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Most research in policy transfer studies focused on cases of policies originating from the 'Global North'. However, recently countries of the 'Global South' became sources of models. With the exception of a few studies, literature has not considered these developments. This paper aims at contributing to this direction, by proposing an agenda drawn from policy transfer studies as well as from the observation of Brazil's and China's engagement in policy transfer. This exercise helps highlight a series of aspects overlooked by the literature. Understanding their motivations, their timing and other important aspects related to these processes can shed new light on policy transfer phenomena. New research questions are introduced and illustrated by examples from Brazil and China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores China's increasing media engagement with Latin American partners. It examines the case of Mundo China (MC), a China-news segment broadcast by the Brazilian news channel BandNews TV and co-produced in partnership with CCTV. By conducting content analysis, we assess how China is presented, contrast the framing of China before and since the partnership agreement, and compare the televised image of China between BandNews TV and other news channels in Brazil. The findings show that MC has assisted in diversifying and balancing the ratio of positive frames in relation to the overall China-related reporting across the broadcasters sampled. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines whether localized trade shocks from China influence Brazilians' views on integration with the country. We test the following hypotheses: (1) as trade shocks are localized, views on trade should form at the local, rather than at the individual level, and (2) as localized trade shocks affect both workers and companies in a same region, they should also influence legislators' views on China. Our analyses find support for both claims, but only among losers from Chinese trade. Residents and legislators from localities hurt by import shocks tend to hold negative views about economic ties with China, whereas neither residents nor legislators from localities benefitted by export shocks exhibit more positive views about the country. Our paper contributes to the literature on the politics of trade by incorporating meso-level theories of trade preference formation and by establishing the conditions under which the interests of constituencies should shape legislators' views on international trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Direito GV is the property of Fundacao Getulio Vargas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Cotton is a cornerstone of global fiber markets, and many importing and exporting countries play important roles in the global cotton market. The US cotton sector has long been one of the world's largest. However, Brazil's cotton production has rapidly grown, and the country has become one of the leading cotton producers, accounting for an ever‐increasing share of world cotton production and trade. This meteoric rise has put Brazil's cotton sector in frequent competition with the United States over export sales and market share. We empirically investigate how the expansion of the Brazilian cotton sector has impacted the US cotton sector's position in world markets by quantifying the extent to which rising Brazilian production has caused reallocations of US exports. We also explore how the recent US–China trade war affected these market dynamics by assessing the impacts of China's retaliatory tariffs on US cotton. Our results show that Brazil's cotton production has caused a major disruption to US cotton exports, resulting in a significant reduction in US exports to large cotton importers such as China, Vietnam, and Pakistan, and that these trends were reversed (at least temporarily) by the US–China trade dispute. By illustrating how competitive forces and trade disputes have shaped recent market dynamics for this key commodity, our work adds to the growing literature examining the interplay between competition and trade policy in the global agricultural sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past 30 years, the relationship between Brazil and China has undergone significant development, expanding cooperation in various fields, including trade, economy, culture, and science and technology. This collaboration plays a crucial role in promoting the development of both countries. However, this development has complex characteristics, characterized by mutual complementarity and asymmetry in Brazil-China relations. Mutual complementarity between the two nations reflects the fact that they provide each other with the necessary resources and markets. China imports key raw materials like iron ore, soybeans, and oil from Brazil, while Brazil imports high-value-added products from China. This economic exchange has been driving economic growth in both countries, increasing their interdependence. Still, it poses challenges for the future due to its asymmetrical nature. Brazil relies on China's demand for raw materials, making it vulnerable to fluctuations in China's raw material market. Moreover, Chinese state-owned companies are expanding their investments in Brazil, which has raised concerns and strengthened China's negotiating power. Nevertheless, the relationship between the two countries continues to move in a positive direction. Recently, cooperation between Brazil and China has expanded into trade, culture, and science and technology, playing a crucial role in enhancing mutual complementarity. This collaboration is expected to contribute to building sustainable cooperation based on interdependence. Therefore, the Brazil-China relationship has the potential to continue developing positively in the future, but both countries need to plan and coordinate their future cooperation, considering the asymmetry and interdependence. This will allow Brazil-China relations to prepare for their impact on the global political and economic landscape, address domestic priorities, and meet the challenges of the international community, ultimately achieving a more sustainable relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China