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Between 2010 and 2021, Pakistan made significant strides in countering terrorism; however, the country is now grappling with a anotherwave of heightened terrorist activities following the Taliban's takeover of Afghanistan in August 2021. The Tehrike-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) has emerged as a major perpetrator of numerous attacks since then. Therefore, this study aims to examine the resurgence of TTP in Pakistan. While acknowledging the longstanding influence of structural factors such as socioeconomic and political marginalization, as well as state repression, in fostering and sustaining terrorist organizations, this study argues that these factors alone cannot fully account for the variations in terrorism or the survival mechanisms of different terrorist groups. By focusing on precipitant events, including the role of terrorist leadership, the consolidation of terrorist groups, external support, and the government's negotiation strategies, this research seeks to establish these events as crucial explanatory variables for understanding the resurgence or revitalization of terrorist organizations like the TTP in Pakistan. The theoretical insights and empirical evidence on TTP presented in this study support the contention that precipitant events offer a more comprehensive explanatory framework for analysing the outcomes of such resurgences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the mango diplomacy of South Asia's mango exporting countries. Diplomatic gifts are a common feature of public diplomacy of diplomatic missions globally. There are many prominent examples of that including China's panda diplomacy and mango diplomacy of South Asia's mango exporting countries like Bangladesh, India and Pakistan. Based on the analysis, this study argues that Pakistan is a dominant actor in terms of mango diplomacy and has an extensive strategy, for example, including mango exhibitions, to increase its mango exports and goodwill in target countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In terms of their political and ideological success, Pakistani Islamists have had several ups and downs since Pakistan became the Islamic Republic in 1956. Islamists strive to safeguard the Islamic state's status quo while simultaneously expanding the reach of Sharia. Despite insignificant electoral victories, Islamists have largely been able to dictate national identity policies to civilian and military governments. A major hurdle to the promotion of pluralism in Pakistan is noticeable through persistent opposition to secularism by major political actors. Despite different political ideologies, major political parties refrain from promoting secularism in Pakistan; however, such views are more rigid in the case of Islamists. The purpose of this article, therefore, is to examine and compare the discourses of Islamists and other political parties in relation to Pakistan's identity, reforms and anti-Westernism, religious minorities, and secularism. Based on the analysis, this paper argues that the views of Islamists and non-religious political parties are very similar regarding Islam and Pakistan's identity, secularism, and minority rights in Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pan-Islamism had resonated strongly with Muslim political leaders of the Indian sub-continent, including those inspired by Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī, credited with coining the term. These political leaders included prominent members of the All-India Muslim League, who were at the forefront of the Indian Muslims' struggle for a separate homeland that led to the creation of Pakistan in 1947. It is therefore no surprise that Islam and pan-Islamism became key features of the new state of Pakistan; however, domestic and geopolitical realities demanded a different approach to addressing the country's key national interests, i.e., security through economic development. This article analyzes Pakistan's policy on the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) to understand how far Islamabad has advanced its national interests through the OIC. Based on the interviews of elites and key opinionmakers in Islamabad, this paper argues that pan-Islamist ideals in Pakistan's foreign policy were confronted by reality soon after Pakistan's creation. The geopolitical realities of India have kept security concerns paramount and all-consuming. Consequently, pan-Islamism has been pragmatically used by Pakistan, especially within the OIC, for not just ideological reasons but also for material and diplomatic gains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of soft power was developed at the end of the Cold War to examine international influence through non-coercive means. In recent years, a growing field of research has drawn on this concept to examine the role of religion and culture in the foreign policies of Middle Eastern states. The existing research tends to view soft power from the perspectives of states that project such influence, not the impact of these policies on target societies, and tends to overlook the relationship between hard and soft power strategies. To address this gap, we draw on an original survey data and face-to-face interviews to evaluate Iran's influence in Afghanistan. This study examines the response in Afghanistan to key pillars of Iranian soft power projection: the role of shared language and culture, religion and Tehran's Third Worldist ideology of resistance against Western powers. This research finds that Iran's soft power projection strategy is undermined by structural hard power imbalances between the two countries and Tehran's contradictory policies towards Afghanistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is little research done on the social agenda of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC). As an analysis of the organization's social agenda is relevant to the challenges and opportunities offered by COVID-19, this article aims to draw lessons for SAARC from the development model of the European Union (EU). Erstwhile literature on SAARC has not compared its progress in terms of social development with that of the EU. Hence, this study aims to answer the following questions: What are the key differences between the social development approaches of the two organizations, and what can SAARC learn from the EU's social model? The analysis in this research is largely based on an extensive review of official documents from the EU and SAARC. This article argues that collective social development is in line with SAARC's functionalist approach that prioritizes cooperation in non-controversial areas like human security. Based on the comparative analysis, this article proposes a three-tier social development approach for comprehensive social development across South Asia. This study argues that, despite its socio-economic and political challenges, SAARC has a lot to gain from adopting the EU's social model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

