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It is well-known that former Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro used social media to spread fake news with the assistance of his public official supporters also known as the "hatred cabinet". This practice started during his campaign and continued throughout his government. This political strategy was guided by a selected group influenced by Olavo de Carvalho and inspired by his far-right thinking. This paper aims to analyze Bolsonaro's political strategy of using social media to manipulate his followers by applying Carlo Ginzburg's evidence method. The theoretical reference is based on Pierre Bourdieu, Jürgen Habermas from the vision of Mauro Wilton and Wilson Gomes, Zygmunt Bauman, Hanna Arendt, Yuval Harari, Pierre Lévy, Gilles Lipovetsky, Georges Balandier, among others. In the post-truth era, Bolsonaro and his supporters continue to disseminate fake news through a giant network in social media - such as Twitter, YouTube, and Facebook - about many different issues including politics, dictatorship, racism, homophobia, environment, COVID-19 treatment, and vaccines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines how mainstream news organizations in Brazil have tweeted about Jair Bolsonaro, investigating to what extent they may (voluntarily or not) amplify the visibility of populist leaders. We also scrutinize the levels of audience engagement with posts mentioning the President. Our empirical design comprises a content analysis of 128,096 tweets published throughout 2019 by Folha de S. Paulo, O Estado de S. Paulo, and O Globo. The results reveal that such newspapers focused on controversies and negative issues involving Bolsonaro, while posts addressing public policies did not achieve high visibility or engagement. The article also discusses to what degree the newspapers may be taking advantage of users' preferences for content with populist features to reinforce their watchdog role and boost audience ratings. Our findings also contribute to understanding how populist leaders and media organizations can build a mutually beneficial relationship, even though they publicly claim to oppose each other. Finally, the paper suggests new hypotheses to be explored, such as the argument that quality papers may be loosening the division between news and opinion when using social media to satisfy audience niches in polarized environments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper it will be defended the hypothesis that the digital communication of the then president of Brazil Jair Messias Bolsonaro (2019-2022) used populist discourses to react to the worst moments of ratings on social networks, materialized through official statements, facts of the presidential agenda or factoids, published both in the professional press and on social networks. Thus, we will present data collected on Twitter between January 3, 2020 and March 18, 2021, regarding reactions and sentiments related to Bolsonaro. Additionally, we will take an analysis of the news that would have reacted to the downs of popularity of the then president in the mentioned social network. The theoretical framework of this work is anchored in the concepts of populism and presentism and the relation of these phenomena with social media; in the concept of emotional media and in the practice of spin doctoring. From an analysis standpoint, it can be seen that Bolsonaro's strategy on Twitter was to take advantage of the contemporary phenomenon of presentism, by overlapping negative facts with news that used populist and emotional aspects. Despite of somewhat working for deeper crises in digital popularity, however, it failed to make the president mentions more positive than negative. This article concludes that it is necessary to Eedited according to spin doctoring techniques. Without media regulation about that, the situation may degrade to levels difficult to recover from. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we draw on the concept of fantasy and the principles of political discourse theory to develop an analytical framework for the study of Veja's anti-populist discourse. As one of Brazil's most influential publications in elite policy-making circles, Veja exerts considerable influence over the way populist politics is portrayed and understood. By tracking the signifiers 'populism' and 'populist' in the pages of this weekly magazine, our study affirms the distinctive virtues of adopting a psychoanalytically-informed perspective on political antagonism and ideology, treating fantasy as a core concept in the study of polarizing discourses generally and discourses about populism in particular. Far from remaining above the fray in its opposition to the discourses of both Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (and the Workers' Party) and Jair Bolsonaro (and the Social Liberal Party), our critical fantasy study shows how Veja's pronouncements were both ideologically invested and normatively inflected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Contexto Internacional is the property of Pontificia Universidade Catolica do Rio de Janeiro, Instituto de Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Aiming to debate the the power of the counter-mobilization that emerged on Twitter during the coronavirus pandemic in Brazil, we carried out a