and Brazil established the "Comprehensive Strategic Partnership" in 2012. Since the establishment of the partnership, China and Brazil have continued to deepen economic and trade cooperation, and cooperation in various fields has achieved remarkable results. China has long been consistent in maintaining its status as Brazil's largest export destination and source of imports. The total volume of bilateral trade between China and Brazil has significantly increased, and the trade structure in goods is becoming increasingly diversified. The total volume of bilateral trade between China and Brazil has grown considerably, and the trade structure in goods has become increasingly diversified. On 20 April 2023, when Brazilian President Lula visited China, China and Brazil issued a joint statement on deepening the "Comprehensive Strategic Partnership", further deepening the cooperation in trade in goods has become a consensus. From the perspective of goods trade under the comprehensive strategic partnership, the article analyses the complementarities and competitiveness of goods trade between China and Brazil with the help of relevant formulas to form a complete and transparent study of the goods trade between the two countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Foreign infrastructure investment (FII) is essential to the economic growth of developing countries. However, developing countries are prone to higher levels of political risk, which act as detractors to such investment. The nature of political risk has been well documented and includes such factors as corruption, inadequate legal protections, opaque regulatory processes, and unstable governments prone to volatile shifts in project support. Even so, the impact of political risk on FII does not arise from environmental factors alone, but also emanates from the internal attributes of the infrastructure delivery system; which is to say not all projects are impacted to the same extent by a given political climate. Although the external political risk environment has been extensively explored, the internal vulnerabilities are not well understood. This study identifies the impacts of foreign infrastructure vulnerability on FII and its mediating capacity in offsetting the adverse effects of political risk on FII in developing countries. It draws on a database of China and Brazil from 2006 to 2019, as exemplars of developing nations. A partial least-square structural equation model (PLS-SEM) method is employed in analyzing the database against existing system vulnerability factors as identified: political risk exposure of the system, system's capability of dealing with political risk, and the relationship between host and home countries. The findings confirm that, ceteris paribus, FII flows are hindered when infrastructure projects carry higher risk exposure. Moreover, where systems possess the capacity to mediate political risk, FII participation is facilitated, while also diluting the negative impacts of that risk on the delivery system. These findings add to the body of knowledge in the domain of vulnerability theory, while offering a practical political risk management pathway for multination investors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Geosul is the property of Geosul and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines the consequences of the hugely successful expansion of South-South Cooperation since the new millennium. For all the achievements, variations and change over the 1950s-late 1990s, 'SSC 1.0' was characterised by relative neglect within the 'international' development community, and by many orthodox and critical scholars. In the chronological schema of the paper, 'SSC 2.0' refers to the period of remarkable expansion from the early 2000s to the present. The emergence of 'SSC 3.0', I suggest, is currently revealed by a discernible set of shifts driven in large part by the expansionary successes of SSC 2.0, as well as other turns in the global political economy. Three contemporary trends are identified: cooperation narratives that are increasingly 'muscular', nationalistic and pragmatic; difficulties sustaining claims to 'non-interference' in partner countries; and the further erosion of ideational and operational distinctiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Green Revolution is often seen as epitomising the dawn of scientific and technological advancement and modernity in the agricultural sector across developing countries, a process that unfolded from the 1940s through to the 1980s. Despite the time that has elapsed, this episode of the past continues to resonate today, and still shapes the institutions and practices of agricultural science and technology. In Brazil, China, and India, narratives of science-led agricultural transformations portray that period in glorifying terms—entailing pressing national imperatives, unprecedented achievements, and heroic individuals or organizations. These "epic narratives" draw on the past to produce meaning and empower the actors that deploy them. Epic narratives are reproduced over time and perpetuate a conviction about the heroic power of science and technology in agricultural development. By crafting history and cultivating a sense of scientific nationalism, exceptionalism, and heritage, these epic narratives sustain power-knowledge relations in agricultural science and technology, which are underpinned by a hegemonic modernization paradigm. Unravelling the processes of assemblage and reproduction of epic narratives helps us make sense of how science and technology actors draw on their subjective representations of the past to assert their position in the field at present. This includes making claims about their credentials to envision and deliver sustainable solutions for agriculture into the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Precision medicine (PM) is emerging as a scientific bandwagon within the contemporary biomedical sciences in the United States. PM brings together concepts and tools from genomics and bioinformatics to develop better diagnostics and therapies based on individualized information. Developing countries like China and Brazil have also begun pursuing PM projects, motivated by a desire to claim genomic sovereignty over its