No other issue has influenced the India–Pakistan relationship more adversely than the Jammu and Kashmir dispute. To understand the discourse surrounding the dispute, and how it has evolved within the foreign policies of both countries, this research undertakes a critical discourse analysis of both countries' official statements at the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) between 1948 and 2020. The findings of this study are crucial to not only understanding how the two states have been internationalizing the Kashmir dispute but also what lessons can be learned from the past as both countries attempt to slowly reengage with one another. Our analysis points to the fact that both India and Pakistan's stances on the Kashmir dispute, despite their varying phases throughout the conflict, have essentially remained the same. We argue that, despite seeming to have converged toward some form of resolution during the first decade of the twenty-first century, the current context of India–Pakistan relations presents a worsening trajectory that has not been witnessed since their last major war in 1971. In highlighting the cyclical, almost scripted nature of this debate, this paper attempts to suggest ways to break free from age-old tropes and help pave the way toward more meaningful ways to redefine the issue in light of a radically altered geo-political context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following its independence from Britain in 1947, Pakistan inherited territorial disputes with Afghanistan and India. The conflicts over the Durand Line demarcation and Pashtunistan became guiding factors in Afghanistan's opposition to Pakistan's membership of the United Nations. Since then, relations have been more conflictual than cooperative. The nature of the bilateral relationship has been overshadowed by mutual mistrust, despite the two nations' cultural links and Pakistan being home to the world's largest number of Afghan refugees. This article employs trust theory to explain why the two states continue to have less cooperative, more conflictual relations. Based on the analysis, this paper accepts that bilateral interactions between the two states are dominated more by the long legacy of mistrust than by a perceived need for cooperation, but argues that they act more "rationally" when they interact with each other in negotiations involving other countries (e.g., trustworthy hegemons), whether in connection with trade or security matters. This article argues that the manifestations of strategic trust in multi-party negotiations are largely due to the fear of losing enormous economic and geopolitical benefits from other actors, such as China and India, in case of non-cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By focusing on domestic and geopolitical factors, this study aims to understand the impacts of China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) on regional stability in South Asia. It critically examines China's investments in Bangladesh, the Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka to understand how that impacts local economies and politics as well as the geopolitical climate considering the rivalry between China and India. As China seeks to promote alternatives for its partners to decrease their dependence on India and India-dominated institutions, there appears to be a negative impact of the geostrategic competition between China and India on South Asian regionalism. China's economic influence varies and the evidence from Sri Lanka and Pakistan suggests that Beijing fully controls the deep seaports that it has built through BRI. While Beijing has engaged with a variety of political actors in the selected countries, it has not tried to influence domestic politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article conducts a case study of China's influence on Pakistan by collecting and analysing news coverage from two prominent English and Urdu newspapers in Pakistan for a five-year period between 2013 and 2018. It compares the changes in newspaper reporting before and after the launch of the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) in 2015. Analysis has shown a significant increase in positive reporting on the CPEC and China. The case of Pakistan is representative of its recognition of China's soft power in a developing country, thus offering a new perspective on China's goodwill vis-à-vis the Belt and Road Initiative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on women's rights, this paper provides a critical socio-legal analysis of Muslim legal pluralism in Pakistan and compares the role and differences of opinions of the Council of Islamic Ideology (CII) and the Federal Shariat Court (FSC) that were established to Islamise Pakistani society. The paper explains why these two constitutional bodies frequently contradict each other in their understanding of Islamic law by analysing legislation, case law, their membership, declarations and statements of these bodies and their members, reactions from, including criticisms, scholars to the case law and secondary literature on the topic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In Kashmir, the worst fallout from the current state of India