documental study on Twitter collecting texts and images associated with the #BolsonaroGenocida hashtag, between March 13 and June 6 of 2021, a period in which intense public demonstrations took place against the Bolsonaro's government in the country. We analysed 1243 tweets and 503 images, identifying the main contents anchored and objectified by the hashtags, revealing the various dimensions that compose the social representations associated with Bolsonaro and his management during the pandemic. The tweets' contents comprehend the social and political demonstration arising from part of the Brazilian people against the actions taken by the president of Brazil during the Covid-19 pandemic, which led to thousands of deaths that could have been avoided; regarding the images, the results point out an emotional anchoring of Bolsonaro's image to death. It is therefore important to demarcate the nature of Twitter as an specific platform for the mobilization of SR through the sharing of images and texts, which ends up evoking emotions that contribute to accentuating the social identity of the group that is expressed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers an interpretation of the ideology expressed by Jair Bolsonaro, current president of Brazil, as a Brazilian far-right neoliberal nationalism, which typically distinguishes between the members of the nation and its traitors and enemies, creating an authoritarian atmosphere of governance combined with the defense of neoliberal values. To establish the bases that sustain this ideology, we investigate four key arenas of his administration – family issues; the anti-left rhetoric; the call for a mixed-race identity; and Brazilian foreign policy. We sustain that Bolsonaro's discourse, instead of revealing a fragmented political project, actually articulates a powerful and authoritarian image of the Brazilian nation, while also reinforcing the idea of individual entrepreneurship and traditional morality. Although this project is deeply informed by past national ideological traditions, it is also aligned with the expansion of the far right internationally and sheds light to its dynamics in periphery countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Devastating forest fires in Brazil's Amazon rainforest, one of the most important biomes for Earth's climate balance, have captured the world's attention in 2019 and 2020. Foreign governments, non-governmental organizations and institutional investors pressured Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro to act and control the situation. Within this context, institutional investors threatened to divest from companies potentially linked to the wildfires and to sell government bonds, creating a divestment movement. Against this background, this article shows that Bolsonaro's responses varied for each of the groups criticizing the handling of the environmental situation. It is argued that the Brazilian government adopted a more conciliatory tone and took more concrete actions when responding to institutional investors' demands, compared to the responses for foreign governments and non-governmental organizations (NGOs). Based on fifteen in-depth interviews conducted in 2021 with professionals involved in this divestment case, the paper concludes that institutional investors played a key role in Bolsonaro's winning coalition and electoral aspirations. Moreover, the shortage of financial capital due to the COVID-19 pandemic created further incentives for Bolsonaro to avoid conflicts with institutional investors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Right‐wing variants of populism are on the rise across the globe, creating new patterns of interaction between society and the environment. These new socio‐ecological relationships – dubbed "populist ecologies" – are not homogenous and, instead, can vary from country to country and populist to populist. In this paper, we adopt two illustrative case studies to outline two particular right‐wing populist ecologies. First, we turn to the government of Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil (2019 onwards) and detail the ways in which Bolsonaro's anti‐science agenda is evident in his response to patterns of deforestation and the "burning of the Amazon" in 2019. Second, we explore the politics of Matteo Salvini in Italy, highlighting how, in this form of right‐wing populism, the environment has become a container for wider political ambitions. In doing so, this work highlights the complexity of the relationship between contemporary right‐wing populism and the environment – and the ways in which populist ecologies may act to conceal the more‐nefarious elements of the populist moment. This paper details how right‐wing variants of populism create new socio‐ecological patterns of interaction. Drawing on case studies of Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil and Matteo Salvini in Italy, we advance a conceptualisation of "populist ecologies" to explore and make sense of how ecology is represented within far‐right populist projects. In doing so, we highlight an important complexity in which populist ecologies may function to conceal broader, more nefarious elements of far‐right populist projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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One dominant narrative of the