population. In spite of commonalities, institutional arrangements produced by the history of genomics research in China and Brazil are ushering PM along different trajectories. In the Chinese case, we identify a strong state-backed push for PM combined with a dynamic network of international academic and private actors along the lines of networked technonationalism that has made large-scale, speculative PM projects possible. The Brazilian case is characterized by an institutional void at the federal level in which PM is driven by domestic academic actors in universities in the regional level, resulting in smaller scale, needs-driven PM projects. Through these cases, this paper shows how a scientific bandwagon adapts to national histories and institutions. Through this peripheral translation of the scientific bandwagon, the global infrastructure of biomedical knowledge has the potential to be transformed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to fill a vacuum in the international economic law literature about the legal tools mobilized by Chinese state-investments in middle-income economies. In order to develop this analysis, we scrutinize the largest operation of Chinese investments in Brazil: the acquisition of Companhia Paulista de Força e Luz ("CPFL") by State Grid in the electric energy sector. This analysis assesses the impact of such investments on three levels: the bilateral coordination macrolevel, the national regulatory framework mesolevel, and the corporate governance microlevel. The two main questions driving this exercise are: Which legal instruments support these economic interactions, and can they be qualified as disruptive of the international economic law order? We conclude that, in comparison to large and small economies, Chinese investments have been much less disruptive to middle-income economies such as Brazil, due to (i) the similar legal tools employed to manage the international economic legal order, (ii) an economic and legal environment previously exposed to foreign direct investments in strategic sectors; and (iii) the inexistence of reported direct interference, also known as "shadow administration," of the Chinese Communist Party in the daily operations of the corporation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article brings to fore long-standing intricacies and dilemmas in Brazil's and China's international positioning. It reveals the complex discursive repertoires shaping the Brazilian and Chinese sense of Self in the world, in the Global South, and, more particularly, in relation to Africa. It engages with the concept of "liminality" to highlight how constructing South–South relationships and invoking Southern identities have been ambiguous, indeterminate—thus liminal—endeavors in these countries' international affairs. By dissecting their diplomatic and corporate narratives towards Africa, our analysis demonstrates, notwithstanding tensions and contradictions, how Brazilian and Chinese actors have creatively acted upon this liminality to pursue foreign policy goals and economic projects. In doing so, the article stresses the floating, ambiguous nature of powerful constructs such as "South" (and "West"), and binary oppositions between them. It concludes by discussing how a liminality perspective allows us to understand the unfixed and multifaceted nature of roles and identities in international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper sets out to understand the use of public procurement as a policy instrument for catching up. Brazil and China, who have explicitly linked procurement to innovation, are used as empirical cases. We review their respective institutional settings, policy approaches, and micro-level processes related to the public procurement of innovation (PPI). We have discovered that they share similarities concerning issues encountered during PPI implementation. Although both countries have made some achievements in promoting innovation through procurement, this paper highlights some of the obstacles they have experienced when implementing this policy, such as institutional problems, changes in the political landscape, and macroeconomic constraints. Such obstacles, more prominent in the case of Brazil, may have acted as an obstruction to achieving the pursued objectives, thereby restricting the full potential of PPI in driving technological catching up. The article then offers managerial and policy implications for the implementation of PPI, such as the importance of choosing relevant procurement procedures, critical roles played by policy champions, and demonstrating effects of leading firms and regions. While in China PPI was once an instrumental part of its technology development agenda, in Brazil it has been sporadic and unconnected to a given national strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose In this paper, the authors aim to examine trade in parts and components of Mexico, Chile and Brazil, focusing in particular on trade of television parts (SITC 7711) and semiconductors (SITC 7763) with China and South Korea. They also study the impact of foreign direct investment (FDI) on supply chain activities.Design/methodology/approach The authors use sub-categories of trade data to look at export and import of parts and components involving China, South Korea, Mexico, Brazil and Chile. They also use two-stage regressions to examine the impact of FDI on supply chain trade.Findings The authors found preliminary evidence that there may be early signs of an emerging Trans-Pacific production network between these three Latin American economies and the China-based and South Korea-based East Asian supply chains. The authors argue that this budding network will improve economic welfare. To deepen the Trans-Pacific supply chain, it would be desirable for China and South Korea to consider joining the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). In addition, FDI enhances trade in components.Practical implications To deepen the Trans-Pacific supply chain, it would be desirable for China and South Korea to consider joining the TPP. In addition, it would be beneficial for these Latin American economies to encourage more direct investment in infrastructure and in manufacturing facilities from Asia.Originality/value This paper