and Pakistan's confrontations at the Line of Control (LoC) is the total disregard for the 2003 ceasefire agreement. While political parties, governments and armed forces on both sides of the conflict are key actors in the current dynamics, also stationed on the LoC are military observers as part of the United Nations Military Observer Group in India and Pakistan (UNMOGIP), first instituted in 1949. While India is opposed to the presence of the UN military observers, little is known about the perceptions of the group's role and its potential capacity to play a constructive role in keeping peace along the border. This research project is an endeavour to gain this understanding based on the views of selected elites and opinion makers in India and Pakistan. The data points to challenges to UNMOGIP's mandate following the Simla Agreement of 1972 and the change in the status of the ceasefire line to the LoC. Compounded further by the severity of the conflict between India and Pakistan, New Delhi's opposition to UNMOGIP's mandate further weakened its operational capacity to effectively monitor and report ceasefire violations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a major diplomatic realignment, the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain normalized their relations with Israel in September 2020 by signing the Abraham Peace Accords in Washington. However, this normalization has created a noticeable divide; other majority‐Muslim states, including Morocco and Sudan, have also accepted incentives to normalize relations with Israel, while pressure is mounting on Pakistan from its close allies in the Gulf region to recognize Israel. Pakistan, which enjoys multifaceted cooperative relations with all states of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), now faces a dilemma, as it has a longstanding position on the Palestine issue through which it views its policy on Israel. Considering the dilemma, this article focuses on the impact the Abraham Peace Accords have had on Pakistan's relations with the GCC states and its own Israel policy. Based on the examination of various ideational and geopolitical factors, it is argued that Pakistan has more to lose than gain by changing its historical position and recognizing the state of Israel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is located in the wider discourse on the nexus of policy, research and practice of peace education for countering violent extremism (CVE) with a focus on learnings and insights from non-governmental initiatives in Pakistan. It presents an analysis of how the diverse and complex school education system in Pakistan 'does' and/or 'does not' respond to the challenges of an increasing scale and manifestations of violence, conflict and extremism in society. Moving beyond the discussion on the historical emergence, drivers, actors and characteristics of violent extremism in Pakistan, this paper engages with the erstwhile literature on the research-policy-practice nexus to examine nine peace education projects – mostly foreign-funded – in Pakistan. Considering the insights from these nine projects, the paper finds that there are several examples of successful stand-alone peace education for CVE projects but without a link to policy and research. Despite producing good quality CVE and peace education material, and applying these materials successfully in the diverse education setting of the country, many projects lacked sustainability due to over-dependence on foreign funding. Due to comparatively consistent external funding in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, the organisations there are more successful in their peace education interventions than the ones in Punjab and Sindh. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2004, madrassas (Islamic seminaries) of Pakistan have been the primary focus of peace education interventions in Pakistan. The incidents of violence involving university students are a historic phenomenon in Pakistan, but the tendencies of violent clashes on university campuses and recruitment of university student in violent extremism are increasing. Despite an increasing number of violent clashes on university campuses and recruitment of university students by Islamists for jihad (holy war), there is negligible literature on university students' radicalization in Pakistan. This study provides empirical data based on a comparative analysis of students' perception from two public sector universities of Pakistan, namely the International Islamic University Islamabad (IIUI) and the Quaid-i-Azam University (QAU). The findings suggest different dynamics of hate speech, availability of extremist material and extremist recruitment between the two universities. While the QAU campus is dominated by politically motivated ethnic groups, the IIUI students are exposed to religiously motivated contents, violence, and recruitment. As it is reported in this study, the differences between the two universities are also because most of the IIUI students have religious inclinations because of their madrassa backgrounds and also because of the dominance of groups like the Islami Jamiat-e-Talaba Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan claims to maintain neutrality in the Iran–Saudi rift. Sustaining this approach, however, has been problematic against a backdrop of intensifying Iran–Saudi rivalry. Pakistan's choices suggest a tilt towards Saudi Arabia. Based on extensive fieldwork in Islamabad, this paper focuses on the meanings and uses of neutrality in Pakistan's foreign policy. The paper argues that Pakistan cannot be neutral due to its stronger cultural, economic and defence ties with Saudi Arabia but it promotes this rhetoric due to a combination of demographic, geographic and geopolitical factors. Islamabad's claim of neutrality serves the dual purpose of the national interests in relation to domestic and foreign affairs. Based on its economic, sectarian and geopolitical realities, Pakistan desires a neutrality in the Iranian-Saudi rivalry but it is very difficult because it has strong and multifaceted relations with Saudi Arabia. Based on the