recent Brazilian crisis elaborated by scholars explains it as the result of a (lost) battle of secularist and progressive forces against religious and conservative ones. This paper challenges such a Manichaean viewpoint, by approaching grassroots politics in the context of critical events from Dilma Rousseff's impeachment to Jair Bolsonaro's victory in the 2018 presidential elections, from an ethnographic perspective. Drawing on fieldwork among Pentecostal families involved in the Landless Workers Movement, this paper argues that looking at moral reciprocity as well as power relations may help us to move beyond dichotomous stereotypes and analytical frameworks such as 'patronage' or 'populism'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper discusses the Brazilian 2022 presidential elections, presenting Bolsonaro and Lula as the two frontrunners who have too many other candidates to face, who compose a third way that together joins around 30% of voting intention. Approaching the way how Bolsonaro arrived at power in the 2018 elections - when Lula could not be a candidate because he was incarcerated - this paper also discusses Bolsonaro's government so that it can be possible to understand from where Bolsonaro comes and who he is, which mistakes he is doing that justifies the low levels of popularity, especially compared to Lula. Looking forward to seeing what the best for Brazil is and based on the hypothesis that a coup led by Bolsonaro would never succeed, not because of the international support to Brazil but due to the resilience of internal defenders of the rule of law, this paper is theoretically supported on the paradigmatic theory and concludes from the scenarios structured that Lula seems to be victorious in all of them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The election of Jair Bolsonaro for president in 2018 turned Brazil onto a conservative extreme right political path. Beyond the domestic impacts on institutions and democracy, the rise of the far right also transformed the country's foreign policy as well as affecting its global prestige. The country's reputation abroad has deteriorated, and both Brazil and the president have been heavily criticised in foreign media. This paper moves beyond the views of the press and the public. It analyses changes in the country's international status after the election of Bolsonaro from the point of view of elite stakeholders. It draws from a reflexive thematic analysis of primary data collected in 94 semi-structured interviews with experts from the foreign policy community of great powers at the end of 2018 and in the first months of 2019. This article argues that the new president was seen as changing everything, creating a feeling of uncertainty regarding other nations' relations with Brazil and hindering the chances of Brazil improving its international standing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ilha do Desterro: A Journal of English Language, Literatures in English & Cultural Studies is the property of Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, CCE Departamento de Pos-Graduacao em Lingua Englesa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Direito e Práxis is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper aims at analyzing the communicational dynamics activated by the dissemination of fake news on social media in moments of collective mobilization, in the frame of the dialogic approach of social representations. In order to establish a comparative analysis, three focus groups were created with voters of candidates Fernando Haddad and Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil, who discussed the content of purposely selected Facebook posts. The study extrapolated the conversational exercise to the dynamics of a social media, concluding that digital ecosystems, in moments of collective mobilization, behave as representational fields guided, from the psychosocial point of view, by relations of identity tension and, from a rhetorical or communicational point of view, by a phenomenon called diatopic tension, characterized by the coexistence of four interdependent variables: (1) topological divergence; (2) situational heteroglossy; (3) affective intensity and 4) apparent perception of factual control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contemporary societies, especially some Western countries, have faced the return of neoconservatism, along with a desire for homogeneity, consensus, standardization, polarizations, and universalism in several social relations. With the election of alt-right, authoritarian, misogynist, and homophobe Jair Bolsonaro in 2018, many Brazilian citizens have faced a herculean challenge in relation to the maintenance of democracy and the provision of citizenship and critical education. The purpose of this paper is to problematize some media discourse produced by Bolsonaro and to investigate how such discourse has influenced the lives and education of our research participants (pre-service teachers). The first section investigates discourses and regimes of truth by explaining how discourses and ideologies influence our students' lives and their future career. Section two points to the urgency of problematizing homophobic discourses, and section three queers Bolsonaro as an act of resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Brasiliana: Journal for Brazilian Studies is the property of Brasiliana: Journal for Brazilian Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Brazilian Journalism Research is the property of Sur le journalisme, About journalism, Sobre jornalismo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Brazilian Journalism Research is the property of Sur le journalisme, About journalism, Sobre jornalismo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

