldavian language" was more than just another Soviet social engineering, it was an integrate part of a geopolitical strategy aimed at dismembering Romania and at conquering more of Central and South-Eastern Europe. This explicit anti-Romanian and geopolitical objective was written down by the Soviets in the very birth certificate of the "Moldavian language" in 1924, and it was copied by Serbian authorities after WW2, trying to invent a "Vlach language" for the Romanian minority in Serbia. Neither Russia, nor Serbia have yet abandoned these efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since assuming office in December 2022, Israel’s government has worked to weaken the state’s democratic infrastructure. While this appears to break from a long-standing Israeli consensus on democracy, this article demonstrates that retiring democracy has long been the agenda of the faction of the Israeli right most empowered in Israel’s current government, namely the settler movement. Following the discourse in Sovereignty: A Political Journal, it finds that by recasting ‘sovereignty’ as involving annexation and disenfranchizing Palestinians, the settler right has consistently portrayed democracy—and particularly the Supreme Court that serves as a check on governmental power and protects minorities—as an obstacle to ‘sovereignty.’ Considering the settler right’s political vision, the article claims that defending democracy today will necessarily involve engaging contentious questions of occupation and annexation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political scientists distinguish between governments and regimes. A government is comprised of incumbents holding positions of authority specified within an institutionalized “regime,” that is, a legal order. Within a well-institutionalized regime, politics consists of legal struggles over what governments and government officials do. But when the issues in contention pertain to what governments are authorized to do, and not about what they should do, competitors may no longer feel bound to follow the rules. Such struggles can threaten the integrity of the regime. This article suggests that the prolonged, if temporarily sidelined, crisis over the overhaul of the Israeli judiciary should be understood less as a threat to democracy than as both a challenge to the Israeli regime’s remaining liberal features and as an early skirmish in what will be a long political war over whether and how to emancipate millions of noncitizen Palestinian Arabs living in effectively annexed territories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates co-movements between the GPR generated by the Crimean Peninsula's annexation in 2014, the Russia–Ukraine war in 2022, and the volatility of stock markets in the G7 states. Using wavelet analysis, concentrated co-movement was found for all indices in both periods. Contrary to the general perception, we find that the G7 financial market response in 2014 was robust. Using a time-varying parameter vector autoregression (TVP-VAR) test, we found a larger reaction in the amplitude of the G7 financial markets in 2022 than in 2014. The financial markets in France, Germany, and the UK showed a similar reaction in 2022. We have identified some common aspects, even if the political and military contexts of the two studied events were completely different. Our findings offer new and interesting implications for understanding how geopolitical risk affects financial assets for market participants with multiple investment horizons and strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The period between October 1939 and June 1940 was a critical time in Europe. Conflicts taking place in various regions led to the occupation of some countries and strengthened of the power of the aggressors. The article presents an outline of the topics that were published in three popular Lithuanian magazines of the interwar period. At the same time, the article also attempts to answer the question whether the fact of having a direct border with the Soviet Union since September 17, 1939 influenced the quality and frequency of Soviet topics in the Lithuanian press. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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From 2014 until today, parts of the Donetsk, Kherson, Luhansk and Zaporizhia regions of Ukraine are under international legal regime of military occupation. To realize one of its intentions - to change the territorial status quo by force of arms - Russia uses such tools as elections and referendums in the temporarily occupied parts of Ukraine. The article characterizes the legal regime of the military occupation, focuses attention on ensuring the rights and freedoms of citizens and the legal regime on the temporarily occupied territory of Ukraine, emphasizes that the elections and referendums held by Russia have nothing to do with direct forms of democracy. These are legally invalid measures organized by the occupation administrations as an attempt to illegally annex Ukrainian territories by the Russian Federation. Their results do not have any legal consequences and cannot be accepted and recognized by the international community. Also focusing on the regime of military occupation, the authors of the article emphasize that occupation does not mean the loss of sovereignty of the occupied territory. Territorial supremacy of the state is directly related to state sovereignty and is one of its constituent elements. The occupation is characterized by the preservation of power structures and the continuation of resistance and military operations against the occupying state. The decisions of the UN International Court of Justice and the International Military Tribunal (Nuremberg) are analyzed. It is emphasized that the methods used by the Russian Federation to achieve the goal of including the