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Research on how public service management copes in difficult times is needed. This paper theorizes how collective action frames are created to nurture new practices in challenging contexts. The case concerns an Irish local authority, the 2008 financial crash and subsequent severe austerity. We draw on institutional work to make sense of collective action created for reform, actors' reflexivity of their situated logics, and institutional embeddedness. This paper contributes by: (1) adding to knowledge of how public service management reform is implemented in difficult times, and (2) combining institutional work with framing concepts to understand how such reform processes unfold. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In late developing states, labor markets are often segmented as a result of import substitution and political coalitions centered on the formally employed. Building on insider–outsider and moral economy frameworks from political economy, we theorize that in such contexts labor market insiders develop strong expectations about welfare provision and public transfers that make them more likely to riot against proposed austerity measures. We test our argument with the case of Egypt during the 1977 Bread Intifada, when the announcement of subsidy cuts sparked rioting across the country. To conduct our analysis, we match an original event catalog compiled from Arabic-language sources with disaggregated employment data. Spatial models, rich micro-level data, and the sudden and short-lived nature of the rioting help us to disentangle the importance of an area's labor force from its location and wider socio-economic context. As we show, despite the diffuse impact of the subsidy cuts, rioting was especially concentrated in areas with labor market insiders – and this is after accounting for a range of plausible alternative explanations. The results suggest that moral economies arising from labor market segmentation can powerfully structure violent opposition to austerity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies grassroots organizations that provide various forms of support to vulnerable local communities in the United Kingdom in a context of increasing austerity, public sector drawbacks, a lack of funding and extensive monitoring, and evaluative requirements. We focus on the COVID‐19 pandemic, which challenged traditional funding relationships. We analyze lived experiences of trust, emotion, and suffering to understand the politics of accountability across the diverse economy. We draw on Gibson‐Graham's post‐capitalist framework, which insists on the politics of language, the subject, and collective action. In the setting we study, the language of crisis reshaped funding, vulnerable subjectivities emerged to support vulnerable communities, and fragmenting accountabilities were met with attempts to promote collective action and solidarity. We, therefore, contribute to literature in critical accounting and literature focused on the voluntary and community sector by studying a landscape of diverse accountability practices to explore the possibilities that they offer in terms of accounting for non‐capitalist organizing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is over 20 years since the publication of the Asymmetric Power Model (APM). In the ensuing period, Britain has faced multiple challenges: the increasing fragmentation of public services; austerity politics; devolution; and, most recently, coronavirus disease and Brexit. It is this backdrop which provides the context to this article. First, it addresses how the literature has subsequently evolved. It then examines what has changed over the last two decades while also emphasizing what remains the same. Here, we highlight issues regarding both increased inequality and instability, focusing particularly on tension emerging from a de-centralizing-recentralizing approach to governance. The article concludes by offering a revised APM as a means of understanding British politics moving forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Politics & Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Why do leftist forces accept, support and adopt free-market policies? To answer this question, we carry out a comparative study of left-wing groups (both parties and trade unions) in France, Italy and Spain during the late 1970s and the early 1980s. This period is widely acknowledged in international political economy to have represented a paradigm shift from post-war Keynesianism to neoliberal policy-making. We employ in-depth content analysis of memoirs, interviews to the press, opinion articles and policy-papers to explain actors' positions on landmark policies implemented during such transition. In alignment with a developing literature in political economy (e.g. Mudge 2018), we find a proactive role of progressives in developing the ideological justification for the resort to liberal policies. However, we emphasise that widespread consensus among so-called progressives, rather than a leading role of technocrats or party experts, best explains such shifts. In this way, the paper casts doubts on interpretations of the liberalisation process that place excessive emphasis on the role of external constraints as well as on elite power. Drawing on Hall (1993), we argue that left-wing forces in the early 1980s have enacted a 'second order change', whereby policymakers use new instruments to meet existing policy objectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID-19 pandemic raises the question of austerity's problematic social toll for health in the south of Europe. Has EU economic governance constrained health spending? If so, have these spending levels led to inequalities, which in turn shaped responses to the pandemic? EU economic governance is often dismissed as ineffective because of its poor track record of compliance. Yet austerity is blamed for negative health outcomes. This article shows that the EU fiscal rule is a determinant of health because it affects fiscal policies of European countries. First, the analysis of EU member states during 1995–2018 shows that austerity policies affect health spending and health inequalities. Euro-area countries under the EU Excessive Deficit Procedure significantly consolidated their health spending. The contractionary effect was concentrated in southern countries, contributing to rising health inequalities