is one of the earliest research papers examining the Trans-Pacific supply chain, linking China, South Korea with Mexico, Brazil and Chile. The authors also study the impact of FDI on supply chain activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Identifying existing care pathways is the first step for understanding how services can be improved to enable early diagnosis and effective follow-up care for non-communicable diseases (NCDs); however, evidence on how care pathways can and should be identified in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) is lacking. To describe generalisability and lessons learned from recruitment and data collection for the quantitative component of a mixed methods study designed to determine the care pathway for atrial fibrillation (AF) in Brazil, China and Sri Lanka. Adults (≥18 years) that spoke the local language and with an AF diagnosis were eligible. We excluded anyone with a hearing or cognitive impairment or ineligible address. Eligible participants were identified using electronic records in Brazil and China; in Sri Lanka, researchers attended the outpatient clinics to identify eligible participants. Data were collected using two quantitative questionnaires administered at least 2-months apart. A minimum sample size of 238 was required for each country. The required sample size was met in Brazil (n = 267) and China (n = 298), but a large proportion of AF patients could not be contacted (47% and 27%, respectively) or refused to participate (36% and 38%, respectively). In Sri Lanka, recruitment was challenging, resulting in a reduced sample (n = 151). Mean age of participants from Brazil, China and Sri Lanka was 69 (SD = 11.3), 65 (SD = 12.8) and 58 (SD = 11.7), respectively. Females accounted for 49% of the Brazil sample, 62% in China and 70% in Sri Lanka. Generalisability was an issue in Brazil and China, as was selection bias. Recruitment bias was highlighted in Sri Lanka. Additional or alternative recruitment methods may be required to ensure generalisability and reduce bias in future studies aimed at identifying NCD care pathways in LMICs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the recent past, China has expanded its grain production to achieve high food security and increased its partial dependence on imported agricultural commodities, of which soybean supply is highly import-dependent. This study systematically reviews the past trends in China's soybean demand, Brazil's soybean production and export, factors contributing to the soybean trade between China and Brazil, and future uncertainty in China's demand and Brazil's supply under climate change. We find that recently China imported ~64% of soybean from Brazil, while ~73% of Brazil's soybean exports were destined for China, making them key stakeholders in their international soybean trade. China's accession to the World Trade Organization, China–Brazil trade cooperation, and diversion from trade with the USA have played a pivotal role in China's increasing soybean imports from Brazil. China's soybean import has brought increasing virtual land to China (from 3.57 million hectares (Mha) in 2005 to 19.63 mha in 2020). This growing virtual land import could be one of the reasons behind Brazil's soybean harvested area, which increased from 22.95 Mha in 2005 to 37.19 Mha in 2020. In the future, climate change impacts on soybean production in Brazil can seriously affect China's soybean imports from Brazil and its domestic food security. We analyze these effects using a climate-crop–economic modeling approach, where yield changes from the crop model are incorporated into the economic model as lower land productivity. Our results show that Brazil's future soybean production and gross exports can drop up to 13.1% and 15.2% under the highest emissions scenario (RCP8.5). Consequently, China would face a decrease in its soybean imports from Brazil (−9.94 Mt). Due to these import reductions, China's domestic soybean supply will be reduced (−9.94 Mt). There would also be some reduction in China's meat supply and a drop in China's consumer welfare. Our results can contribute to devising policies to ensure China's food security and promote global sustainable development goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Latin America is a critical region for analyzing China's economic statecraft. Following the Monroe doctrine, Latin America has long been seen as part of the sphere of U.S. influence. For the purpose of studying the effectiveness of China's economic statecraft I will focus on two countries that stand on opposite extremes: Brazil and Mexico. Both countries happened to be important target states (strategic partners) of China's economic statecraft in the region, albeit for different political and strategic goals. In this paper I will compare the different domestic political and economic conditions, interests and institutions in these two countries to explain why China has made greater progress in projecting its economic power through trade and investment to pursue its political goals with Brazil, but has not succeeded in Mexico. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conspiracy Theories (CTs) are a global phenomenon, but some societies are better equipped than others to resist them. This article discusses the characteristics of the China-related COVID-19 CTs in the Brazilian Facebook, based on 28,312 posts published from January 2020 to June 2021. We argue that, in Brazil, the spread of CTs was facilitated by a widespread political and knowledge institutions' legitimacy crisis. The rise of the extremist politician Jair Bolsonaro to the Presidency provides evidence in this regard. In consequence, the boundaries between fringe and mainstream politics become porous. This article discusses which agents disseminate China-related COVID-19 CTs, and which topics receive more attention. We found a significant presence of actors belonging to mainstream politics and the media among the CTs' main disseminators. Additionally, the CTs circulating in the Brazilian social media environment reproduce concerns about China's growing presence in the global arena, which originate elsewhere. Still, they add a specific emphasis on the Communist threat. We sustain that this emphasis relates as much to