On the 9th of May 2020 The Lancet, the leading medical journal, published an editorial referring to the current situation of the pandemic in Brazil, which is short of being disastrous, and describing Jair Bolsonaro, the Brazilian president, as the biggest threat to Brazil – we would add to the world. In this paper, we enquire the issue of leadership, anti-intellectualism and nationalism by conducting a philosophical enquiry, whilst also questioning the role and shortcomings of the Brazilian educational system in sowing the seeds, and allowing this situation to develop in the country. This philosophical enquiry does not attempt to lay blame on the Brazilian educational system; rather, it is an attempt, an urge for reflection and self-reflection, so that the errs of the past may be remediated in the future; hopefully, a near future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rule of law in Brazil suffered mightily during the presidency of Jair Bolsonaro. His pugnacious public-security rhetoric, antagonism to environmental and indigenous issues, and connivance with corruption contributed to deepening long-standing problems of Brazilian democracy, while setting a number of traps that his successor, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, is now forced to navigate. Despite the apparent success of political institutions in blocking Bolsonaro's most damaging threats to democracy, they have not emerged unscathed. The high court, in particular, has been tarnished by its increasing politicization and the clear evidence that it continues to fail to deliver the most basic foundations of a democratic rule of law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudos em Comunicação is the property of Labcom / Universidade da Beira Interior and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Brazilian Journalism Research is the property of Sur le journalisme, About journalism, Sobre jornalismo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Jair Bolsonaro, the unapologetically homophobic and ultraconservative Brazilian president, managed to emerge from the margins of the political system and gained electoral momentum during the impeachment hearing against Dilma Rousseff in 2016. The hearing, which ultimately demoted the first female president of the country, epitomizes the current affective polarization of Brazil in which sexual dissidence plays an important role. This paper discusses the politics of discourse, affect and sexuality which has drawn Bolsonaro and his far-right ideologies into greater political relief. To do so, I will focus on the scene in which Jean Wyllys, a human rights activist and the only openly gay congressmember at the time, spat on Bolsonaro. Wyllys' misdemeanor caused a commotion in the country and was recontextualized in several venues such as memes, social media, op-eds, YouTube parodies etc. This paper investigates the intense circulation of Wyllys' actions and how it responds to and takes issue with the larger affective scenario of the country. I analyze the socio-semiotic life of Wyllys' spit by tracking its textual trajectory with a view to discussing the performativity of disgust and the forging of political (in)sensibilities with regards to gender and sexuality in contemporary Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The Covid‐19 pandemic has been a massive disaster in Brazil, causing more than 350,000 deaths as of April 2021. Moreover, President Jair Bolsonaro suggested that already marginalised groups should take what came to them, as if they were an expendable surplus in his necropolitical perspective. However, civil society initiatives are emerging to tackle the impacts of this crisis. This paper adds to current literature on the forms and levels of resistance to disasters, using primary and secondary data pertaining to three key Brazilian groups: domestic workers; the urban poor in favelas; and indigenous Amazonians. The analysis indicates that their historical, political resistance has been a foundation upon which to develop disaster mitigation and their actions have built on and gone beyond previous modes of organising. More specifically, their responses have replaced a 'present–absent' federal government, entailed local, innovative adaptations, led to new public–private sector relations, and may offer the prospect of consolidation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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As an example of a typical right-wing populist, Jair Bolsonaro downplayed Covid-19 and rejected scientific evidence to address the pandemic. We argue that both his communication style and approach to crisis management had consequences for the behavioural patterns of his followers, which, in turn, had public health implications. Building on survey research, we demonstrate how Bolsonaro's supporters were less likely to consider the pandemic as a key challenge for