across the core and periphery. Finally, the analysis shows the pandemic implications of health inequalities, as periphery countries with a track record of high consolidation display more stringent (and costly) COVID-19 response models. This analysis contributes to understanding the supranational determinants of health in the EU, showing the pervasive spillover effects of the fiscal framework on national health policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Folklor / Edebiyat is the property of Cyprus International University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper explores increasing emphasis on long-term investment in English devolution policy, as part of attempts to revitalise struggling communities through investment in infrastructure and public space. English councils seek to offset the financial difficulties they faced due to austerity cuts by establishing their own corporations, joint ventures, and investment partnerships, in order to generate needed income by creating economic flows from capital markets to public services. They have, consequently, envisaged a form of 'patient investment' in their communities, taking a long-term view of economic regeneration that aims to balance the risk of investment with the reward of local growth. The rollout of the Levelling Up agenda in February 2022 entrenches the narrative of patient investment as a conduit to regional regeneration, although it emphasises investment in infrastructure projects primarily for the purpose of attracting business and industry to deprived areas. Through a narrative policy analysis of Parliamentary debates about Levelling Up in England, I examine the turn towards long-term investment as an ethical shift in conceptions of welfare provision which prioritises private sector expansion for its potential to drive economic improvement. In this understanding, quality of life in communities is tied to growth and profit, rather than social support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article systematically reviews evidence evaluating whether macroeconomic austerity policies impact mortality, reviewing high-income country data compiled through systematic searches of nine databases and gray literature using pre-specified methods (PROSPERO registration: CRD42020226609). Eligible studies were quantitatively assessed to determine austerity's impact on mortality. Two reviewers independently assessed eligibility and risk of bias using ROBINS-I. Synthesis without meta-analysis was conducted due to heterogeneity. Certainty of evidence was assessed using the GRADE framework. Of 5,720 studies screened, seven were included, with harmful effects of austerity policies demonstrated in six, and no effect in one. Consistent harmful impacts of austerity were demonstrated for all-cause mortality, life expectancy, and cause-specific mortality across studies and different austerity measures. Excess mortality was higher in countries with greater exposure to austerity. Certainty of evidence was low. Risk of bias was moderate to critical. A typical austerity dose was associated with 74,090 [−40,632, 188,792] and 115,385 [26,324, 204,446] additional deaths per year. Austerity policies are consistently associated with adverse mortality outcomes, but the magnitude of this effect remains uncertain and may depend on how austerity is implemented (e.g., balance between public spending reductions or tax rises, and distributional consequences). Policymakers should be aware of potential harmful health effects of austerity policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we discuss the evolution of inequality in Greece from 2004 to 2021 in light of the Greek debt crisis that led to a sharp drop in gross domestic product per capita between 2008 and 2013. While aggregate measures of income inequality, such as the Gini coefficient, suggest a marginal improvement, domestic perceptions of social fairness remain bleak. To delve deeper into this paradox, we explore additional aggregate and distributional aspects of Greece's social landscape during this period. Our analysis reveals several contributing factors: a compression of earnings, benefits and pensions; a sharp increase in social exclusion; and high inequality in access to basic public services and housing. These factors go beyond what headline inequality indices indicate, illustrating how the sovereign debt crisis and subsequent austerity measures have affected individuals differently based on their socio‐economic background, while also reducing overall welfare across the Greek population. Moreover, chronic institutional inefficiencies and widening disparities in access to services and housing significantly influence perceptions of inequality and contribute negatively to the country's social cohesion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many high‐debt countries are adopting tax austerity, whereby governments raise the tax rate as their debt levels rise with the hope to dispel future solvency crises. This paper investigates the impact of tax austerity on government debt solvency. A solvency crisis occurs once adverse shocks push the debt above its effective debt limit, the maximum level of debt that the government can repay. I show that the position of the effective debt limit depends on tax austerity. I find that high‐debt countries like Italy that undergo tax austerity could lower their effective debt limit and induce a solvency crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We study how welfare states regimes influence the effect of episodes of fiscal consolidations on the four main components of the welfare state: social investment, pensions, healthcare and labour market insurance. Welfare state regimes are associated with distinct social policy legacies that feedback into political competition by shaping the size and influence of different coalitions of constituents. Using data from 1980 to 2014 in 16 OECD countries, we find that labour market insurance is more vulnerable to consolidations in Liberal regimes, while social investments are more resistant to consolidations in Nordic regimes. In the Continental regime, which overlaps with Social Health Insurance systems, healthcare is more resistant to consolidations. Finally, pensions are more resistant to consolidations in the Southern regime. These findings contribute to the study of the comparative political economy of welfare state retrenchment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The