assessment of Pakistan's foreign policy choices, we argue that Pakistan continues to lean away from Iran towards Saudi Arabia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the beginning of the "War on Terror" in 2001, there has been a sudden rise in interest in countering violent extremism through peace education. In Pakistan, the focus has largely been on Islamic seminaries (madrassas), but nongovernmental organizations have also been working in public and private schools. For over a decade, there have been numerous youth‐led peace education interventions in Pakistan, but still little is known about their impact; therefore, this empirical research aims to address that gap in scholarship. The study uses a case study approach to present analysis covering a youth‐led nongovernmental peace education intervention of Ravvish in three secondary schools based in Lahore. The analysis covers organizational dynamics, curricula, delivery, impact, and challenges. Despite its weaknesses in being a young organization led by inexperienced peace educators, it is argued in the paper that the organization is still able to meet its key objective of promoting critical thinking among students. The students appreciated the approach used by the Ravvish to talk about sensitive topics. It was also found that the majority of the students retained the knowledge from the workshops even after 6–12 months. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The years 1975 and 1977 witnessed a wave of de facto military regimes in Bangladesh and Pakistan, respectively. In Pakistan, General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq operationalized the country's preexisting Islamic identity from emblematic to substantive at both domestic and international levels. General Ziaur Rahman and General Ershad of Bangladesh revived the country's Islamic identity at the domestic and international levels and reopened the space for religious fractions that were banned from politics constitutionally in the previous regime. Focusing on military regimes in Bangladesh and Pakistan between 1975 and 1990, this paper aims to bridge that gap by specifically examining the use of Islam. This study argues that dictators in both countries used Islam to support their survival strategies of legitimacy, repression, and social control. Authoritarian rulers did not have to use Islam to maintain military coherence, because of the military's culture of subordination to superiors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religious minorities have been persecuted in Pakistan since the country's creation in 1947. However, the rise of Islamization in the 1970s and 1980s added to the intensity of discrimination, prejudice and violence against religious minorities. Widespread structural violence meant that religious minorities experience marginalization and violation of their civil rights. As witnessed around the world, the 9/11 terrorist attacks changed global dynamics, with negative effects on Muslim–Christian relations. Since the onset of the US-led war in Afghanistan and drone strikes in Pakistan's tribal areas, there has been a rise in anti-American/anti-Western sentiment among Pakistani Muslims. Consequently, some extremist groups view local Christians with suspicion, labelling them Western agents. While the backlash against the US-led war in Afghanistan is seen as a major factor behind violence against Christians, deep-rooted socio-economic dynamics also contribute to the vulnerability of Christians and other religious minorities. Drawing on statements from two prominent Pakistani newspapers, this research employed critical discourse analysis and the framework of (de-)humanization to examine changes in newspaper reporting about Christians before and after 9/11, finding that there was a decrease rather than an increase in the level of dehumanization of Christians after 9/11, and an increase in humanization compared to pre-9/11 reporting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Kurdish population in Iran feels disenfranchised and excluded from the political system. Based on an original survey of Iranian Kurds, it is revealed that Kurds lack trust and confidence in the central government and do not exhibit any emotional connection with Iranian identity or the Islamic Republic of Iran. Overwhelmingly, survey respondents put their Kurdish identity and affiliations as the primary point of reference. This emotional and political disconnect with Iran poses a serious challenge to the incumbent regime. It is an affront to the official rhetoric of ethnic unity and Iranian solidarity that is reinforced by Islamic principles under the Islamic Republic of Iran. This has led the incumbent regime to opt for a security response to a clearly political challenge. However, as the survey data in this research reveals, the securitisation of Iran's response to its Kurdish population is only widening the gap, and aggravating the situation. The securitised approach to Kurdish aspirations for inclusion and acceptance is a counterproductive strategy with significant risks for the Islamic Republic of Iran. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the beginning of bilateral ties in 1950, the China–Pakistan relationship has grown significantly. Known as Pakistan's 'all-weather friend', bilateral economic cooperation has been advanced by the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) agreement, worth US$62 billion of Chinese investment in Pakistan. Due to its geo-economic and geopolitical importance, the CPEC is considered a 'game changer' by Beijing and Islamabad. However, since its initiation in 2015, the CPEC has also been a source of tension between centre and provincial governments in Pakistan. This paper analyses the impact of the CPEC on nation-building in Pakistan. In the light of nation-building theories, it further argues that the CPEC has provided Pakistan with much-needed opportunities to address inter-provincial and federal–provincial discord through dialogue and compromises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Asia is one of the least integrated regions in the world, with persistent India–Pakistan