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The article presents examples of the construction of a war narrative aimed not so much at accurately informing the public about key decisions for the state, but at ways of constructing messages to achieve strategic objectives, which do not necessarily prove to be effective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper concerns the usage of the linguonym mowa chachłacka (Khakhol language) in Galicia, Podolia and Volhynia during the first half of the 20th Century. Therefore, it can be considered in the realm of historical sociolinguistics. The source material is comprised of interviews, recorded 1992-2006, with over 100 forced migrants from eastern voivodeships of the interwar Second Polish Republic. After World War 2, the respondents were resettled from their home towns into the new borders of post-war Poland, areas which belonged to Germany until 1945. The research method chosen was partially standardized interviews, which were first recorded and then written down. The paper is focused around the following issues: 1) which linguistic variety was referred to as mowa chachłacka in the interwar period within the researched communities, 2) whether this name contained a value judgement, 3) what was the prestige of mowa chachłacka in these communities. The first chapter of the paper concerns the history of the Russian lexeme /?a, which forms the basis of the linguonym mowa chachłacka, and which has been used since the 17th Century to refer to Ukrainians. The article takes into account ideas concerning researching social attitudes to a language, such as standard language ideology and monoglossic ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper focuses on direct verbal borrowings from Latin into Old Polish. It attempts to determine the exact number of these borrowings and to describe the possible reasons for it being rather small in comparison with nominal borrowings. In the initial parts, some introductory remarks are made on verbal borrowings in general and Polish-Latin language contact in Middle Ages. The main part of the paper discusses the etymology of four Old Polish verbs: koronować ~ korunować, obligować się, ufundować and sylabizować. The final part contains general remarks and conclusions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014 began the modernisation of state security systems in the Baltic Sea region. A pioneer in the creation of comprehensive security was the Republic of Estonia, which began to implement the total defence strategy as early as 2008, after the political crisis caused by the Russian minority. The protests have disrupted the functioning of Estonian public institutions and the private sector, which are threatened by cyberattacks. The Russian Federation could use not only military but also hybrid means. Therefore, Estonia has decided to implement a completely new version of the total defence strategy. The paper seeks to assess the Estonian concept of holistic security, with particular emphasis on solutions for civil defence in crisis situations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper presents a functional approach to phraseology from former colloquial Polish speech based on the lexicalized unit jak Boga kocham and its selected variant forms. The author used the elements of the socio-pragmatic method (assuming parallel analysis of the material at the sociological and pragmatic levels) to research the use of these lexicalized constructions. The bases of the material were constructed dialogues from the Korpus dawnych polskich tekstów dramatycznych (1772-1939). During the analysis, it was observed in which way the phraseological unit might realize itself in various variants and contexts. Furthermore, attention was paid to the 'from sender to the receiver's perspective, applying the assumptions of Wojciech Chlebda's phrasematic conception to historical linguistics. This approach gave an opportunity to observe in which variants and socio-pragmatic contexts idioms are most often invoked in the statements of representatives of both sexes. The obtained results were interpreted on the basis of selected non-linguistic factors, primarily historical and cultural ones. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of ethnolinguistics is, among other things, the history of the evolution of the idea of integrating hitherto isolated levels of research and types of data that are used in analyses. This paper discusses four views important for ethnolinguistics: on the unity of language and culture; about the importance of the cognitive function of language; about the need to use a broad material base in research; about recognizing that the ultimate goal of ethnolinguistic research is to reach the way of conceptualization of the world by the speaker, his mentality and the world of values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper focuses on the dialectological topics and problems related to sociolinguistics, ethnolinguistics and psycholinguistics. It gives us insight into Cieszyn Silesia's linguistic situation, especially in the Czech part of Zaolzie. It presents four social and individual activities, which aim to promote, support, and even revive Cieszyn dialect. The authors describe respectively:1) testing knowledge of the dialect in form of quizzes, 2) promotion of the dialect across musical texts, 3) encouraging children and young people to use the dialect in a dialect contest, and 4) recording amateur vlogs, which are to enhance internet users' language and national awareness. Internet and authors' own remarks related to the official and unofficial social events are the sources of the language materials used in this analy-sis. Language and cultural development in society - as it is well known - heads toward unification that is increasingly difficult to resist effectively. The subjects responsible for promoting the dialect are eager to maintain the territorial dialect of the national language for future generations. Although they sometimes do it unprofessionally, linguists should be interested respectively in their efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper addresses the issue of the motivation of some phraseologisms which include components homonymous with proper names (e.g., dookoła wojtek, lit. 