twinning model has been used to develop a wide array of political, economic and cultural relationships that connect communities and institutions in the United Kingdom with counterparts overseas. However, where local governments were once among the most ardent promoters of twinning, years of austerity coupled with changing processes of financial rationalisation, have led many councils to question the value of these relationships. Today, fewer British local authorities are taking up new twinnings and some have even been involved in a process of quiet 'untwinning'. This paper takes pause to examine what might be lost with this set of changes—it asks: just what is of value of twinning? Taking a cue from ongoing debates in the field of cultural policy studies, it advocates for a broadening and deepening of the operational concept of 'public value' to better account for the manifold ways that twinning can deliver pro-social benefits to British communities and their partners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1990s, economic policies in Europe and elsewhere, have been based on the theoretical and practical ideas embedded in the Maastricht Treaty: public debt and deficit must be reduced, even if this implies severe austerity. The main goal of this policy, growth with a decrease in public debt, did not work. Although the Maastricht Treaty framework received a wide consensus in the academic world as well in European politics, a few brave scholars stood up since the beginning to show its fallacies. In this article, we will discuss the critiques that Pasinetti made to the set-up of the EU economic policy, then we will connect the fate of public and private debt and finally we will explain why continuing with austerity will condemn Europe to anemic growth and political irrelevance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While there is a growing interest in citizen-led initiatives, there is still no consensus on how to situate them, especially in relation to state institutions. On the one hand, citizen-led initiatives are seen as being co-opted by formal institutions in a context of austerity. On the other hand, these initiatives are often presented as "spaces of resistance" to neoliberalism, or as political acts of reclaiming the city. Mapping and tracing urban gardening and dumpster diving from their grassroots emergence to their inclusion in the institutional world through a two-level analysis, we show that individuals and loosely organized collectives involved in such initiatives are embedded in complex relationships with local institutions and third sector organizations that do, in turn, structure their practice and its consequences. The two-level analysis we propose follows this process: it is through interactions and relationships with other "practitioners" and with their social and institutional environment that these urban social practices gradually institutionalize. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past century, crises have enabled the construction of Australian foreign policy orders, or sets of ideas that reduce uncertainty and stabilise interests. However, such ideas have also engendered misplaced certainty and renewed crisis. Developing a constructivist framework, I stress the ways in which ideas can over time impede the use of information and fuel instability and crises. In a staged model, I trace the construction of ties with "great and powerful friends", their conversion in ways that fuel misplaced certainty, and the construction of crises which advance change. Empirically, I then trace the construction of an early Imperial order, misplaced certainty in UK‐backed austerity and appeasement, and crises in the Great Depression and fall of Singapore. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intersectional politics has been widely associated with progressive Millennial activists. Accordingly, most social movement research focuses on progressive movements that adopt intersectionality as a guiding framework for organisation and mobilisation, mainly feminist, reproductive justice, LGBTQ and other movements spearheaded by university-educated Millennials. In contrast to most studies, we conduct a qualitative digital ethnography of Las Kellys, a Spanish grassroots movement with no explicit intersectional approach, but located at the intersection of the labour and feminist movements, and consisting of middle-aged, working-class (immigrant) women with no university background who fit their activism into their spare time. Our findings suggest that (1) Las Kellys deploys intersectional practices and disputes despite lacking an explicit intersectional approach, and (2) the development of intersectional practices and disputes in Las Kellys is the result of inter-movement diffusion processes from the anti-austerity protest cycle and the current wave of feminist protest. Moreover, we argue that the case of Las Kellys is part of a larger diffusion of intersectionality across contemporary Spanish activism as an outcome of the anti-austerity and feminist protest cycles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The death of urban entrepreneurialism is proclaimed surprisingly by opposite conceptualisations of austerity urbanism and radical municipalism. This paper argues that rather than seeing them as contrasting types, post-pandemic statecraft reflects the increasing tension and entanglement between capitalistic and territorial logic. From the ground of Chinese urban governance, we illustrate how Chinese statecraft maintains state strategic and extra-economic intention through deploying and mobilising market and society – to create its own agents and to co-opt those that are already existent or emerging. This statecraft is illustrated through community building, urban development, and regional formation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The purpose of this study is to provide new insights into the relationship between fiscal policy and total factor productivity (TFP) while accounting for several economic and econometric issues of the phenomenon like non-stationarity, fiscal feedback effects, persistence in productivity, country heterogeneity and unobserved global shocks and local spillovers affecting heterogeneously the countries in the sample. Design/methodology/approach: The paper is empirical. It builds an Error Correction Model (ECM) specification within a dynamic heterogeneous framework with common correlated