territories of Ukraine, in which the Russian Federation held «referendums» and elections, were aggressive, the decisive factor was the military power of the Russian Federation, which came into force and met the resistance of sovereign independent Ukraine and the Ukrainian people. It is emphasized that Russia commits war crimes and uses «means of terrorism», one of which is the financing of so-called elections and referendums in the territories of Ukraine temporarily occupied by Russia. Ukraine carries out armed resistance to the inclusion of the territories of Ukraine in which the Russian Federation held «referendums» («referendums» in the Kherson, Zaporizhzhya, Donetsk and Luhansk regions), reacts negatively to manifestations of territorial sovereignty on the part of the Russian Federation, and Ukraine also demonstrates by its behavior, that the referendums held by the Russian Federation in the Kherson, Zaporizhzhya, Donetsk, and Luhansk regions are unconstitutional, and their results and the acceptance of the territories of Ukraine into the Russian Federation do not have legal force. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the Israeli government cements its annexation of East Jerusalem amid the failure of the peace process and Israel's push for normalization with the Arab world, most recently the Abraham accords, the Palestinians of Jerusalem - categorized as "permanent residents," not citizens - are challenging their non status. Many are individually maneuvering economic, social and perhaps political, change in a direction that further distances them from their fellow Palestinians in the West Bank. As that relationship shrinks due to its restricted access, a new comradeship is being strengthened between Jerusalem Palestinians and their fellow Palestinians living within Israel. This shift could be significant on the larger political level, potentially upsetting the two-state project. At the same time, Palestinian cultural identity everywhere is stronger than ever and proving to withstand all Israeli attempts of erasure. The emerging reality in Jerusalem combines an individual pragmatic approach at the bureaucratic level with a strong collective identity at the cultural and political level. Left alone, the Palestinians in Jerusalem are defining themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) has long served as an effective remedy for disputes between foreign investors and host states. In the context of the Russian–Ukrainian conflict, ISDS has gained particular prominence as a potential tool for advancing the legal claims of private persons even in wartime or otherwise hostile situations. In particular, we had a slew of ISDS cases between Ukrainian investors and Russia, especially in relation to Crimea. This has also raised a number of questions regarding territory and annexation within the context of international law, which the arbitration tribunals had to address. The purpose of this study was to evaluate the utility of ISDS for enforcing private claims in wartime, and to assess the judgments of the arbitration tribunals, with the addition of Russian ISDS cases against Ukraine as well, to serve as a contrast. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 'constitutional reform' planned by the government that assumed power in Israel in December 2022 is not an end in itself. Its aim is to provide the basis for planned policies and actions of the government that are incompatible with Israel's present constitutional order, and that are unlikely to stand up to judicial review before the present judges of the Supreme Court. This article discusses the connection between various parts of the reform and the plans to make a radical change in Israel's policies in the occupied West Bank. It examines the coalition agreement between PM Netanyahu's Likud party and the Religious Zionist Party, and exposes the connection between the commitment in that agreement to the policies regarding the occupation and the planned 'reform'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Israeli plans to partially annex West Bank territory have mainly been perceived as frustrating the two‐state solution, and as putting Palestine/Israel on a path leading to the one‐state alternative. This paper analyses partial annexation plans without assuming that the future of Palestine/Israel would necessarily abide by either statist resolution. It argues that by ostensibly distancing Israel's hold of the West Bank from an identifiable configuration of a belligerent occupation, partial annexation is offered to Jewish Israelis as a path for detaching the futurity of the two nations, and as a trajectory for normalising the Israeli state, without having to make what much of this public would see as painful concessions. It further explores settlers' objections to such plans, claiming that even a partial incorporation of West Bank territory into formal Israel is expected to erode the exclusivity of Jewish domination which Israel has been upholding in its settler‐colonial frontier. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Mediaforum: Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management is the property of Yuriy Fedkovych Chernivtsi National University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The purpose of this presentation is to examine an important moment in the history of the Balkans, namely the annexation of the Ottoman provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austria-Hungary in 1908, the international crisis that broke out in the first decade of the 20th century - the Bosnian crisis, its influence on the relations between the Dualistic Monarchy and the Kingdom of Serbia and the further deepening Austro-Serbian conflict. The article traces the actions of Serbian diplomacy in its attempts to obtain territorial compensations, the belligerent moods that arose in Belgrade, the public discontent that erupted in Serbia and the reactions in Vienna. The attempts of the Great Powers to prevent the outbreak of military conflict on the European continent are examined. The diplomatic moves of the German diplomacy, which exerted pressure on St. Petersburg and Belgrade to recognize the act of annexation, are also clarified. For the needs of the research, Bulgarian and foreign scientific works on the subject were used. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this presentation is to examine the printed official coverage of the ruling Democratic Party in Bulgaria in the period 1908-1910, the newspaper "Priaporets", the development of the international crisis that broke out in Europe after the annexation of the Ottoman provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austria-Hungary in 1908. The article attempts to clarify the development of the crisis in 1909 and its reflection in Constantinople, the Balkan and European capitals, the actions of the Great Powers, the Austro-Hungarian, Russian, British, German and Ottoman diplomacy, based on the numerous publications in "Priaporets" newspaper. Materials from Ottoman, European and Russian newspapers, as well as authored Bulgarian articles published in the newspaper "Priaporets" in the period January - April 1909, were used for the purposes of the research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to formulate a theoretical framework for the issue of changes in administrative boundaries and to systematize the issues by selecting distinctive variants. Considering the variety of procedures and forms of boundary changes, the case study is conducted in Poland. This study analyzed the provisions of 271 decisions on boundary changes and granting city status from 2009–2022, which covered a total of 1887.8 km2. It was the basis for selecting 31 variants of boundary changes in eight categories: (1) formal legal, (2) territorial expansion; (3) unit status; (4) cadastral division; (5) territorial tiers; (6) administrative division; (7) frequency of changes; (8) area. In addition, the interactions that occur between the different variants are demonstrated, and the main regularities are identified. Boundary changes are conducted mainly in the application variant. The introduction of the fast-track variant initiated an unprecedented wave of restitution of the city's status. Territorial expansion of units occurs most frequently in the commune–city variant within the third-tier (commune) units. Small-area, one-off annexations in the suburban zones of cities in the parcel and precinct variants dominate. The results can be contextually applied in comparative studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the "Common Social and Economic Space" agreement signed between the de facto state Abkhazia and its patron, the Russian Federation, in November 2020 and its potential implications for the further development of Abkhaz- Russian affairs. Based on a careful assessment of the gradual development of Abkhaz- Russian relations, the content of the new agreement, and the geopolitical context surrounding it, the article argues that Russia is using the agreement, which obliges Abkhazia to adapt to Russian legislation in vital social, political, and economic sectors, to eliminate a crucial legal barrier against Moscow's further inroads into the de facto republic. The article concludes that this so-called "harmonization agreement" constitutes an important preparatory step towards a potential full integration of Abkhazia into the Russian Federation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Inönü University International Journal of Social Sciences / İnönü Üniversitesi Uluslararası Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi (INIJOSS) is the property of Inonu University International Journal of Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article reveals the aggressive aspirations of the kremlin to annex Crimea starting in 1991 and the process of occupation of Crimea by the russian federation after february-march 2014. Special attention is paid to the beginning of the process of deoccupation of Crimea after August 9, 2022. The purpose of the study: to highlight the essence of the «Crimean issue» in the context of interstate relations between Kyiv and moscow. Work methodology: applied historical-comparative, chronological and general scientific methods, analysis, synthesis, comparison. The scientific novelty consists in processing and systematizing the available database on the subject of the study. Conclusions: the kremlin has always used the «Crimean issue» to seize the territory of Ukraine. The first attempt to annex Crimea took place in 1992, but Ukraine defended its territory. Similarly, in 2003, during an attempt to capture Fr. Kosa Tuzla. The kremlin annexed Crimea in februarymarch 2014, taking advantage of Ukraine’s weakness, but Ukraine will de-occupy Crimea by the end of 2023. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Municipal annexation has been one of the most widely adopted instruments for urban growth in the United States. Scholars of public choice and regional studies have long debated the fiscal effect of local government annexation. Few studies, however, examine the fiscal effect of municipal administrative annexations in China, where prefectural cities have extensively annexed county-level governments through forcefully converting rural counties into urban districts in a top-down manner. Employing a difference-in-differences (DID) method coupled with an event study approach, we analyzed a panel data set of 282 prefectural cities from 2007 to 2015 to examine the fiscal impact of annexation in China. The findings show that prefectural cities have significantly increased their land conveyance fees through administrative annexation. Given that land conveyance fees serve as one of the