rivalry acting as a major stumbling block to regional cooperation through the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC). Nonetheless, both India and Pakistan continue to experiment with multilateral arrangements and both became members of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) in 2017. While it is too early to predict the impact of the India–Pakistan rivalry on the SCO, dominant scholarship highlights the likelihood of a negative influence. This paper would like to present an alternative possibility – of the SCO providing opportunities for collaboration in the areas of security and counterterrorism, which in turn may positively influence Indo–Pak relations. Further, the likelihood of the Indo–Pak conflict negatively impacting the SCO is low primarily because, unlike SAARC, the SCO is led by China and Russia, who are actively invested in keeping the SCO influential to serve their key interest in challenging the dominant Western world order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) of Pakistan came under the international spotlight following the US-led invasion of Afghanistan in 2001.Mainly due to being a semi-autonomous region where British-colonial-era laws were practised until May 2018, FATA remains one of the most marginalised and insecure areas of Pakistan. Based on Galtung's structural violence theory, this paper examines the nexus between the region's socio-economic and political realities and terrorism. Through primary and secondary data, this paper argues that economic marginalisation and the lack of political and individual freedom of the tribal people are root causes of the instability in FATA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bangladesh-Pakistan relations reached a low point in December 2013 when the International Crimes Tribunal of Bangladesh convicted nine persons of war crimes pertaining to Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971, and imposed a death sentence on senior Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami leader Abdul Quader Molla. This paper examines the trials in connection to their impact on Bangladesh-Pakistan relations. The analysis in this paper shows that the traumatic break of East and West Pakistan continues to haunt bilateral relations and now has spill-over effects on South Asian regionalism. It also argues that the Awami League-India nexus is another historically persistent factor precluding better Dhaka-Islamabad relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses relations between Pakistan and Iran by referring to the book "Pakistan's Foreign Policy 1947-2016: A Concise History" by Abdul Sattar. Topics discussed include Iranian media perception of Pakistan, economic cooperation between Pakistan and Iran, diplomatic relations between Pakistan and Iran following the visit by Pakistan's Prime Minister, Liaqat Ali Khan in 1947, and collaboration between Iran and Pakistan provided by the U.S.-led Central Treaty Organization.

Historically, India's policy on Iran has been a balancing act between securing its interests as a counterweight to Pakistan, and ensuring its continued partnership with the US and other regional players. Yet confusion in India's Iran policy became evident when Iran's nuclear program began to draw international attention in the 1990s. More recently, India has attempted to reach out to Iran, reigniting trade relations and initiating new plans. Growing Indo- Iran relations are however a worrying sign for Islamabad, which is attempting a simultaneous expansion of ties with Tehran while continuing to resolve outstanding disputes. The central argument of this paper is that India's relations with Iran are best understood through the prism of the intertwining of geo-economic and geopolitical considerations. Analysis has often separated these two factors, but there is evidence that a synergy exists -- and that it is particularly visible when the Pakistani element is introduced. Often emphasising historical and cultural affinity, India and Pakistan have each sought politically and economically viable relations with Iran. Yet their bilateral political calculations and the current economic challenges have prompted a nuanced policy based on a careful balancing of geo-economics and geopolitics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The events of the 2016 summit of the Organization for Islamic Cooperation (OIC) in Turkey demonstrate how Saudi Arabia’s role within the organization has been transformed from leadership into a hegemonic one, a process that has been unfolding over five decades. As a strong voice in the Muslim world, Saudi Arabia has employed a range of diplomatic strategies, in accordance with its national interests, to influence the OIC and its member states. Based on the analysis, this paper argues that Saudi Arabia has been able to exert hegemonic control over the OIC due to the organization’s structural make-up, its reliance on Saudi funding, as well as dominance in bilateral affairs with majority of the OIC members. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the start of the "War on Terror" in 2001, Pakistan's education systems came under the international spotlight. Particular attention was paid to the quality of curricula and teaching styles in madrassas (Islamic seminaries) and public schools. Initially, focus and implementation of peace education programs were limited to madrassas, for example, through early initiatives of the Washington-based International Center for Religion and Diplomacy in 2004. While "teaching peace" programs have been going on now for over a decade, little is known about their impact and the realities in which they operate. Peace education in Pakistan demonstrates a perfect case to understand the struggle of implementing organizations to maintain a balance between idealism and pragmatism. The context in which the education of wars is in the mainstream, for example, through the glorification of wars and war heroes in public school textbooks, teaching peace is merely limited to the realm of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), mainly funded by Western donors. The limited scope of teaching peace programs is further constrained by the limited capacity of peace education, implementation on an ad hoc basis, irrelevant contents, the shortage of quality teachers, domination of Western values, the absence of NGOs' network, and the hostility of the government and extremist groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the September 11 terrorist attacks in the United States, there has been greater interest in countering violent extremism. Due to the U.S.