'Wojtek in circles'; w koło macieju, lit. 'Maciej in circles', both these idioms meaning 'to keep talking or doing the same thing all the time'; bosy antek, lit. 'barefoot Antek', referring to a person from central Poland, historically under Russian occupation; cienki bolek, lit. 'thin Bolek' meaning a person who is weak and incompetent). The aim of the study is to indicate some difficulties in an analysis of the origin of such units, which illustrates more general problems in the description of their motivation. In the discussed expressions, the original source of their nominal components remains unclear, which distinguishes them from such units as Achilles heel, the shirt of Nessus. The problems identified in the analysis relate to the phenomenon of apelativisation of proper nouns, which is part of the broader issue of the relationship between phraseologism and proper nouns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports the most important phonetic changes which took place in the contemporary Polish language. The aim of the chapter is to answer the questions that arise when learning phonetics and phonology, especially in regard to phonemes /k/ and /g/. In this paper the author presents various opinions on the phonological distinctiveness of the two sounds. The author focuses on the phenomenon associated with depalatalisation of consonants [k] and [g] and presents solutions adopted in academic textbooks. Finally, the author presents suggestions for the phonological interpretation of selected consonants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to present the concept of linguistic memory studies, developed by Wojciech Chlebda, as a research program of modern linguistics. Wojciech Chlebda assumes that memory, both individual and collective, is strongly linked to language, that is, it participates both in the forming of memory content and in its material expression: its externalizing in verbal narrations (and, more broadly, semiotic narrations). In this context, he identifies the following challenges facing linguistic memory studies: description and classification of linguistic exponents of memory, description of the process of mapping collective memories, and research on collective oblivion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Adopting the model of neoclassical realism and elements of the American-centric nationalist paradigm, the paper examines both systemic factors stemming from the Sino-American power rivalry and internal ones referring to the populist traditions of American foreign policy. The main goal of America regarding Taiwan was to use its relationship with the island in its policy of containment of China by emphasizing Taiwan’s right to decide its future and preventing China from taking over the island by force. Along with deepening bilateral cooperation, the administration used multilateral mechanisms to promote the concept of peace and security across the Taiwan Strait as an essential element of the global order, which increased the number of countries interested in maintaining the status quo. Russia’s aggression against Ukraine heightened concerns about the possibility of PRC’s attack on Taiwan, prompting the Biden administration to intensify pressure on Taipei to accelerate military reform. However, the accentuation of closer relations between Washington and Taipei was interpreted by China as a provocative crossing of more “red lines,” leading to an intensification of repressive measures against Taiwan and the consolidation of bellicose rhetoric directed against both Washington and Taipei. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper shows the dynamics of topical, aesthetical and political changes in the world-known contemporary dance group – Cloud Gate Dance Theatre of Taiwan (Yunmen Wuji), created by Lin Hwai-min in 1973. Those metamorphoses are observed in a broad socio-political and cultural context, in the rapidly changing reality of Taiwan, Mainland China and the whole world at the turn of the 20th and 21st century. Short analyses of the most iconic dance compositions by Lin Hwai-min make it possible to trace the direction of the changes, starting from search for Chinese cultural identity, through the quest for definition of Taiwanese cultural and national identity, gaining the feeling of being rooted in traditional Chinese aesthetics and finally confirming the importance of local Taiwanese tradition as an equally meaningful source of creative inspiration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contemporary Taiwan is one of the leading democratic countries in Asia. The authorities in Taipei, under the leadership of President Tsai Ing-wen and the ruling Democratic Progressive Party have actively conveyed this message to the international community through their foreign policy since 2016. The objective of this paper is to examine the concept of “democracy diplomacy” in Taiwan, analyzing both scholarly discourse and observing Taiwan’s foreign policy. This strategic approach greatly bolsters Taiwan’s position among other nations that uphold democratic values, especially in the face of rivalries between major powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to present the Taiwan’s policies and actions relating to climate change. Despite the exclusion from the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), Taiwan has voluntarily ratified global climate conventions and has implemented a number of legislative, technical and organizational measures to reduce the emissions of greenhouse gasses and reach net zero carbon emissions by 2050. Tackling both climate change and minimizing its effects is a priority for Taiwan. In order to achieve the sustainable development goals Taiwan treats renewable energy as a critical solution in combating climate change and ensuring energy security by adding diversity to an overall electricity mix. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A great majority of Taiwanese people declare themselves to be Taiwanese only (61% in 2022) or Taiwanese and also Chinese (additional 31%), which gives an impression of ethnic and national unity. However, the divisive factors of (sub) ethnic grouping, language diversity and historical consciousness are still present. Taiwanese nationalism, which in its civilian form is organized around present state of Republic of China (ROC) as opposed to the People’s Republic of China (PRC). However, ROC, although de facto an independent state is not de iure a Taiwanese state, as can be seen in its national symbolism. The paper analyses this enthosymbolical dimension of Taiwanese national identity, discussing four main symbolical spheres: the memory of the 2-28 Incident; memory and idealization of the Japanese colonial period; strong presence of local languages, used alongside the official northern mandarin standard; and finally, the presence of the Aborigine people and their cultures. All these spheres are important in Taiwan symbolical space, and their importance is further strengthened by the actions of the state (public commemorations, protecting the cultural relicts of Japanese period, removing the ones connected with authoritarian regime of Chiang Kai-shek etc.). However, the author remains doubtful if they have enough emotional and symbolical power to unite Taiwanese in the face of the Chinese threat. Closely related question is the future effect of the recommendations of the report of the Commision of Transitional Justice about the monuments of the KMT period, whose fate is a strongly contested issue, and which needs further research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Zenon Klemensiewicz is the creator of the theoretical and practical discipline of teaching Polish. Inspired by the 90th anniversary of the publication of his fundamental work Dydaktyka nauki o języku ojczystym (‘Teaching the science of the native tongue’), these considerations pose, from the point of view of a contemporary teacher, the question about the timeliness and longevity of Klemensiewicz’s views on linguistic education in schools. To answer them, we attempted to recover the tracks he left as a researcher and as a teacher. They proved to be many, and durable. They are listed here, and their existence is taken as proof that through the vehicle of his works referred to in this paper, Prof. Z. Klemensiewicz inscribed himself on the plane that does not become obsolete, the plane of “long duration” of language teaching. They mark a path that is worth following, because it clearly shows both the sense of continuation, and the need for change as guarantors and operators of progress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper focuses on Aleksandar Petrov’s novel Kao zlato u vatri, originally published by this Serbian author in 1998. The novel’s main characters represent diverse ethnic groups inhabiting the Balkans (Jews, Serbians, Russians), and their fortunes intertwined with the tumultuous events of 20th century history, namely WWII and the Yugoslav Wars of the 1990s. The primary objective of the article is to address the question of whether it is feasible to apply Michael Rothberg’s model of multifaceted memory in a scenario involving distinct memory communities (such as Serbs, Croatians, and possibly Jews), characterized by a specific proximity (primarily territorial, historical and rooted in past coexistence within one national entity) and where relations are predominantly shaped by unresolved past grievances and mutual accusations of guilt. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main purpose of the paper is to analyze the multidimensional phenomenon of crime and violence in Honduras in the context of the militarization of security. It shows mechanisms and manifestations of some activities of the transnational organized crime networks and the street gangs, emphasizing the significance of identity and a sense of belonging that are crucial to understand why some young people decide to join these criminal groups. The paper is also focused on the most important programs and initiatives implemented by the central authorities to face these challenges in the 2000s and 2010s. The main finding of this study recognizes the role of the military forces in the domestic policy and strategy against crime in Honduras and the challenges for democracy and human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper problematizes the collective dimension of social control in oral societies, focusing mostly on nomadic communities of hunters-gatherers and tribal segments. The author analyzes conditions for effective control considering the functions of existential conditions (economic co-dependence of society members, flexibility of camp groups, forms of residence, the strength of leadership) and social attitudes (communality, control and punishment acceptance). The paper also reconstructs basic instruments of social control: critique, social distancing, and executions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Nanjing massacre is today one of the most important historical events for the Chinese national identity, however, until 1982, the topic of the massacre did not enjoy much interest. This paper, using Jeffrey C. Alexander’s theory of cultural trauma and the example of the Memorial Hall for the Victims of the Nanjing Massacre, shows how the Chinese authorities gave the initially unknown massacre the rank of a national trauma. Symbolic representation, trauma narratives, and the institutionalization of trauma were crucial in this process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Miedzy Oryginalem a Przekladem is the property of Ksiegarnia Akademicka Sp. zo.o and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper discusses