most important own-source revenues at the local level, our findings shed light on the crucial link among the urbanization process, government reorganization, and local land finance in China and, potentially, in other transition countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the idea of a third unit in the Habsburg Monarchy prior to World War I as seen through the eyes of Slovenian liberals. The author presents the broader political context in which the concept emerged and then analyses the reactions of various political groups amid national tensions in the Balkans. Extracts of two liberal Slovenian newspapers, Edinost (Trieste) and Soča (Gorizia), are examined with respect to the key geopolitical dilemmas and interests of different stakeholders affected by the new geopolitical construct. It is argued that trialism was chiefly an attempt by Austria to curtail the power of Hungary. The majority of Slovenians and Croatians initially supported the idea because it implied their political emancipation. On the other side were the Hungarians, Italians and Serbs who saw the idea as a threat to their national interests. In terms of South Slavic relations, trialism represented a new battlefield for the Catholic and Orthodox visions of Yugoslavism. With further development of the concept, first and foremost due to Austria's ambitions to satisfy the Italians and leave Trieste and Gorizia outside of the imagined third unit, the idea introduced tension into Croatian–Slovenian relations and led to a fresh dispute in the Slovenian political sphere between liberals and conservatives. Finally, the advocates of trialism were unable to gain sufficient internal support within the Habsburg Monarchy, which thereby preserved the status quo and the dual regime until the monarchy's collapse during war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The escalation in February 2022 of the conflict between Ukraine and Russia that first began in 2014 has not been the subject of particularly divergent opinions from an international legal perspective. The overwhelming majority of States and authors condemn the Russian military operations as a blatant act of aggression pursued in violation of the United Nations Charter. Yet, it might be useful to examine the reactions prompted by the main argument deployed by Russia as to the right of the Peoples' Republics of Donetsk and Luhansk to benefit from military assistance by virtue of collective self-defence recognized in customary international law and codified in Article 51 of the United Nations Charter. This argument raises the question of the applicability of the jus contra bellum regime to relations between States and secessionist entities which has already been debated. This contribution argues that the war in Ukraine sets a precedent which confirms that self-defence is a justification exclusively available to States and that secession or territorial annexation secured through forceful means cannot be recognized, while addressing how one can understand, from an international legal perspective, that this has sometimes been the case in the past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Public Law / Zeitschrift für Öffentliches Recht is the property of Verlag Oesterreich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Changing boundaries is a major method for municipalities to accommodate growth, expand economic and tax base, and optimize resource allocation. This study leverages variation in the adoption of home rule charters in Texas to provide the first empirical examination of whether home rule adoption causes municipal boundary expansion. We employ fuzzy regression‐discontinuity and event‐study estimation methods on actual boundary data for causal inference and find that home rule cities expand their boundaries to significantly greater total area than general law cities in Texas. This finding is robust to the voluntary Boundary and Annexation Surveys data used widely by extant studies. We also find evidence that annexations allow home rule cities to fiscally expand, primarily by broadening tax bases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to analyse the situation that happened in 2014 when the Russian Federation illegally and illegitimately annexed the Crimean Peninsula, proving that in the 21st century the annexation of a part of a democratic state (belonging to a mostly democratic international community) is possible. Claiming its destabilizing actions in the form of "requested aid", the Russian Federation tried to find countless justifications for the annexation of the Crimean Peninsula by creating an interventionist annexation precedent. The research methodology of the article aims at a longitudinal study regarding the justifications that the Russian Federation tried to provide for the illegal and illegitimate annexation of the Crimean Peninsula, with the main method being the documentary analysis based on the specialized literature. The most important two questions of the paper are: „what were the justifications offered by Moscow in favour of the annexation" and „did the legal camouflage that Moscow gave to the illegal and illegitimate annexation of Crimea lead to international recognition?" The attempt to answer these two questions offers the opportunity to analyse the tricks (especially legislative) that the Russian Federation will use on the international level regarding the annexation of Crimea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Korea (Republic of Korea, ROK) and Japan have been suffering the vicious circle of serious conflicts concerning South Koreans' tort claims. Even if two Korean emperors were compelled by Japan in 1905 and 1910, without proving the existence of customary international law prohibiting forced annexation in the early 20th century, the 1910 Annexation Treaty can not become invalid. Even if the 1910 