-led "War on Terror," madrassas in Pakistan have received international attention for initiating peace education programs through international NGOs. The motivation to work in madrassas is that erstwhile studies have blamed the madrassa education system for the lack of critical thinking and the vulnerability of madrassa students to extremist ideologies. While peace education interventions in Pakistan have continued for over a decade, there is a scarcity of scholarly assessments. This article aims to bridge that gap by analyzing the causes and consequences of extremism, particularly violent extremism in Pakistan, to make a case for and critically examine the application of peace education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: South Asia hosts more than three million refugees. However, with Europe and the Middle East preoccupied with their own crises, less attention has been paid to South Asia. Due to conflicts in Afghanistan and Myanmar, South Asia continues to host refugees from both within and outside the region. Afghan refugees also form the second largest refugee group after the Syrians in Europe. It is argued in the article that since South Asia hosts so many refugees who would otherwise travel elsewhere, especially Europe, it is key to the balancing‐act that characterises the current global refugee regime. It is therefore important to think of options through which the host countries of South Asia can be supported. In this context, this article argues the need for North‐South cooperation through greater engagement between the EU and the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) to address protracted refugee situations. Despite criticism on its performance, the importance of SAARC cannot be ignored. This article proposes policy recommendations for SAARC‐EU cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

These grants are very innovative, everything from collecting memories of missing persons in postwar periods to promoting peace education in refugee camps to using the arts to create peace dialogues in war-torn areas. By virtue of their origins in the West, certain fields are dominated by scholars from the Western world. While we acknowledge that there are numerous Western scholars, such as Johan Galtung and Betty Reardon, who have made significant contributions to peace research, there is a need for out of the box thinking to look beyond to discover the work that scholars in the global South have produced. [Extracted from the article]

Since the mid-1990s the development community has focused significant attention on the potential and actual impact of development interventions on conflict resolution and peacebuilding in conflict-ridden and post-conflict zones. This has included the formulation and deployment of diverse concepts and tools of conflict sensitivity, including Peace and Conflict Impact Assessment (PCIA). Over the last 15 years the intent and application of PCIA has varied across the world. Mindful of this diversity, this article draws lessons from the application of PCIA in Pakistan, arguing that context-specific lessons are required to inform and shape the next phase of PCIA's development and application, thus ensuring that it is increasingly beneficial to all stakeholders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the coalition forces prepare to exit Afghanistan, concerns regarding peace and stability in the country and future power balance after their departure are becoming paramount. While there will be a considerable American presence, focus has now shifted to local infrastructure and services - civil, military and political and their ability to further peace and progress in the country. Owing to the geostrategic landscape of Afghanistan, in addition to its long conflict ridden history with a significant presence of the Taliban, concerns regarding revival of conflict and violence are coming to the fore -- particularly from traditional South Asian rivals i.e. India and Pakistan. Through an in-depth study of the political, economic, cultural and regional dimensions of this tri-lateral relationship, the following paper examines how there is a significant clash of interests and how there can cooperation between India and Pakistan in Afghanistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan, sometimes referred to as 'the most dangerous place on earth', is not typically thought of as a place where popular nonviolent resistance could take root, much less succeed. Citizen apathy, poor governance, and fear of regime repression and terrorist violence are barriers to effective civic activism inside Pakistan. Yet, over the past two years, Pakistan's authoritarian ruler was ousted and its independent judiciary restored following a massive grassroots campaign led by lawyers. The 'men in black', whose insistence on the rule of law and embrace of nonviolent struggle captured the hearts and minds of millions of Pakistanis, helped transform the country's political landscape in unexpected ways. The successes tallied by this nonviolent movement, this article will argue, can be attributed to the large-scale non-cooperation and civil disobedience that pressured two successive Pakistani regimes - one authoritarian and one democratic - to yield to its demands. Unity and mass participation, nonviolent discipline, and the creative use of nonviolent tactics were three key ingredients of success. While instability and Islamist extremism continue to plague Pakistan, the lawyers' movement highlights the steadily growing strength of Pakistani civil society have a potential to influence democratic change in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]