selected aspects of the theory of linguistic change in grammar. The main assumption is the claim that the development of the categorial functions of natural languages throughout the time (phylogenesis) mostly coincides with the stadiums of the acquisition of the same categories by an individual (ontogenesis). Using the examples of the development and acquisition of strong and weak verb forms in Germanic languages and the categorial links between aspectuality, temporality and modality of the verb, different stages that characterise the linguistic changes in question are analysed in comparison with the stages of their acquisition in the process of language acquisition among children between 2 and 14 years of age. The analysis proves that the connections between ontogenesis and phylogenesis are complex, so they cannot be always explained in a simple and definite manner. The change in either sphere has its own specific features and runs mutatis mutandis in both spheres. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2021, the Electronic Dictionary of Polish Language of the 17th and 18th Centuries (e-SXVII) was given the 4th edition Award of the Linguistics Committee of the Polish Academy of Sciences for outstanding scientific achievements in the field of linguistics. The award was granted in the category of team work carried out by Prof. Włodzimierz Gruszczyński PhD together with the Studio of the History of Polish Language of the 17th and 18th Centuries IJP PAN under his management, where e-SXVII is being created. The dictionary has been recognized as "an achievement in producing linguistic resources or tools". The article reports on the history of the studio and introduces the evolution of conceptual works, especially after the decision to suspend further publication of SXVII in paper form (2004) and transform it into the first Polish dictionary created initially in the electronic form. It also deals with detailed issues regarding the canon of sources, structure and content (shape) of individual elements of the entry and media structure, and relations with other digital collections (especially the Electronic Corpus of Polish Texts from the 17th and 18th Centuries). The authors of the article also describe an important IT tool created for the needs of this dictionary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper is focused on the grammatical annotation of Old Polish texts. The authors discuss the necessity to use unusual grammatical category values: 0 and X. It occurs when any of the values is impossible to determine (e.g. due to damage to the manuscript or insufficient syntactic/semantic context) or a word takes no value in a given category (e.g. an unstated adjective). The article presents factors influencing the choice of 0 and X values. It shows those grammatical classes and categories in whose annotation the use of these values has been highly significant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The publication of newspapers and the extraction and use of crude oil were undoubtedly among the socio-economic areas that significantly affected the lives of people in the 19th century. At the time, newspapers and journals played the role of the most important and popular sources of information about crude oil and its products, especially kerosene, and they shaped their readers' worldviews on those products' uses in the economy and everyday life. This paper presents the beginning of the oil industry in Austrian Galicia in pre-autonomy Galicia in the Polish news press (Czas, Gazeta Narodowa, Gazeta Lwowska) and economic magazines (Gazeta Przemysłowa, Korespondent Handlowy, Przemysłowy i Rolniczy, Tygodnik Rolniczo-Przemysłowy). The first mentions in the press on the subject appeared in the 1850s. In the 1860s, oil-related subjects were broadly represented in daily newspapers and in the economic press. In agricultural journals, especially in the Prussian and Russian partitions, oil-related subjects were not present in titles from the 1850s and 60s. The first group of texts consisted of articles about crude oil (chemical properties) and regions which were rich in petroleum. In areas where it was present, crude oil had been known and used for a long time, but to the readership of newspapers and journals it was a new resource. It is no wonder then that the press was explaining what it was and what its uses were. The press did not focus on Galicia's deposits of crude oil, earthwax and natural gas, but did print detailed information on their sources around the world, especially in the United States (the names of oil fields, the volume and monetary value of extraction and export to Europe). The press saw the American mass production and sale of oil to Europe as the greatest threat to the Galician industry. The press documented the economic situation of the Galician oil industry (petroleum mining, oil refinery, business people) and speculated on its future position in Galicia's economic system. It speculated that the oil industry would become an important branch of the economy. When writing about the oil industry, the press reported on the first mines (Bóbrka, Borysław), entrepreneurs, the presence of oil products on agricultural and industrial expositions organised in Kraków, Rzeszów and Jasło. Another subject discussed by the press was articles on the trade of paraffin oil. The development of the Galician oil industry had also become a pretext to debate on its role in everyday life. In the opinion of the press, oil lamps would be used as street lighting and at home illuminating the whole room. These newspaper advertisements showed new products connected with the oil industry such as different kinds of paraffin oil and oil lamps. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an attempt to clarify the relationship between the elite theory and the idea of the deep state. Both approaches address similar questions about how concentrated political power is created in the state, and both offer similar answers. An analysis of the historical context based on Italian and Turkish experiences with deep-state entities like mafia and intelligence agencies helps us understand dysfunctional elites in action. Consequently, the article explores research possibilities and theoretical solutions combining elitists view of politics with historical data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to analyze contemporary symbols and signs associated with radical and extremist systems, political movements and paramilitary organizations in Ukraine, especially in the context of the events in Cracow in 2021, when the monument to Józef Piłsudski and the Legion Quartet were vandalized. The letter „N” was painted on the pedestal of the monument to Józef Piłsudski and Four legionnaires were painted yellow and blue – colors of the Ukrainian flag in reverse order. There was also a piece of cardboard left with the inscription “Poland – not only for the gentry” [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an answer to M. Stachowski's article The terms "suffix" and "desinence" among Polish grammatical terms; it presents a different point of view. It points out that the terms mentioned in the title are not only used separately within the sub-disciplines of morphology, i. e. in research concerning inflection and word-formation, but also, due to their functions, make possible the distinction between lexicon and syntax, as well as the structuring of the lexicon. They also play a role in glottodidactics. An analysis of some derivatives, coupled with an interpretation of the terms extracted from linguistic compendia concerning Polish and French, shows that the distinction between a suffix and a desinence is both simple and useful. The attributes of a suffix are: 1) changing the meaning of the base; 2) absence of changes during inflection; 3) position before the ending (desinence). The second of the analysed terms does not possess these properties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Miedzy Oryginalem a Przekladem is the property of Ksiegarnia Akademicka Sp. zo.o and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Miedzy Oryginalem a Przekladem is the property of Ksiegarnia Akademicka Sp. zo.o and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper focuses on Greek and Latin loanwords in Old Polish language. It attempts to show what has already been done and what still needs to be done in this important issue. Three main aspects are discussed: (1) definitions of the terms loanword, Latinism, Hellenism, and the problem of direct and indirect borrowing; (2) the current state of investigation of Greek and Latin loanwords in Old Polish; (3) the Old Polish Christian terminology - the problem of chronology and borrowing channels of Greek and Latin Christian words to Old Polish. The final part of the paper contains a brief research history i . e . it describes the most important works in chronological order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The topic of this paper is transition to first-name basis (przejście na ty) in Polish, which one of the most important research topics in the field of Polish linguistic politeness. The transition to first-name basis can be seen as a phenomenon of democratization in language, because, as some of the Polish linguists describe, it creates a sense of equality, which is one of the basic elements of democracy. The results of a multi-stage survey proved that, in general, Polish people positively evaluate the contemporary tendency of faster transition to first-name basis. The analysis of the comments from the questionnaire survey showed that many people consider this tendency as a positive phenomenon in linguistic communication and treat it as an effective way of reducing the unnecessary distance which exists between interlocutors. However, it is worth keeping in mind that there are also negative effects of an inconsiderate decision to move to first-name basis, as mentioned by some of the survey respondents. This study has shown that the combination of several methods allows researchers to take a fresh perspective on the dynamic process of democratization in language and its perception among the users of a given language. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia Iberystyczne is the property of Ksiegarnia Akademicka Sp. zo.o and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The purpose of this article is to present the results of an analysis of the content of strategic documents on national security adopted by the United States and Poland between 2001 and 2020. The choice of the research field was determined by the place these documents occupy in the hierarchy of strategic texts related to state security. Due to the cooperation between both states and the Polish perception of the United States as the most important ally, the research task is to determine whether there is a convergence in the content of strategic documents issued by the Rzeczpospolita in relation to US documents. Furthermore, the paper examines to what extent the links between the two countries are reflected in the form and content of official strategic documents and in the description of threats. The text consists of three parts. The first is theoretical and focuses on describing the hierarchy of strategic documents in both countries. The second section presents a comparative analysis of the formal aspect and, therefore, how documents are adopted in the United States and in Poland. The last part of the article contains the conclusions of the analysis of the threats identified in the documents of both countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Miedzy Oryginalem a Przekladem is the property of Ksiegarnia Akademicka Sp. zo.o and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The violent breakup of Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union in the early 1990s meant that the link between territorial autonomy and accommodation of groups in the post-communist world has been regarded almost uncritically as an