effects and models both reverse causality and feedback effects. Findings: The results of this study highlight some new findings relative to the existing related literature. The outcomes suggest some relevant evidence at both the academic and policy levels: (1) the causal effects going from fiscal deficit/surplus to TFP are heterogeneous across countries; (2) the effects depend on the time horizon considered; (3) the long-run dynamics of TFP are positively impacted by improvements in fiscal budget, but only if the austerity measures do not exert slowdowns in aggregate growth. Originality/value: The main originality of this study is methodological, with possible extensions to related phenomena. Relative to the existing literature, the gains of this study rely on the way econometric techniques, recently proposed in the literature, are adapted to the economic relationship of interest. The endogeneity due to the existence of reverse causality is modelled without implying relevant performance losses of the models. Moreover, this is the first article that questions whether the effects of fiscal budget on productivity depend on the impact of the former on aggregate output growth, thus emphasising the importance of the quality of fiscal adjustments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores water politics, neoliberal austerity measures, and racial capitalism in contemporary Detroit. I detail how a city campaign of mass residential water shutoffs, begun in 2014 and effecting tens of thousands of Detroit households, has served as a weapon against poor communities of color to produce economic outcomes favorable to corporate creditors and political elites. I argue that an analysis of water politics in contemporary Detroit allows for a more nuanced understanding of how neoliberal urbanism produces its own distinctive structures of racial and gendered oppression—not class domination alone. Drawing on fieldwork with city activists and other residents impacted by water terminations, this article analyzes how capitalism has relied on race to validate myriad expressions of violence, capital accumulation, and dispossession. I submit that water is a resource whose provision and denial provides a lens through which to ascertain who is and is not regarded as fully human in the context of the neoliberalization of racial capitalism. This piece also details innovative ways in which water rights activists and other Detroit residents have resisted authoritarian water policies and crafted survival strategies to persevere in the face of abiding threats to their health and human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The decline of the power of organised labour, which is a central feature of neoliberalism, was compounded during the 'age of austerity'. Yet, the potentially disruptive agency of workers remains. This article presents a qualitative process-tracing exercise for over 150 prominent episodes of worker-led dissent in the period 2010–2019 in the UK, the results of which are also made available in a website accompanying the article: ' Contesting the UK's neoliberal model of capitalism: worker-led dissent (2010–2019). The article identifies seven configurations of causal conditions that proved sufficient for workers to successfully pursue their stated aims during this period. While 'standard' national disputes led by mainstream trade unions were on the whole not sufficient to achieve success during this period, nevertheless a number of alternative combinations of conditions did prove to be sufficient, especially locally-focused campaigns, those undertaken by grassroots 'indie' unions and those in the transport sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates how four Finnish media outlets, Helsingin Sanomat, YLE, Iltalehti and STT, framed the discussions about austerity policies and their impacts on Finland's national identity from 1998 to 2019. Using historical discourse analysis, the article shows the arc of austerity reporting and how Finland's position and role in the Euro crisis changed during the years. The analysis reveals something about the national self-understanding of Finland, as presented in the media in relation to other European countries. The article addresses three research questions. (1) How did the journalistic treatment of austerity change over time and what were the key turning points? (2) What kinds of perspectives and narratives did journalism construct in the coverage of austerity? (3) How was Finland as a nation represented and compared to other nations in the context of the Euro crisis and austerity? The article shows that the journalistic coverage of austerity evolved from a local issue affecting municipal economies to a global issue linked to the Euro crisis, and that Finland's national identity was constructed through a contrastive comparison with other Northern and Southern European countries. The article contributes to the discussion on media coverage of austerity by providing a longitudinal comparative analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Understanding how charities have survived, and sometimes thrived, in the face of crisis has given rise to an increased interest in the resilience of these organizations. Research on dealing with uncertainty and crisis situations notes the ability to adapt as a critical resilience component (Siders, 2019). However, resilience and adaptive capacity in the charity sector are under‐researched areas. This paper contributes to filling this gap by investigating two midsized Scottish charitable organizations that have weathered two significant crises: austerity as a result of the financial crisis of 2008 and the COVID‐19 pandemic. The study findings enhance resilience research by shedding light on the processes, actions and collaborations that facilitate resilience, and the importance of adaptive capacity in response to crisis. Two distinct approaches to resilience were identified: (1) a strategic approach to resilience, where the charity thrived in the face of crisis and demonstrated high levels of adaptive capacity, and (2) a pragmatic approach, where resilience equated to survival, adaptive capacity was low and, as a result, growth was limited. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Coal mining in the UK, once central to its political economy, has been in terminal decline for decades for both political and more recently environmental reasons. Against the grain of this decline, the proposal of a new metallurgical coal mine near Whitehaven (on the north west coast of England) has caused significant controversy. Those supporting the mines development say it is necessary to 'level up' from the previous decade of austerity, whereas opponents argue that new coal mining would severely undermine the transition to low carbon energy sources. Through a discourse analysis and open-ended interviews, this paper analyses the contestation of the mine through the environmental planning process, identifying how both the discursive contestation and decision-making practices are shaped by political logics (austerity/levelling up) and ecological logics (climate change). The paper finds that, as states turn towards greater levels of public subsidies as a new form of crisis management, the environmental decision-making processes which can determine the shape of investments have been severely undermined through a decade or more of reduced public investment, policy streamlining and a lack of public expertise. The paper argues that even though states may be turning towards policies subsidising energy projects, they are doing so in a context where there is a lack of state capacity due to a 'political ecology of austerity', limiting public capacity to plan for a better future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper revisits the conventional but unproven wisdom that voters penalize governments for adopting fiscal austerity in a sample of advanced economies. We consider the composition of the austerity package and the economic manifesto of the implementing government, and find that austerity packages consisting mostly of tax hikes have a significant electoral cost, which is larger for government parties that campaigned on a free‐market manifesto. Conversely, expenditure‐based austerity is costlier for government parties that did not run on a small‐government platform, but may be beneficial for those that did. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a strong resonance between events of the inter-war years and today. These include a questioning of laissez-faire capitalism and austerity, and the rise of so-called 'populist' parties on both the left and right. Clara Mattei's (2022) The Capital Order: How Economists Invented Austerity and Paved the Way to Fascism thus makes an interesting contribution, by locating the key argument of her book in the febrile period of European history between the wars. According to Mattei, the First World War disrupted the pre-war capitalist system to such an extent that it created a crisis of capitalism, itself. As a result, following the end of hostilities, there was a conscious effort to restore the pre-war 'capital order' by means of a technocratic 'austerity strategy', and this was strongly linked to the rise of fascism. We argue that the inter-relationship between capitalism, austerity, and fascism during the 1920s and 1930s was rather more complex, and that to make sense of this, it is necessary to broaden the focus beyond Italy and Great Britain and the international financial conferences at Brussels (1920) and Genoa (1922). Otherwise, we risk misunderstanding and mis-diagnosing our own times, as those inter-war politicians, financiers, and economists discovered to their cost. We therefore also include Germany and the USA and base our analysis on the events of the entire inter-war period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Urban Studies (Sage Publications, Ltd.) is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores the concept of "left behind places" and the need for policies to address regional inequalities and promote economic growth. It discusses the challenges faced by these places and the impact of global shocks like the financial crisis and the COVID-19 pandemic. The article examines the policies implemented in the UK, the USA, and the European Union to reduce regional disparities, highlighting varying degrees of success and the need for more comprehensive approaches. It emphasizes the importance of place-based policies, economic security, reduced inequality, and a democracy that works for everyone. The article concludes by discussing the need for customized policy interventions that consider local needs and focus on social and environmental aspects of regional decline. [Extracted from the article]

Whilst there are many advocates of the notion that a fluid school-neighborhood relationship can improve education, there are gaps in the conceptual and empirical study of school and community governance models. This article analyses how two schools and social actors in two disadvantaged neighborhoods relate, collaborate, and organize to encourage school success for all students. The results make visible the origin and organizational dynamics of the school-community alliances in each community. Partnerships, based on a bottom-linked governance system at the school and community level, are a strategic approach for working together in developing a citizenry that can address both present and future challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The UK's asylum and social welfare systems have both been transformed by major organisational changes, funding cuts, and privatisations through a decade of austerity. With this, asylum‐seeker accommodation and the impacts of welfare reform have become increasingly concentrated in already‐impoverished, peripheral urban areas such as Rochdale, Greater Manchester. Despite these parallels, scholarship and commentary in the UK has tended to consider welfare and border regimes in relative isolation. Based on ethnographic work conducted in two charity drop‐centres in the town, this article addresses this gap by exploring how the UK's converging politics and geographies of asylum and welfare governance shape everyday negotiations of deservingness and social in/exclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Community organizing can play a critical role as a grassroots form of democratic activism which challenges austerity politics sweeping the globe. What is required is not only a democratization of the state through counter-hegemonic political victories, but in the US as well as the UK politicized social movements and grassroots community organizing tied to progressive and radical praxis. The Community Organisers Programme (COP) in England, which trained and hired more than 500 community organizers between 2011 and 2015, can serve as a contradictory example of