Brazil's internal politics as to China itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The vigorous growth of the Chinese economy together with its increasingly successful role in international trade may have profoundly impacted developing countries. This study examines the large increase in the international trade exposure of the Brazilian economy during 2000–2012 to assess the impacts of import competition on its manufacturing formal and informal labor markets. In this period, import penetration grew by more than 20 percent in Brazil, and the share of the import penetration originating in China increased from 3 to 20 percent. At the same time, the share of informal workers in manufacturing declined from 27 to approximately 15 percent. Employing a switching regression model and Brazilian household survey data, this study finds that a greater industry-level Chinese and 'rest of the world' import penetration increases the likelihood of jobs becoming informal at different intensities, and these effects are smaller in unskilled-labor intensive industries and manufacturing states. Additionally, both types of import penetration positively impact the average informal wage. In contrast, the estimates suggest that a larger Chinese import penetration reduces average formal wages, while imports from elsewhere have the opposite effect. The results also indicate that the magnitude of the effects on wages are moderated by the unskilled labor intensity of the industry and whether the worker is located in a manufacturing state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China became Brazil’s most important trading partner in 2009. For the South American country, this new situation implies lower levels of economic dependency on the USA. But does this new situation automatically translate into a more equitable axis of South-South relations? And, to what extent can Sino- Brazilian trade be reconciled with the vision of a global, low-carbon bioeconomy? This article addresses these questions by means of a qualitative analysis of the trade relations between China and Brazil over the period 2000-2018. The Sino-Brazilian case is interpreted as an important axis of South-South relations in the context of the emerging bioeconomy. The paper shows that, despite greening policies on both sides, trade relations between the two countries are by no means developing in the direction of a low-carbon transition. Although Sino-Brazilian trade is treated bilaterally as an expression of South-South cooperation, its constitutive elements and dynamics do not break with classical centre-periphery hierarchies. Instead, the article highlights the construction of new inequalities, with much relevance for the bioeconomy in the making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper assesses the role of the BASIC countries — Brazil, South Africa, India, and China — in UN climate change negotiations. The paper explores the formation and evolution of the group, and focuses on how the four major developing countries of China, India, Brazil, and South Africa have coordinated their positions and acted jointly to achieve an agreed outcome with other players in the recent UN Climate Change Conferences in Copenhagen and Cancun, based on an analysis of their country profiles and negotiation positions on a wide range of climate issues. The paper argues that the emergence of the BASIC Group is a reflection of the ongoing power shift from EU–US agreement to BASIC–US compromise in UN climate negotiations since the early 1990s. The rise of BASIC also has its roots in recent global market dynamics and further reflects the power transformation in the economic dimension of the international system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fast-growing developing countries have emerged as an important destination and source of trade, investments and technology. Furthermore, trade between developing countries has grown rapidly over the last decades, and is becoming more diversified, where exchange includes from primary commodities to manufactures and high-end services. The aim of the special issue is to look at these dynamics and how the leading developing countries have turn into growth engines and technology drivers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the roles that political leaders have played in the formulation and implementation of government initiatives to tackle poverty and inequality in Brazil, China, India and South Africa since about 2002. While research on social policy and welfare expansion in the industrialised world has largely ignored leaders, we stress the importance of politics and political agency, since political leaders often exercised decisive influence even if their decisions to prioritise certain issues and to adopt certain strategies depend on the convergence of other factors. We examine their management of tensions and opposition within their governments and their political systems – as well as what we can discern of their motivations and political calculations. We consider the impact on government initiatives both of their adroit machinations and, at times, of their ineptitude. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

China's rapid economic growth created new challenges and opportunities for Latin America over the 2000s. Much ink has been spilt analysing how countries in the region surfed the Chinese wave of commodity-based prosperity. However, there is fertile and quite unexplored territory to analyse how these regional powers in the Global South, from a comparative perspective, have interacted with China as they tried to improve their international position over the 2000s. We analyse in this article how Brazil and Mexico dealt with China's presence and strategic goals in Latin America and assess the outcomes they extracted from this relationship. We draw evidence from and offer comparisons across different presidencies in each country (Lula and Rousseff in Brazil, and Fox, Calderón, and Peña Nieto in Mexico) over the 2000s, which allows us to grasp the variation in ideology, governance style, and electoral legitimacy. We ground our theoretical framework in the concept of international insertion, a Southern-based framework that opens space to understand and explain how countries in the South