anathema and a threat to the territorial integrity of the state. Nevertheless, territorial solutions are still taken into consideration as suggested tools for regulating ethnic and national tensions – in the post-communist area, three forms of their implementation can be identified: federalism and formally existing autonomous regions; decentralisation, which can be reduced to classical self-government with a strong ethnic component (e.g., Macedonia); and de facto ethnic autonomies based either on formal structures, as in the case of Macedonia, or informal ones, as in the cases of Kosovo and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Having said that, the aim of this article is to compare these three de facto ethnic autonomies, i.e. structures existing outside formal territorial arrangements, that have been developed in the post-conflict and post-Yugoslav space: Serb in Kosovo, Albanian in Macedonia and Croat in Bosnia. Moreover, I also assume that their level of autonomy depends on the policies and support of kin states connected to these entities by ethno-national ties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the following article is to analyse which subjects of international relations have been engaged in building civil society organisations in post-conflict Kosovo and what kind of actions they have been taking. The article consists of the definition of civil society organisations and their role in state building and nation building. Special attention is paid to the role of those subjects of international relations, which have had the greatest influence in building civil society organisations in Kosovo since 1999. The author sheds also some light on qualitative and quantitative changes in civil society organisations, which have been erected in Kosovo in the last several years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Civic activity, the degree of development of this activity and its multifaceted relationship with the state has been one of the most expressive manifestations of mature democracy for several decades. Citizens’ trust in bottom-up initiatives is a long-term process built in the social space where systemic democracy is present. Serbs, as a society that directly or indirectly experienced armed conflicts, entered the path of democratisation after 2000 and remained on it for about 15 years, when during the rule of the Serbian Progressive Party of Aleksander Vučić, the populist character of the rule slowed down and then reversed the democratisation processes. The aim of the article is to look at the protest as one of the most common manifestations of civic movements and to analyse the subject matter of the protests, their intensity, the possibility of influencing the political and social reality, and finally the cases of its evolution, related to its transformation into other forms of activity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is an analysis of the process of removing the Soviet monuments including the objects commemorating the Red Army and those glorifying the Soviet regime, which were created during the occupation of the Baltic states by the USSR. After the spontaneous process of destroying the monuments and their removal in the 1990s, many of them remained in public spaces of the sovereign states. In recent years, due to Russia’s occupation of Crimea (2014) and Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine (2022), the governments of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia have taken active steps to dismantle monuments that are a symbol of Russian imperialism and falsification of history. The author draws attention to the process of heritage management, in which certain meanings are accepted and reinforced, while others are marginalised and rejected. Gregory Ashworth’s heritage paradigm will be used to analyse the research topic, according to which heritage is a process of selective acceptance or rejection of elements of the past in response to the current social, political and economic needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the article is to analyse the rights of Indigenous Peoples to the protection, preservation, and management of their cultural heritage. The second element of the research is the analysis of the politicisation of the cultural heritage of Indigenous Peoples in the context of their right to participation and consultation. Considerations on this subject are presented in the context of the phenomenon of ethnic revival and empowerment of indigenous communities (both in Latin America and on a global scale), which has been developing for several decades, in line with the slogans of democratisation and decolonisation. These phenomena coincided in the first decades of the 21st century with an unprecedented moment in the political history of Latin America – the so-called progressive cycle of public policies, according to which the governments of subsequent countries rejected neoliberal concepts in favour of greater involvement of the authorities in building egalitarian societies, and in the field of cultural policies, the pursuit of ‘democratisation of culture’. As a case study of the discussed phenomena, the article presents the progressive cycle of cultural policy in the Republic of Peru and an example of the activity of the interdisciplinary program Proyecto Qhapaq Ñan, established in 2001 by the authorities of the Republic for the purpose of inventory, documentation and safeguarding the remains of the Andean Qhapaq Ñan Trail. Its trajectory reflects both the variables of Peru’s cultural policy, shaped in relation to the operational guidelines and international standards of the UN system, and the evolution of Peruvian ethnopolitics toward indigenous peoples in the last two decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the contemporary condition of teaching at universities. It argues that university is endangered by losing its identity. The difference between school and university is introduced as a representative example of the problem. The main argument refers to the Gadamerian concept of conversation and it suggests that high quality education is dialogical in its tenor. Unfortunately, tertiary educational quite often differs in practice from what we understand in current European pedagogy as an educational experience. In the first part of this paper, the question on the pedagogical potential of conversation is raised. The second and third parts provide a description of university as a place where education as a dialogical experience still prevails, particularly in lecturing as a form of teaching. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research objective of the paper is to highlight the prospects for the implementation of the main directions of the reform of the Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) of the European Union until 2025. The caesuras of the work are marked by two events: the adoption of the Global Strategy for the Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union by the European Council on 28 June 2016 and the decision of the European Council of 24 March 2022 on the adoption of the Strategic Compass for Security and Defense. First of all, the research hypothesis should be established that the full implementation of CSDP reform, which was initiated with the adoption of the Global Strategy for the Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union, and the resulting projects can significantly strengthen the position of the EU in the international arena. This will lead to the establishment of the European Security and Defense Union and the EU Rapid Reaction Force (5,000 troops) by the end of 2025. However, since many of the planned reform elements have not yet been completed or initiated, much will depend on the political will of individual member state governments, the level of spending on reform implementation by member states and the EU, and the progress of other reforms already underway (including addressing the economic and social consequences of the pandemic crisis and implementing eurozone systemic reform). The following research questions should then be asked: (1) How has the implementation process of the Global Strategy for the European Union’s Foreign and Security Policy gone so far? (2) How has the implementation of new projects (including the European Defense Fund, PESCO, and the Strategic Compass) affected EU-NATO relations? (3) How do selected EU member states assess these projects? (4) To what extent can the project to establish a European Security Council with the participation of Germany, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom and Poland compete with and usefully complement the EU Strategic Compass project? The first part of the analysis presents the implementation process of the Global Strategy for the Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union until 2022. The second part analyzes the goals, priorities, and assumptions of the Strategic Compass, the implementation of which is intended to lead the EU to strategic autonomy by 2030. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Global crisis events like the coronavirus pandemic can have an effect on the media and the habits of their audience. The need to find information about the virus and imposed restrictions, as well as the intensity of the COVID-19 coverage and the need to verify the truthfulness of news, make people use many different sources of information. People use media in different ways depending on where they live and the type of political regime and model of media system in their country. This paper aims to analyze whether the model of media system affected people’s selection of sources of information on the virus in Poland, Italy, France, Czech Republic, Sweden and the United Kingdom, and if the pandemic could have changed the media consumption. Based on an online survey conducted with 9541 respondents from six countries, and reports on media use in Poland in 2019 and 2020, we argue that the model of media system did not determine the changes we observed in media use. The nature of the pandemic was more important in this respect, and, as our research shows, led to an increase in media use in the studied countries – especially websites and social media. The case of Poland also showed that the use of public service increased, which can be interpreted as the need for the public to learn about the government’s opinions and restrictions, and to verify news found online. The increase in online media and public service use are the most noticeable changes in media consumption in Poland during the pandemic compared to 2019. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper takes up the issue of “depoliticization” through dehumanization. The starting point is the belief that phenomena of “politicization” and “political” are relatively well recognized in scientific literature, however the problem of depoliticization have not yet been adequately explored. The concept of depoliticization refers to the conditions, criteria, and mechanisms that are key to reducing or depriving a given phenomenon of its political status. Depoliticization does not mean (or at least does not have to mean) an effective removal of the phenomenon from the political sphere, but rather circumstances or actions whose political impact is not obvious. The article focuses on the issue of depoliticization through dehumanization, and more specifically, on how denial of full humanness of groups allows to reduce their status as a political subject, and thus to recognize their claims or interests as not proper or not adequate to political debate. The issues of relations between the processes of humanization and political subjectification as well as dehumanization and political objectification are also discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Krystyna Pisarkowa’s rich output is characterised by a variety of forms and a wide range of topics, as well as an innovative interpretation of linguistic phenomena. The following paper