manipulating the austerity state to include funding community organizing. Without connection to political victories and effective grassroots organizing, the COP remained, like the most prevalent types of training in the US in and outside of social work, a moderated form of democratization and an extension of the neoliberal austerity state, intentionally or not. The voices heard here working in the field demanded a more politicized form of training. This contribution emphasizes voices from the field regarding three aspects: the limited and problematic training content in the COP, the moderated community organizing education which fit with contemporary trends in community organizing in the US, and the surprising political sophistication of those interviewed who understood the highly critical need of more effective training to help address our extraordinary contemporary challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article delves into the paradoxical nature of post-2008 fiscal policies, where there is a simultaneous emphasis on valuing public investment on the one hand, and maintaining austerity on the other. It sheds light on this paradox through the concept of "Investor State," which refers to contemporary states' ambition to redefine their role in the economy by no longer limiting themselves to a regulatory role but rather seeking an active role as "investor." We argue that this redefinition of the state's role is of piece with the elevation of investment as a new standard for legitimizing state actions. On the flipside, by making investment the main criteria of public policy legitimacy, it simultaneously delegitimizes spending that is not deemed an investment. Because the adopted economic definition of investment is limited to traditional "productive investment" related to industrial policy, other policy sectors—that is the majority of state intervention—are subject to spending cuts. Thus the Investor State suggests an evolution of the fiscal order that Streeck described as the "consolidation state": the primary goal is no longer to reduce public debt and deficits. But the neoliberal objective to reduce the "size" of the public sector in the economy absolutely remains. Drawing on the case of France, the article shows how the right-wing government started placing investment at the core of its fiscal policy after 2008. The article then highlights the continuation of this dual fiscal policy discourse to date despite changes in government leadership and the pandemic crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article concentrates on the funding of green transition policies implemented in France during the 2010s. Instead of examining the emerging European Investor State through its "new" public investment policies, such as loans, equity, investment banks, and funds, this article examines the transformations of "older" public investment policies, specifically investment subsidies. We contend that the European Investor State is currently marked by a paradox: while public resources for investment, particularly for green transition investments, are increasing, the means to distribute these resources are diminishing. Austerity measures and new public management policies are undermining territorial administrations, thereby limiting their ability to accurately identify and support beneficiaries. This bureaucratic weakness within the European Investor State significantly affects the effective distribution of subsidies, because they tend to be increasingly concentrated among larger communities and companies, as well as a broad spectrum of private intermediaries. Consequently, the European Investor State appears multifaceted and occasionally contradictory, lacking long-term continuity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reviews the impacts of the UK Conservative Party's government policies on 'open access youth work' since 2010, giving particular attention to the period since 2018 and to impacts in England. After clarifying the practice's distinctive features, it outlines the 'austerity' demolition of its local provision and—amid continuing wider financial pressures—changes in the role and contributions of the voluntary youth sector. It lists a range of 'gesture' funds for financing responses to young people's needs and interests as the government has defined them and uses the Youth Investment Fund (YIF) as a case study of how this money has been made available and allocated. Initiatives taken by the Department of Digital, Media, Culture and Sport (DCMS) are then examined: its Youth Review, National Youth Guarantee, review of the statutory guidance to local authorities, and support for 'youth volunteering'. Two key developments are then considered that, by early 2024, were diverting and inhibiting an even partial sustained reinstatement of the lost open access youth work facilities. One, at the policy level, is the redefinition of 'youth work' by governments and by some within the youth work sector itself as a wide range of out-of-school practices with young people; the other, at the point of delivery, is the on-going difficulties in recruiting youth workers, especially those with direct practice experience. Finally, two possible tentative suggestions for some reinstatement of open access youth work provisions are then discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Accounting information systems (AIS) are primarily designed to convert financial data into usable financial and management information. Their effectiveness or success, which shows the extent to which the requirements of their users are satisfied, is an essential factor in decision making. Previous research has found that user satisfaction is a particularly widely utilized and indicative measure of information system (IS) success. In this setting, the success or failure of an AIS is a crucial issue for all companies since a particular IS cannot be appropriate for everyone, especially in the case of accounting software that has to satisfy the requirements of its users. Furthermore, given the hotel industry's information-intensive and competitive character, the AIS user satisfaction of hotel financial and accounting executives can be vital to their performance and the hotel's operational efficiency. The aim of this research is to investigate a number of factors that influence AIS user satisfaction in the post-implementation period in the case of the Greek hotel industry. The findings of our empirical