behave in international politics from a different point of view. We claim that the efforts made by the national governments in both countries to improve their positions achieved limited or transitory results, if considering China as a strategic factor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Developing countries increasingly participate in transgovernmental networks of global regulatory governance, but they do so in different ways. This article aims to provide an explanation for this variation for two of the major emerging powers in the world economy, Brazil and China, in their transition toward more active players in the global competition regime. Distinguishing between bilateral and multilateral transgovernmental networks and examining the domestic factors conditioning the transition of their national competition agencies from rule‐takers to rule‐promoters or rule‐makers through these networks, the article makes theoretical contributions to the linkage between transgovernmentalism and the regulatory state. I argue that differing political needs and the incomplete process of regulatory state formation push domestic agencies to join transgovernmental networks, with a need for greater legitimacy steering the Brazilian regulators to multilateral networks and facilitating their transition from rule‐takers to rule‐promoters. The Chinese agencies' primary need for expertise rather than legitimacy, by contrast, led them to pursue technical assistance and cooperation via bilateral relationships. The Chinese approach has slowed its transition from rule‐taker to rule‐promoter where its norms and practices are aligned with the established powers. Such approach will further impede its transition into a global rule‐maker in areas of competition law and policy where China's preferences diverge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Conjuntura Internacional is the property of Conjuntura Internacional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Focusing on recent and upcoming mega-events in South Africa, China and Brazil, this paper contrasts and critiques the associated image and identity opportunities and risks, as well as comparative motivations for hosting such events. Accordingly, the paper considers the 2010 World Cup in South Africa, the 2008 Beijing Olympics and the scheduled 2014 World Cup and 2016 Rio de Janeiro Olympics in Brazil. In the context of an increasing number of mega-events being hosted in the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India and China; South Africa is to join), the paper provides broader continuity and introduces a broader research agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista CS is the property of Rafael Silva Vega and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The recent economic interaction between Latin America and Asia, particularly between Brazil and China, has attracted the attention of the academic world that seeks to understand the effects of this approach in terms of business cycle convergence, economic structure and development trajectory. This paper contributes to this debate, presenting new evidence about the type and quality of this relationship. Our results reveal that Brazil and China present different patterns of relationship between trade and productive specialization: while Brazil has an intra-industry trade pattern, China has an inter-industry trade pattern. We explore some normative implications and future research possibilities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper explores China's role in deforestation in Latin America. Brazil's Amazon region contains vast natural resources including land, timber, minerals and hydroelectric potential. China's strong economy and large demands relative to domestic supplies of these resources mean that China has become Brazil's largest trading partner, primarily for natural resources. The paper examines how China influences deforestation in Brazilian Amazonia in a variety of ways, including through the direct influence of Chinese enterprises through land purchases and other mechanisms. This paper finds that the rapid rise in exports of soy and beef products to China are two of the major drivers of Amazonian deforestation in Brazil. The paper further argues that Chinese purchases of agricultural and forest land and Chinese imports of commodities such as timber and aluminum also cause environmental impacts in Amazonia. Chinese financing and investment in Amazonian infrastructure such as railways and mineral processing facilities have additional impacts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose -- The purpose of this paper is to offer instructors a real managerial dilemma faced by a prestigious Brazilian jewelry company as it decides how it should expand into two Asian countries: China and South Korea. Design/methodology/approach -- The authors followed guidelines for developing teaching cases as those suggested by Gill's (2011) seminal contribution, Informing with the Case Method. Findings -- Since this is a teaching case, there are no "findings" in the usual sense of the word related to traditional empirical studies. Research limitations/implications -- Data for the case came mainly from the stated visions and opinions of the firm's spokesperson and may reflect his own particular (though influential) views. The authors also used public secondary data from consulting companies, market research firms and business magazines. Although these accounts may be partial, this is not a severe limitation since a teaching case is expected to provide some information, but not a full set of information, in order to better reflect real managerial situations. Practical implications -- This case study may help students understand and "live trough" a real managerial dilemma, related to international expansion to a rather distinct environment from those the firm has been accustomed to. Originality/value -- This teaching case brings relevant material for in-class discussion of a successful emerging market firm that has successfully paved its way into developed Western markets and now seeks to expand into Eastern lands. Decisions related to strategic positioning and international marketing make the core of the managerial dilemmas that the firm has to face. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to examine a much-overlooked aspect of the rise of China: when will it end? Obviously, the Chinese economy will not grow at an annual rate of 10 percent forever. At some point Chinese growth will stabilize. When is of vast importance for the political, economic, and ecological future of the world. Design/methodology/approach – Data from the World Development Indicators database are used to benchmark the recent economic growth of China (and India) to the long-term trajectory of Brazil. A structuralist approach derived from world-systems analysis predicts that Chinese growth will stabilize once China reaches an equilibrium income level characteristic of the semiperiphery of the world-economy. Findings – Based on recent trends, the structuralist perspective suggests that China's extraordinary rate of economic growth will fall back to global norms after 2020. China is unlikely to reach US or EU levels of total national income before mid-century. Research limitations/implications – The research presented here is highly speculative. The data are of very poor quality and the assumptions are quite heroic. That said, the China 2020 prediction is relatively robust to variations in data and assumptions. Social implications – The rise of China is unlikely to have much impact on the structure of the modern world economy or the continuation of US hegemony for the foreseeable future, and its impact on greenhouse gas emissions may be less than anticipated. Originality/value – This study will hopefully open a debate about planning for the end game of rapid Chinese economic growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we discuss relationship between export diversity and economic performance, focusing on Brazil, China, India and South Africa (BCIS). Using time data on exports over the period 1962-2000 and Applied General Equilibrium (AGE) models for each country, we note the similarities as well as differences in the patterns of diversification in these countries. We find evidence of a U-shape relationship between per capita income and export specialization in at least China and South Africa, and given that the results from Granger causality testing are inconclusive and not robust with regards to export diversification measures, some preliminary evidence from the results suggest that export diversification Granger causes GDP per capita in Brazil, China and South Africa, but not in India, where it is rather GDP per capita changes that are driving export diversification. From AGE modeling we find that South Africa differs from the other economies in that it is the only case where export diversification has an unambiguously positive impact on economic development while in contrast in Brazil, China and India, it is rather export specialization that is preferred. We show that the manner in which export diversification is obtained may be important: if it is obtained with less of a reduction in traditional exports, the impacts are better (less negative). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper studies regional (spatial) inequality in the five most populous countries in the world: China, India, the United States of America, Indonesia and Brazil in the period 1980-2000. They are all federations or quasi-federations composed of entities with substantial economic autonomy. Two types of regional inequalities are considered: Concept 1 inequality, which is inequality between mean incomes (GDPs per capita) of states/provinces, and Concept 2 inequality, which is inequality between population-weighted regional mean incomes. The first inequality speaks to the issue of regional convergence, the second, to the issue of overall inequality as perceived by citizens within a nation. All three Asian countries, show rising inequality in terms of both concepts in the decade of the 1990s. Divergence in income outcomes is particularly noticeable for the most populous states/provinces in India and China. The United States, where regional inequality is the least, shows further convergence. Brazil, with the highest level of regional inequality, displays no trend. A regression analysis fails to establish robust association between the usual macro variables and the two types of regional inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the past two decades, Brazil, South Africa and China have designed closer economic and political ties. Since the early 2000s, China has become a key economic partner for both countries. International trade and foreign direct investment between the three nations have expanded, and closer political ties have also evolved. This article elaborates on the increasing economic interdependence between Brazil, China, and South Africa addressing challenges and opportunities for all three countries involved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are many who expect China's rising foreign direct investment (FDI) in, exports to, and economic collaboration with Latin American countries will drive such countries to adopt foreign and domestic politics friendly to China as well as China-favored policies. This article tests the power of such arguments by examining the impact of Chinese outward FDI (OFDI) in Brazil, Brazil's trade with China, and Chinese loans to Brazil on Brazil's China policy. It finds that broad and deep economic ties indeed have pushed Brazil in the direction of China. However, the magnitude of such changes has been limited. The reasons for bounded change include differing interests and positions at the system and state-levels. Also relevant are domestic political factors such as pressures from special interest groups in Brazil. Finally, the political power of Brazilian leaders plays a role in bounding the positive political effects expected to flow from Brazil's deep economic interconnections with China. It must be noted that many putatively China-friendly Brazilian policies had roots long before Brazil's economic ties with China exploded. This article calls into question the presumption that significant economic links with China and/or the prospect of such automatically will produce the China-favorable political policies some expect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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. Projects