Annexation Treaty was invalid, among other things, the 1951 Peace Treaty can be the evidence of the Japanese rule (1910–1945) being a fait accompli. Even if the Japanese rule was illegal, the issues of South Korean tort claims were already settled by the 1965 Claims Agreement and/or the 2015 Agreement. The ROK government should acknowledge its legal responsibility to satisfy South Korean claims including the so-called Comfort Women victims under the related agreements with Japan. In regard to other issues such as sexual slavery and/or Crime against Humanity, if a diplomatic solution is not available to the ROK and Japan, the two countries should better agree to submit the issues before an ad hoc international tribunal or the ICJ. This would be the only way to break the vicious circle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article aims to consider one significant moment of the Balkan history – the annexation of the Ottoman provinces - Bosna and Herzegovina from Austro – Hungary in 1908 and the international crisis from the 1st decade of 20 century - The Bosnian. The annexation act was preceded by the proclamation of the Independence of Bulgaria. The Treaty of Berlin – a guarantee for the status quo was breached by Sofia and Vienna 30 years later. The diplomatic preparation of the annexation of the Ottoman provinces Bosna and Herzegovina from Austro – Hungary, the actions of Danube monarchy and its Minister of Foreign Affairs – Alois Aehrenthal, his conversations with the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs – Aleksandar Izvolsky was considered in the research. Reactions and positions of the Ottoman Empire, Great Britain and Russia were considered in the context of the Great Powers’s opposition of the military – political blocs in Europe – The Entente and the Central Powers as an interested parties during the Balkan crisis. Main scientific works and published documents on the topic were used in the research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Present article aims to consider two important moments of the Balkan history that were published in “Pryaporets” – the newspaper of the Democratic party of Bulgaria during the period 1908 - 1910 – proclamation of the Independance of Bulgaria and the annexation of the Ottoman provinces - Bosna and Herzegovina from Austro – Hungary in 1908 and the international crisis that followed – The Bosnian (The Annexational). The consequential reactions after the events in Constantinople, in the Balkans and in The European capitals, reactions of the Great Powers, the Danube Monarchy actions, Russian, British, German and Ottoman diplomacy was submitted in the present article and they are based on different publications in the Bulgarian press.In the present research were used main scientific works on the topic, author’s articles and information from Ottomans, European and Russian newspapers published in “Pryaporets” newspaper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents and solves a model of ethnically motivated warfare which treats annexations as the explicit outcomes of secessions. An ethnic group within one country may want to engage in a secession in order to join its ethnic peers in the annexing country. The annexing country decides whether or not to support the separatist ethnic group in the conflict. I use this model to discuss how equilibrium behavior depends on economies of scale in the public good provision, ethnic heterogeneity, and sanctions. Among others, I find that sanctions can have the seemingly paradoxical effect of increasing conflict intensity [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The myth of Manifest Destiny is predicated on the successful annexation of lands desired by U.S. territorial expansionists, particularly during the James K. Polk's presidency (1845-849). But another myth, that Polk accomplished all four of the goals for his presidency, has obscured the fact that one of the biggest prizes desired by annexationists, Cuba, remained out of reach. This essay explores the close U.S.-Cuba relationship in the 1840s, revealing why both supporters and opponents believed Cuban annexation was eminent in the 1840s, even as the U.S. fought a war against Mexico. It also suggests how a more nuanced view of the course of U.S. territorial expansionism can counter the idea of American exceptionalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The peculiarities of the phenomena of evil and lies as a negative phenomenon in the socio-political situation of today are analyzed. The impact of these ethical vices on the consciousness and life of society. Evil and lies have been generalized as an inseparable social phenomenon from ancient times to the present day. Trying to understand the origin of lies and evil of their origins, the possibility of neutralizing them and complete destruction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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We provide the first parcel-level, time-series empirical analysis of municipal annexation behavior. We also exploit a unique natural experiment created by the incorporation and exogenous (court-mandated) dissolution of a new neighboring municipality to examine the public-choice motivations behind annexation. Our results indicate that an existing city's annexation behavior differed significantly in the areas threatened with the formation of a competing jurisdiction, yielding the most compelling evidence yet that political motivations play a major role in the annexation behavior of cities. We also are the first to construct and include measures reflecting the strategic stepwise dependence between parcels in the annexation process—in terms of what other parcels subsequently can be annexed. We find that the characteristics of a parcel itself in many cases are of only secondary importance relative to considerations regarding the other parcels to which it gives access for future annexation. Such a spatially dependent stepwise factor has been overlooked entirely in prior literature assuming that parcel annexation decisions are independent of one another. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of BEÜ Ilahiyat Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Bulent Ecevit University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article focuses on the story of the Israeli union, Maan Workers Association, and Hatem Abu Ziadeh, a Palestinian man who works at Zarfati Garage in the settlement of Mishor Adumim. Maan assisted Abu Ziadeh in his desire to unionize the Palestinian workers in the garage and to demand their labor rights according to Israeli labor laws. The article follows the multiyear court case as the Zarfati Garage tried to break the union and fire Abu Ziadeh. After three and half years, the two sides signed a contractual agreement bringing an end to the labor dispute. In the context of Israel as an ethnocratic state, whereby there is an appearance of democracy, Palestinians are systematically discriminated against while the state privileges Israeli Jewish citizens. Maan's efforts are unique - a union that does not discriminate by religion, race, or nationality, but demands labor rights and equality for all exploited workers. The complexities of this account go beyond questions of law, labor rights, and court proceedings to larger issues concerning the future of a Palestinian state and what laws will govern people between the Mediterranean Sea and Jordan River. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jordan had various expectations when it initially signed the peace treaty with Israel. The Jordanians believed that the peace with Israel, coming after the Oslo Accords, would pave the way for a strategic understanding with Israel on the establishment of a Palestinian state in the West Bank (including Arab Jerusalem) and Gaza. Such an understanding, they believed, would finally rid them of the nightmare of the 'alternative homeland' scenario, that 'Jordan is Palestine'. Secondly the Jordanians assumed that the economic 'fruits of peace' with Israel would extricate Jordan from its perennial economic woes. Jordan would be both secure and prosperous. None of these assumptions actually materialized. The Jordanians are, therefore, profoundly disappointed by the treaty and its real results. They are as fearful as ever of the 'alternative homeland' scenario, and they are still suffering, as always, from an economy perpetually on the brink. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This study examines the alliances between Cuban and Southern planters before 1861 as a means of counteracting the rise of abolitionism across the Atlantic. The massive expansion of slavery in Cuba and in the US South in the first half of the nineteenth century led Cuban and Southern planters to perceive new geopolitical cartographies that challenged existing cultural, linguistic, and political borders. These alliances were not solely fashioned to preserve slavery in the southern United States or in Cuba, but rather as a piece of the larger battle between the pro-slavery and abolitionist forces of the Atlantic world in which the future of slavery was at stake. By analyzing essays written by Ambrosio Gonzales, Cristóbal Madan, and John S. Thrasher, I argue that in the mid-nineteenth century, slavery had the capacity to forge hemispheric alliances that transcended cultural and political links, thus helping to imagine alternative futures for the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the 19th century, The Argus was a popular broadsheet newspaper for Victorians situated in the southern colony of the Australian mainland. As the Colonial Office and the Queensland colony debated the practicalities of annexing the southeastern region of Papua in 1883, the editors of The Argus seized on the Victorian colonists' interests in the region and funded an expedition to demonstrate New Guinea's value to its audience. As the expeditionary team travelled from Port Moresby to the Astrolabe Ranges they produced a series of articles and sketch maps. The following article examines these sketch maps as multi-layered artefacts of material culture, created as the British colonies' interest in New Guinea intersected with Indigenous curiosity about settlers' intentions. My analysis of these maps illuminates how ambitious colonial emissaries performed settlement discourses to support the annexation of the southeastern portion of New Guinea. Simultaneously, the Indigenous intermediaries performed settlement discourses to establish trade and judicial relationships with Britannita. I contend that these sketch maps are material manifestations of encounters where political imaginings, social negotiations, and cultural knowledge were communicated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contemporary conversations around Israel/Palestine, the Gaza Strip is construed as a state of exception, rendering the territory either hypervisible or entirely invisible. Through the prism of the Covid-19 pandemic and Israel's possible de jure annexation of portions of the West Bank, this piece argues that rather than being exceptional, the Gaza Strip represents the very embodiment of Israeli settler colonialism in Palestine. Its isolation and de-development constitute the endpoint of Israel's policies of land theft and Palestinian dispossession. This endpoint, referred to as Gazafication, entails the confinement of Palestinians to urban enclaves entirely surrounded by Israel or Israeli-controlled territory. The Trump plan, otherwise known as the "deal of the century," along with the Covid-19 crisis, have inadvertently exposed the reality of Gaza as an enclave of the one-state paradigm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]