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Copyright of Perspektiven der Wirtschaftspolitik is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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This paper investigates the role of USA in promoting of economic order (Ordoliberalism) in Germany after the second world war and further its impact on the bottom- up process of Europeanization. Moreover, the United States of America as a modern federation has become an inspiration for European federation concepts. The main hypothesis is contained in the statement that the depart from the policy of order by the USA has been disastrous for international order. The consequence of this was financial and economic crisis, which further deepened the EU and EMU disorder. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article examines the disparity in accessibility and use of mental healthcare services by immigrants and first-generation Americans compared to non-immigrants in the U.S. Topics discussed include the similarities in the disparity experienced by immigrants such as linguistic and cultural literacy and financial condition, the emergence of stigma as the most significant hindrance to mental healthcare, and the need to increase the number of available multilingual mental healthcare professionals.

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Copyright of Praxis (16618157) is the property of Aerzteverlag medinfo AG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

How do the earth sciences mediate between the natural and social world? This paper explores the question by focusing on the history of nonfuel mineral resource appraisal from the late nineteenth to the mid twentieth century. It argues that earth sciences early on embraced social scientific knowledge, i. e. economic knowledge, in particular, when it came to determining ore deposits and estimating the magnitude of mineral reserves. After 1900, assessing national and global mineral reserves and their 'life span' or years of supply became ever more important, scaling up and complementing traditional appraisal practices on the level of individual mines or mining and trading companies. As a consequence, economic methods gained new weight for mineral resource estimation. Natural resource economics as an own field of research grew out of these efforts. By way of example, the mineral resource appraisal assigned to the U.S. Materials Policy Commission by President Harry S. Truman in 1951 is analyzed in more detail. Natural resource economics and environmental economics might be interpreted as a strategy to bring down the vast and holistically conceived object of geological and ecological research, the earth, to human scale, and assimilate it into social matters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of ÖZP - Österreichische Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft is the property of Oesterreichische Zeitschrift fur Politikwissenschaft and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In October 2012, U.S. Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton, and EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Catherine Ashton, jointly visited Bosnia and Herzegovina in order to demonstrate their united vision of the country's Euro-Atlantic integration. Although the cooperation between the EU and the U.S. in the Balkan state can generally be considered as good, some disagreements between the Transatlantic partners remain, particularly with regards to the closure of the Office of the High Representative (OHR). The paper reflects these controversial issues as well as the current attempts to support constitutional reform in Bosnia. Being a highly sensitive topic, close transatlantic cooperation on the issue seems indispensable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is the Fourth Amendment Relevant in a Technological Age? The law of "search and seizure" in the United States derives primarily from United States Supreme Court decisions construing the Fourth Amendment to the United States Constitution, which requires that "searches" of "houses, persons, papers and effects" be "reasonable" and that judicial warrants authorizing searches be based on "probable cause" to believe evidence will be found. Over the past 200 years, the Fourth Amendment's guarantees have been interpreted largely in the context of what might be called "physical searches" - entry into a house or car; a stop and frisk of a person on the street; or rifling through a person's private papers. But today, with the introduction of devices that can see through walls and clothes, monitor public thoroughfares twenty-four hours a day, and access millions of records in seconds, police are relying much more heavily on what might be called "virtual searches," investigative techniques that do not require physical access to premises, people, papers or effects and that can often be carried out covertly from far away. The Supreme Court's current Fourth Amendment jurisprudence - specifically, its "knowing exposure," "general public use," "contraband-specific," "assumption of risk" and "special needs" doctrines - has both failed to anticipate this development and continued to ignore it, with the result that most virtual searches are left unregulated by the Constitution. This article describes this jurisprudence and how it can foster law enforcement abuse, mission creep, mistaken seizures and physical searches, and an oppressive atmosphere even for the innocent. It then outlines a more technologically- sensitive Fourth Amendment framework. It proposes that every government effort to look for evidence of crime require some justification, but only in proportion to its intrusiveness, so that a computer