are underway in many developing countries to try to improve the provision of treatment and access to care for people with haemophilia (PWH), as long-term prophylactic treatment, which improves quality of life for PWH, is still restricted to developed countries. In most developing countries, therapy is limited to on-demand treatment or even no replacement treatment at all. Combined with limited healthcare resources, this lack of treatment can lead to a vicious circle of lack of care, disability, unemployment and lack of access to health insurance for haemophilia patients. In China, the establishment of the Haemophilia Treatment Centre Collaborative Network of China (HTCCNC), in conjunction with the World Federation of Hemophilia, has improved haemophilia care and the identification of PWH. In Brazil, on-demand treatment has improved the health of PWH but does not prevent musculoskeletal (MSK) complications, the major cause of deterioration in quality of life for PWH. The Novo Nordisk Haemophilia Foundation BR2 project was therefore designed to improve quality of life of PWH through improvements in their physical, mental and social wellbeing. This paper will briefly review these projects and describe the current status of haemophilia care in these countries. While there is still a long way to go before optimal care becomes a reality for all PWH in developing countries, significant progress has been made, and knowledge of the impact and outcomes of these projects can inform best practice worldwide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bilateral investment treaties (BITs) have proliferated, particularly in the last two decades. Among the large emerging markets, Brazil and China are the largest emerging countries in South America and Asia, respectively. Foreign investors have mostly perceived these two countries as the sought-after places with great potentialities and attractiveness. However, Brazil and China have adopted completely different strategies regarding BITs. The objective of this paper is to make an empirical and comparative study of the experiences of Brazil and China by answering the following questions: Why did the two large emerging economies adopt such different positions concerning BITs? Does the hostile approach or the proactive approach depend exclusively on economic and political factors? What are the advantages and disadvantages of the BITs? Do the practices of Brazil and China reflect the problems or the positive impacts of the existing BITs? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyses the economic impacts of China's reemergence on Brazil, looking at both the direct effects of China on Brazil in terms of bilateral trade and investment flows and the indirect effects through increased competition in export markets for manufactured goods and higher world prices for primary commodities. Despite a surge in Chinese FDI in Brazil in 2010, the main driver of bilateral relations is trade. While bilateral trade has grown rapidly, the pattern that has emerged has given rise to concern because Brazil's exports are concentrated in a small number of primary products while imports from China are almost entirely of manufactured goods that are becoming more technologically sophisticated over time. Brazil has benefitted in the short term from the high prices of primary commodities (partly caused by growing Chinese demand), but has lost export markets to China in manufactures, contributing to the "primarization" of the country's export basket. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Country Brand Equity (CBE) is a core topic in international business; however, it is scarcely discussed in publications. Due to their global market importance as developing nations, Brazil and China were evaluated by U.S. consumers. The purpose of our model was to measure CBE by adding a new construct – Country Brand Reputation (CBRep) – to the classic models of brand equity at a country level [Country Brand Awareness, Country Brand Perceived Quality (CBQua) and Country Brand Loyalty (CBLoy)]. Therefore, these four constructs are represented by fifty-one variables founded on preexisting scales. By applying psychometric procedures, a CBE model was constructed and validated using Structural Equation Modeling (SEM). The Brazilian and Chinese models indicated quite similar results. The results implied consistency regarding both countries' CBE when measuring the Country Brand Reputation's influence on CBE. Thus, we propose a model named the Reputation-Driven Country Brand Equity Model (CBE-Rep) designed for countries, regions or cities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary: Recent academic works have shed light upon the motives and negotiation dynamics leading to the creation of the New Development Bank (NDB) and Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). We know less about their day‐to‐day activities and if (and if so why) they are being innovative in the field of multilateral development lending. This article evaluates novelty in the two banks. It uncovers and suggests an explanation to the puzzle of why the NDB appears more innovative (in terms of institutional design, staffing, and lending policy guidelines) than the AIIB by exploring the cases of China and Brazil. The two countries played central roles in the set‐up of each the AIIB and NDB. Drawing on extensive field research, the article proposes that their preferences and capability to engage in institutional innovation depend on interests, status, economic power, and regulatory capacity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Idéias is the property of Universidade Estadual de Campinas - Portal de Periodicos Eletronicos Cientificos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the present paper, I focus on the overall level of import penetration of the Brazilian market for manufactured goods, the impact of China on the growth and structure of the Brazilian economy, and the composition of Brazil's exports to China. The purpose of this article is to gain a deeper understanding of the convergence of Brazil's gradual economic stabilization, China's quest for new markets and commodities supply sources overseas, and the liberalization of Brazil's economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]