the country, less worried about getting infected and less likely to wear masks. We show that this 'riskier' behaviour had concrete repercussions. Even after controlling for confounders such as population density, age, education and wealth, municipalities with higher aggregate support for Bolsonaro had higher Covid-19 infection rates in 2020 and saw more people dying from the virus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios sobre el Mensaje Periodistico is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The last six years in Brazilian politics have been defined by tense polarization. Such polarization reached its peak during the impeachment process that removed former President Dilma Rousseff from office, often characterized by commentators as social, political and even affective turn in the country. Ample media discussions were held regarding corruption, nationalism, unemployment, inflation and even communism. Another important issue, however, related to the impeachment process is that of gender, which has not deserved the same attention, especially in mainstream media. During the course of the impeachment, a magazine article received wide public attention: "Marcela Temer: bela, recatada e do lar" ["Marcela Temer: beautiful, maidenlike and 'a housewife'"] was published by Veja magazine on April 18, 2016, featuring Brazil's then-future first lady, and circulated intensively on the Web. Against this backdrop, this paper analyzes the aforementioned article by tracking its trajectory online and by investigating how femininity is (re)performed at each entextualization until the campaign period in 2018. Partial results show that the figure of personhood projected for women by Veja is sharply contrasted with the one projected onto Ms Rousseff. Such figure of personhood was later picked up by right-wing extremists, who blatantly reject gender equality and emphasize the role of women in the private sphere. I argue that such conservative view of gender helped discursively construct Dilma Rousseff's impeachment in 2016 and was later integrated into the complex neofascist politics which elected Jair Bolsonaro President of Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When far-right politician Jair Bolsonaro was elected president of Brazil in 2018, it marked the end of the dominance of two parties in presidential elections since 1994: the PSDB (Brazilian Social Democracy Party) and PT (Workers' Party). It also marked the return of a self-declared rightwing politician to power, which had not occurred since the end of the military dictatorship in 1985. In the 1985 mayoral elections and 1986 governor elections, the region that stretches from the beginning of the East Zone towards the North Zone in the City of São Paulo had been identified as a stronghold for the conservative right-wing vote (Pierucci 1999). This trend disappeared in subsequent elections with the lack of competitive conservative right-wing candidates. For the 2018 presidential elections, however, the region once again became a significant area of support for rightwing politics in São Paulo. This research project seeks to understand the views of the electorate in this region and their motivations to vote for Bolsonaro. Data was collected through semi-structured interviews and ethnographic observations from right-wing demonstrations, which were performed to recruit interviewees and to learn more about their agenda. Interviews were conducted with voters who campaigned for Bolsonaro in the 2018 elections and residents in the aforementioned region. This paper discusses some of the findings from this research, in particular the role of the military from the interviewees' perspective. Overall, they see the period of military rule as a positive one, associating it with virtues such as "order", "discipline", and "honesty". Research participants attribute a sort of "moderating power" to the armed forces; in their view, the military can - and should - interfere in politics if the situation demands it, even at the cost of democratic institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars have highlighted the bond between contemporary right-wing populism and social media. They have also shown how populist features such as anti-elitism, nationalism and people-centrism are manifested through the exhibition of the leaders' private lives and everyday habits on social media. This paper contributes to this scholarship by looking at how two of these leaders – Matteo Salvini and Jair Bolsonaro – use one everyday feature of life on their social media accounts: food. Combining discursive semiotics and multimodal critical discourse analysis, I investigate how Salvini and Bolsonaro's food posts uphold their image of right-wing populist leaders. I argue that food images allow them to strategically communicate features such as being close to the common people, nationalism and the "us versus them" rhetoric, humbleness and authenticity. I also claim that these values are built both by the food represented in the images and their framing, lights, colours, shapes and textures, which allude to the amateur aesthetic of everyday social media use. As much as other features of the everyday social media use, food posts appear to be an ideological tool through which right-wing populism is communicated as a soft, safe and worthwhile political ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, masks and the act of masking have become emotive subjects for social and political debate. In Brazil, one of the countries most severely affected by the pandemic, the seemingly mundane act of mask-wearing has become part of a deep social, political and economic crisis at the centre of which is the far-right president Jair Bolsonaro. In this paper we explore the politics of (un)masking in Brazil from three vantage points in which the mask serves to dramatise the country's current moment. Firstly, we trace the connections and disjunctions between the politics of mask-wearing and the genealogies of hygienist policies associated with the modern aspirations of the Brazilian republic. Secondly, we consider how masks are incorporated into the everyday life of the city through popular economies, which reveal the potentialities and limitations of work beyond the modern ideals of waged labour. Finally, we explore the incorporation of masks in urban street-art. We approach graffiti and murals as situated performances of symbolic resistance that contest and reveal the incoherences of Bolsonaro's anti-science discourse. In tandem, these three perspectives foreground practices of (un)masking that expose long-standing tensions and new contemporary challenges that characterise the politics of a 'crisis society'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The growing political influence of evangélico Christians in traditionally Catholic Brazil has caught the attention of social and political scientists as well as theologians. Among others, the reasons for two-thirds of the mainly Pentecostal and Neo-Pentecostal electorate voting for Jair Messias Bolsonaro include a moral agenda concerning human sexuality and the "traditional family," namely the rejection of abortion under any circumstance and same-sex marriage. This conservative agenda is shared in other countries and churches and shows as "traditionalist" (Benjamin Teitelbaum), especially in Brazil, the USA under Trump, and Russia. At the same time, other, more social aspects of Christian diaconia in caring for the integrity of the body are left aside, although they are foreseen in those churches' declarations of faith and ethical catechisms. The 2019–2022 government's blatant failure to cope with the COVID-19 pandemic, the appalling rise of hunger, and the destruction of the Amazon rainforest should give rise to what I call an "evangélico sense of shame" as a consequence of the incompatibility of many of the faith convictions of that part of the electorate with Bolsonaro's stances and actions, retrieving shame as an ethical category. To this end, I analyze biblical notions and theological reflections on shame, as well as publications of evangélico churches with a focus on the largest of its churches in Brazil, the Assemblies of God. Thus, I intend to reclaim an integral diaconia for evangélico churches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Revista Latinoamericana de Opinión Pública is the property of Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Recent studies have warned about the close relationship between populism and nationalism. This article offers an empirical contribution to the examination of this relationship by analysing the presence of populist and nationalist elements in the official speeches of the outgoing Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro. We make two contributions to this expanding literature. First, we show that the supposed ambiguity between populism and nationalism can be resolved by an approach that clearly separates the two concepts. Second, we find that Bolsonaro is more populist than nationalist. His populism has elements in common with other European populist leaders (attacking political parties and the political class), but he distances himself from them by presenting authoritarian traits. Nativism is completely absent (unlike in Europe), but 'sovereignism' ('us' vs. 'other nations or institutions') and 'civilisationism' ('us' vs. 'minorities') sometimes overlap with populism. We conclude that a tension exists between populism and nationalism that can endanger the 'good' relationship between the populist leader and their supporters. This is something that future research on populism should consider. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to understand how anti-environmentalism connects with the conservative, authoritarian and populist discourse of Brazilian far-right President Jair Bolsonaro. Indeed, we argue that anti-environmentalism is one of the critical factors for understanding the postures and practices of Bolsonarism. We analyse 852 speech acts, drawn from all statements involving environmental issues made by Bolsonaro and three Brazilian ministers over a 14 month period between 2018 and 2019. Our analysis offers two major contributions: a) we situate the contours of authoritarian populism in the Global South (Brazil), shifting the gaze that has hitherto been focused on Europe and the USA, and, above all; b) through focus on the texts of the leader we develop a discursive approach to the understanding of populism and anti-environmentalism. Our results show that Bolsonaro adopts authoritarian measures to defend global agribusiness, in addition to denying or minimising environmental problems.. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]