can be described as biographical and substantive. The text contains certain facts from Pisarkowa’s life that are connected with certain spheres of her scientific activity in which she succeeded, references to people who played a significant role in her life, as well as development of her research interests. The publications which are mentioned in the paper have been selected according to Pisarkowa’s attitude to language, its essence, pragmatic-functional-stylistic variety, as well as potential context and purpose which lies beyond its typical usage. Moreover, an attempt has been made at reconstructing Pisarkowa’s views on the range, shape and place of linguistics among humanistic disciplines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to supplement the findings made by the doctrine of constitutional law regarding the requirements of the majority of votes for amending the 1997 Constitution of Poland at the parliamentary stage of that procedure. The following issues will be analysed in particular: the significance of constitutional amendment rules in a democratic system of government and their impact on its rigidity and durability; the role of the quorum as a factor contributing to the majority of votes’ requirements and some political dilemmas associated with that matter; the reasons and consequences of adopting different levels of the majority of votes for amending the Constitution in the Sejm and the Senate and their relation to the form of the relationships between those chambers. Regulations regarding amending the 1997 Constitution of Poland will be presented against a background of contemporary constitutions of European states. The important interpretative context will be constituted by the issues of axiology of democracy, parliamentary bicameralism and legitimization of power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the principle of separation of powers in Serbia has been regulated following the parliamentary model in the span of three decades, it has in practice functioned most often as a semi-presidential system. This paper analyzes two groups of factors that are the cause of presidentialization. Institutional factors that systematically create an environment suited for presidentialization include shortcomings in the constitutional design, the proportional electoral system and oligarchic tendencies in the party system. Direct election gives the President of the Republic strong legitimacy, and by retaining the position of party leader, in an electoral system with closed electoral lists and weak intra-party democracy, the head of state can easily control the parliamentary majority, the government and the parliament, thus upsetting the balance of power. Another group of factors that strongly affect the action of the aforementioned institutional aspects are a political culture with a strong authoritarian tradition and a lack of respect for the constitution and the democratic tradition. The consequences are strong authoritarian and populist tendencies and a departure from the liberal concept of democracy. The options proposed by the academic and political public as a solution to the situation blocking the consolidation of democracy in Serbia include the normativization of the incompatibility of office of the head of state and party leader, the abolition of direct elections, and a semi-presidential system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transition from totalitarian to post-totalitarian type of society requires profound changes not only within institutional frames but also in the mentality of a society. In the case of Russia it is not the matter of coming back to the civil society mechanisms but creating them from anew, as the kind of citizen – state relations had not been spread to the whole society before the Soviet Union times. Intelligentsia could be an agent of the changes towards post-totalitarian state and social order. In this paper questions about the intelligentsia’s status and role in the Russian society were posed. The idea of civil society coined in the times of the Decembrist was confronted with the mobilized type of governing. Intelligentsia, as perceived by the Russian society and experts on the one hand and its self portrait on the other hand were discussed. An important question concerned the role of the Russian political opposition as the intelligentsia’s ethos continuation. The conclusions were that the intelligentsia repeats the pattern which was first developed at the beginning of the 19th century: its idealistic members are ready to struggle for the common good but without common social support. The status of intelligentsia is perceived as high if about education and morality, but it diminishes when its leadership is concerned. In the Russian post-totalitarian society the state is still an agent to be followed. It takes Russians towards totalitarianism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is devoted to the analysis of the origins and development of a social initiative, the so-called Treni della felicità (Trains of happiness) and its impact on shaping civil society and sense of national community in the post-war Italy. This project, initiated by the Union of Italian Women (Unione Donne Italiane, UDI) and then promoted mainly by the Italian Communist Party (Partito Comunista Italiano, PCI) assumed the transfer of tens of thousands of children from families in need from southern Italy to relatively more developed north-central regions of the country in order to provide them better living conditions after World War II. This example of the fight against poverty and inequalities seems to be a forgotten symbol of solidarity and renewal of the idea of civil society in post-totalitarian Italy. Moreover, this action for children is not only an example of civic activity, but also an important element in the debate on the traditional division of Italy into North and South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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