study show that system quality, information quality, system use, service quality, firm's size, years of system use, information technology integration, and organic structure have a positive effect on user satisfaction with AIS. On the contrary, statistical analysis shows that users' level of education is negatively correlated with AIS user satisfaction. Finally, the current research findings contribute theoretically to the IS and accounting literature, and they also shine a light on the managerial implications for IS developers, hotel managers, and financial executives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the main idea of the governments of David Cameron after 2010, the Big Society intended to place civil society at the heart of the Conservative agenda while also serving as a rhetorical tool to distance the 'modern' Conservative party from the Thatcherite legacy. In comparing Margaret Thatcher's view on citizenship to the one upheld by David Cameron, this article argues that despite many similarities, Cameron broke with Thatcher in the way he reinterpreted the nature of the state, as well as how he planned to remake civil society and to inspire 'active citizenship'. Unlike Thatcher, who believed that a dynamic civil society would spontaneously flourish once the state was reduced, Cameron believed that society could be rebuilt only through the work of the state. From this perspective, it is possible to reassess the academic debate about the Big Society and to regard it not as a means of justifying a smaller state at a time of economic austerity, but rather as an initiative which failed at least in part because of austerity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A rural–urban poverty gap exists in most countries around the world, and this paper employs a novel approach to explain this difference, using logistic regression to examine the effects of rural–urban residence type, individual socio-economic and demographic characteristics, and changes in government policies on the likelihood of being poor in England. Unusually, rural areas in England have lower poverty rates than urban areas, so the direction of the typical rural–urban poverty gap is reversed, but the method employed here would be applicable in either direction. We disaggregate micro-data from the Understanding Society Survey (USS) into three residence types (predominantly rural; significantly rural and predominantly urban), and combine these USS data with information on changes in councils' spending power, in service spending and in per capita income lost from cuts to welfare benefits since 2010. The results demonstrate that rural residence provides a buffer against poverty in England, a so-called 'rural advantage effect', but this is reduced or becomes non-significant after controlling for individual socio-economic and demographic characteristics and changes in government policies. Furthermore, working-age poverty has increased more rapidly in rural areas than urban between 2010 and 2018. Our analysis also reveals how national policies have differential spatial impacts on local populations according to their diverse characteristics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses how economic inequality was framed by UK news media during the pandemic and, drawing from framing theory, considers the implications of the coverage for news audiences. To do so, it uses a data set of 167 articles from the following UK news publications: The Guardian, The Telegraph, the Financial Times and The Sun. There are differences between the publications in terms of salience, tone and there is a wide range of causes and solutions attributed to inequality with no consensus emerging. The coverage is framed mainly by state sources, and there is very little discussion of the finance sector and corporations as causes and solutions to tackle inequality. There are some positive trends emerging, as sustainable finance, climate change and gender equality are highlighted alongside some alternative solutions, indicating a move away from historical trends in news coverage that demonize poverty and focus simply on the individual. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is the first academic paper to consider the role that parliamentarians play in access to justice. Under austerity, England and Wales has seen cuts to legal aid and local authority budgets that have impacted the ability of people to get help for legal problems in social welfare law from the advice sector. Members of the UK Parliament and Members of the Senedd Cymru are increasingly being called upon by their constituents to fill the resultant gap in advice. This paper draws on interviews with parliamentarians that draw out the nature of the role they are now playing in access to justice across three key areas of civil justice: welfare benefits; housing; and immigration. The growth of parliamentarians as figures in access to justice has thus far been largely neglected but is crucial to grasp, as the implications for the future of access to justice are massive. The paper calls for more research to better understand the phenomenon but urges caution that elected representatives should not be considered as an adequate substitute for a properly functioning, adequately funded advice sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Senegal has long relied on local communities to expand health services and improve health outcomes for citizens and is internationally lauded for its effectiveness in promoting good health and facilitating local trust. Here we examine how community health care emerges in Keur Toma, a rural Wolof town in the Senegal River Valley that relies on a global network of labor migrants to fuel its remittance‐based economy. Largely through its hometown association and the migrant men abroad who fund it, Keur Toma has built and sustained the local health infrastructure and staffing essential to achieving health care accessibility, providing consistent investment and critical stop‐gap funding when government assistance falters. Following Robbins's call for investigating "an anthropology of the good," we highlight the deeply rooted sense of care and obligation to kin and community that fosters the translocal ties that make Keur Toma's health care possible in the state's absence. We highlight what Ngom calls "sanctified suffering"—which valorizes personal fortitude and the ability to endure hardships for family and community, shaped by traditions