search of a person's personal records, like a search of a house, would require probable cause, but technologically-enhanced tracking of a person's public movements, like a physical stop on the streets, could be justified on a lesser showing. The article also proposes a framework for analyzing searches of groups, including large-scale data-mining and use of public camera surveillance systems, that would not require individualized suspicion, but rather look at whether the group search is (1) authorized by a legislative process to which the affected group had meaningful access and (2) is conducted in a manner that eliminates discretion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal for Sociology of Education & Socialization / Zeitschrift für Soziologie der Erziehung & Sozialisation is the property of Julius Beltz GmbH & Co. KG Beltz Juventa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Based on recent critiques of securitisation, this paper takes on the concept of "networked security" recently propagated by the German Ministry of Economic Cooperation and Development. The authors demonstrate the explicit ascendancy of the military in strategies based on these conceptions which are exemplified by Cicil Military Cooperation (CIMIC). However, in contrast to official claims to the novelty of such cooperation, the basic tenets of CIMIC can be traced to the counterinsurgency strategies of the 1950s and 1960s. Here, Project Camelot - a particularly salient example of military and civic collaboration - is highlighted as a case in which the consequences of military funding and agenda setting have been well-exposed and from which lessons have been drawn. Following, this paper shows how current cases of military-civil collaboration in the field of developmental practice can be detrimental to the causes of humanitarian as well as development aid - as is amply documented, in particular, by interventions of concerned NGO representatives, who highlight the risks and predicaments incurred by being regimented into the role of "development gendarmes". Finally, the prospects for a critical turn, which would involve opting out of the logic of subservience to the military and a fundamental revision of the underlying concepts of development, are sketched. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Unternehmens- und Gesellschaftsrecht is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Soziologie is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper analyzes the effectiveness of the tax and transfer systems in the European Union and the US to act as an automatic stabilizer in the current economic crisis. We consider two scenarios: a proportional income shock and a shock on employment which increases the rate of unemployment. We find that automatic stabilizers absorb 38 percent of a proportional income shock in the EU, compared to 32 percent in the US. In the case of an unemployment shock 48 percent of the shock is absorbed in the EU, compared to 34 percent in the US. Under the assumption that only credit constrained households adjust current spending on consumption goods to current disposable income, the cushioning of disposable income leads to a demand stabilization of 26 to 35 percent in the EU and 19 percent in the US. There is large heterogeneity within the EU. Automatic stabilizers in Eastern and Southern Europe are much lower than in Central and Northern European countries. With respect to income stabilization, Germany is above the European average for both scenarios. Demand stabilization in Germany is weaker because the number of liquidity constrained households is below the EU average. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Unternehmens- und Gesellschaftsrecht is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Schmollers Jahrbuch is the property of Duncker & Humblot GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

To mitigate the dangerous impacts of climate change, anthropogenic CO2 emissions must be reduced drastically. In this context, carbon dioxide capture and storage (CCS) has been increasingly considered as an option. As a part of the energy and climate change package, the EU has for the first time provided a comprehensive legal framework for the regulation of CCS at the national level. CCS can also be implemented under the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) of the Kyoto Protocol, which allows industrial countries to fulfil part of their emission reduction targets in developing countries. This paper explores this option, illustrating how elements of the legal framework proposed for CDM projects in the EU could be utilised, assuming CCS is approved for the CDM. Demonstration of large-scale feasibility and long-term security of storage is still lacking, however. The German Advisory Council on Environment therefore calls for a new law addressing research instead of comprehensive regulation of commercial use under the CCS directive of the EU. To nonetheless provide developing countries with access to CCS technology, promotion as part of technology transfer agreements is a possible alternative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fifty years after the Rome Treaties, is there empirical evidence for arguing that the EU today is a fully integrated goods and services market in which the "law of one price" prevails at large? Based on a number of consumer price surveys for goods and services in major cities all over the world since the seventies and, comparing the EU to a benchmark, the US market, the paper is affirmative. Price dispersion between EU cities has declined with the Eurozone as the core EU region in the lead surrounded by two concentric circles. EU goods price dispersion has generally approximated the level in the US market. Yet, price dispersion has declined throughout the world underlining the relevance of global integration rather than only regional integration. Furthermore, there is ample evidence that gravity factors against the "law of one price", such as distance costs and borders, are still effective. INSET: E. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The social organization of care has many important implications for economic inequality in the U.S. today. In this paper, three dimensions are discussed: 1) Care affects standards of living. Flows of money and time within the family have profound impacts on relative standards of riving. Standard measures of poverty and inequality generally understate the needs of dependents, and therefore overstate the well-being of families caring for children, the elderly, or the sick or disabled. 2) Care affects political alignments. The costs of providing family care represent an increasingly important component of earnings inequality between men and women. Opportunities to »outsource« care services intensify differences based on citizenship, race/ethnicity and class. Yet the growing importance of outsourcing may also foster alliances between producers and consumers who share an interest in maintaining and improving care quality 3) Care inequalities reproduce income inequalities. Differences in the quantity and quality of care that children receive have a significant impact on their future earnings. Women are particularly vulnerable to poverty in old age because they accumulate fewer Social Security and pension credits in the labor market. Growing recognition of these dynamics is generating support for new public policies focusing on investments in human capital that could potentially reduce inequality among children and among caregivers or carers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Berichte zur Wissenschafts-Geschichte is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Monatsschrift fuer Kriminologie und Strafrechtsreform is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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The establishment of a military command for Africa (US AFRICOM) symbolizes the radical repositioning of the US military. Facilitated by the consensus in contemporary Western foreign policies - that there can be no development without security - over the last ten years the US military has expanded its activities into civilian domains including development and conflict prevention. As a reaction to the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, recent US military doctrines on counterinsurgency and stability operations have singled out the need for more civilian and long-term activities as a precondition for success. AFRICOM has put most of these „military innovations" into practice. Due to the command's focus on development activities, on civil-military coordination and its proposed engagement in non-war situations, in military circles AFRICOM is seen as a role model for future military practices. This paper problematizes the military's expanding mandate and discusses its implications. It argues that the military's increasing engagement in issues of governance and development deeply blurs the normative boundary between the military and the civilian and exposes development as a technology of security. Furthermore, the military's repositioning follows the dominant securitization of so- called „fragile states" and classifies social spaces along Western strategic interests. As a consequence, targeted communities find it hard to separate development efforts aimed at countering poverty and those aimed at countering insurgency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the impact of the exchange rate on the role of dollar and euro as international currencies. It is found that exchange rate fluctuations are a major determinant of the international role of currencies only if they reflect sizeable inflation differentials. Accordingly, major changes in the international role of dollar and euro are not to be expected given the continuation of a stability-oriented US monetary policy. However, a move towards more exchange rate flexibility in emerging market economies, reflecting the need for greater monetary policy autonomy, might lead to a relative strengthening of the international role of the euro. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Zeitschrift für Soziologie is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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This article focuses on the image of philosopher Max Weber as a political economist. Weber regarded himself as a political economist. The relationship of Weber to the historical school of the political economy, which was considered to be young, is represented thereby in very different way. It is therefore no coincidence that Weber began to be interested in particular, in the frontiers between the political economy and the jurisprudence. In the center of this rather brittle analysis, there is certainly a question, which should employ Weber in consequence of the effects of the legal order on the economy in different historical constellations. One of the studies over "the Protestant ethics and the spirit of capitalism," still forwards Weber's departure into the United States in archives for social science, while another small paper over American sparkling wines, which relied substantially on the observations made there, developed only after the return. These studies mark the development of Weber from a theoretically informed historical political economist to one, at the social formations and their shaping effect on the economic behavior of humans interested in culture scientists.