of solidarity, mutual aid, and Islamic morality—and its role in migrants' hometown commitments to building stronger communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Both the Saint Michael Parish of Cluj-Napoca and the entire Diocese of Alba Iulia have been concerned for times with the issue of the loan taken out from the Netherlands. This issue was interpreted in diverse ways, it was divulged by both the Hungarian and Romanian press, and it also launched a public discussion. Yet, its exact background and focal point were unknown. In this study, I endeavour to present both the background and the protagonists and the final resolution of this delicate issue by exploring the contemporary documents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The consequences of periods of austerity, generally connected with economic crises, are not only reflected in the financial performance of local governments but also in the range in which they can face shocks. Monitoring the vulnerability and resilience associated with these shocks and the subsequent impacts on the financial situation of Slovak municipalities points to financial resilience, the ability to be proactive or, on the contrary, to be passive as a reaction to evolving environmental conditions. The paper examines the ability of 2,923 Slovak municipalities in the period 2005 - 2022, according to their size categories, to respond to periods of austerity in the economic reality of the Slovak Republic: The Global Financial Crisis from 2009 and the recent ongoing economic crisis arising from the crisis COVID-19, the subsequent military crisis in Ukraine, and the related energy crisis (multi-crisis). The resilience and vulnerability of Slovak municipalities, considering the size categories, are measured by employing a primary dispersion measure as the standard deviation of six financial indicators mirroring the local government's performance in the form of indexes linked to 2005. The results confirm the vulnerability of Slovak local governments in considered eras of austerity with relevant recovery periods, demonstrating a considerable degree of resilience. Besides, we reveal other structural breaks in the monitored period, which influenced the economic circumstances of Slovak municipalities, too. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past decade, debt-based solutions have been implemented as part of austerity policies to distribute public goods by the use of market forces, resulting in an increase in public and private indebtedness. This paper considers the terms of such solutions by developing the conceptual lens of market studies to rethink 'debt' and 'the market' as analytical categories that often reproduce the conditions of their conceptual boundaries. In so doing, it demonstrates how paying attention to particularities reveals the normative, economic and political circumstances that determine debt-based solutions. These do not simply sit peripheral to the market, but come to define debt obligations as part of market relations. In this respect, the paper takes an approach that accounts for obligation as an entanglement of debtors in market relations. The study builds on Michel Callon's rendition of 'problematization' to explore the implementation of the 2010 higher education fee loan regime in England, a result of austerity governance. A novel application of 'markets for collective concern' and 'accountability devices' is thus used to argue that understanding the ways debt-based solutions entangle market participants in the obligation to repay that reproduces the conditions of the intervention's conceptual boundaries, requires a market studies approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two years after the COVID-19 pandemic, the Greek economy seems to have overcome the turmoil of the pandemic crisis as well as that of the following energy crisis. Nevertheless, it would be wrong to assume that the Greek economy has returned to a sound state, since this was not really the case even before the pandemic. Furthermore, the anemic growth rates of the pre-pandemic period were followed by an equally weak average growth rate (including the impact of the pandemic), as some of the significant fundamental weaknesses of the Greek economy, which had accumulated over time and constituted the real origin of the Greek crisis, have not been properly addressed yet. This paper attempts a complete mapping of the current state of the Greek economy, offering an insight into the external and internal determinants affecting it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the role of the European parliament (EP) in providing ideational alternatives to austerity in the context of the Eurozone crisis and the COVID-19 crisis. Despite the EP's limited formal role in EU economic governance, it is a key site for democratic debate and contestation. Analyzing EP debates about austerity allows us to understand the possibilities and limitations for ideational change at the EU level from the perspective of supranational party politics. Through a longitudinal analysis (2012–2021) of EP resolutions on the European Commission's Annual Growth Surveys, the article asks how ideational battles around austerity have unfolded between the EP's political groups and what factors have shaped the EP's positions. Theoretically, the article draws on the literature on ideational political economy and discoursive institutionalism. The article argues that instead of providing alternatives, the EP and its Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs have contributed to the ideational hold of austerity due to the weakness of the alternatives of the center-left and their compatibility with austerity. Party-political and institutional factors, such as broad left/right compromises and a strict division of labor between the EP's committees, further constrain ideational change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given high long-term interest rates, most industrial countries have to either cut spending or increase taxes to contain government debt. As an immediate fiscal consolidation would cause economic and political harm, adjustment must be steady and slow, based on a credible plan. This implies that government debt levels have to increase before falling. This is not good, but not catastrophic, as advanced economies can sustain a higher debt ratio, so long as it is not exploding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]