Over the past decade, in a variety of high-profile cases, the Supreme Court has grappled with difficult questions as to the constitutional personhood of a variety of claimants. Of most note are the recent corporate constitutional personhood claims that the protections of the First Amendment Speech and Religion Clauses extend to corporate entities. Corporate constitutional personhood, however, is only a small slice of a broader constitutional question about who or what is entitled to claim the protection of any given constitutional right. Beyond corporations, courts are being asked to answer very real questions about a person's constitutional status: Do aliens have the right to bear arms? Do prisoners have the right to vote? Do children have a right to privacy? Yet, while commentators and the Supreme Court have examined the constitutional status of claimants independently, neither the Court nor scholars have examined the broader question of constitutional personhood. This Article examines this critical question of constitutional personhood. In doing so, this Article traverses concerns that are at once both deeply practical and at the core of constitutional theory. This Article then traces the historical and theoretical developments of constitutional personhood across three classes of claimants who have most frequently and contentiously claimed the protections of the Constitution: corporations, aliens, and felons. These case studies demonstrate the difficulty in identifying when and under what conditions a class will be vested with constitutional personhood, with the Court vacillating in its approach to determining constitutional personhood both between and within the classes. Examining these claimant classes in the aggregate, this Article demonstrates that not only is a unified framework for answering questions of constitutional personhood desirable, but it is also constitutionally required. To that end, this Article proposes a unified approach to questions of constitutional personhood, where both the purpose of the right and fit of the claimant with that right are consistently considered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When courts, scholars, and government decisionmakers debate constitutional separation of powers questions, they primarily analyze past branch practice to divine the answer. Yet, despite the long pedigree and widespread contemporary use of this method of constitutional interpretation, precisely how interpreters should look to past practice has remained surprisingly undertheorized. This Article analyzes, critiques, debunks, and ultimately resurrects the predominant method of looking to past practice in constitutional separation of powers law--the acquiescence approach. Under the acquiescence approach, past practice is deemed to be indicative of constitutional meaning if one of the branches has acted consistently and the other has "acquiesced" in that action. However, as this Article establishes, this approach relies on an embedded--but unrecognized--assumption: that branch conduct is motivated primarily by constitutional analysis. Yet, as the Article explains, this assumption is simply not categorically true. Branch conduct might be motivated by any number of nonconstitutional reasons, including ignorance, apathy, policy agreement, politics, other legal authority, or coercion. In addition, acquiescence suffers from a deep normative flaw: its very structure will tend to privilege the more active and powerful branch. After fleshing out these descriptive and normative critiques, the Article shows how they undermine the traditional justifications for acquiescence. To determine if acquiescence is worth salvaging, it explores possible alternatives to acquiescence, ultimately concluding that that the best way forward is to keep acquiescence, but change it. The Article then proposes a novel method of finding acquiescence called the "articulation or deliberation approach" that is sensitive to the problems identified above. It then explains the new approach's unique benefits and costs, and applies it to two contemporary case studies. In the process, the Article identifies a lack of rigor and consistency in how past practice has been used that has enabled interpreters to manipulate it. To combat such manipulation and promote more accurate assessments of past practice, the Article calls for more nuanced and systematic analysis of past practice under the new acquiescence approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Soziologie is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Sozialreform is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

An editorial is presented on the sexual abuse of children by the Catholic Church. The author notes the number of papers written on the subject and the Church's first official acknowledgement of such abuses in 2002. The offense is seen as a violation of the priests' authority and pastoral role, as well as of children's trust in an unequal power relationship. Numerous statistics on priestly sexual abuse of children are cited from U.S. records covering 1950-2002 involving some 4,400 Catholic clergy and 10, 667 child victims, with most instances unpunished and having caused considerable psychic injury to the afflicted children.

American sea power and forward-deployed U.S. naval forces play a crucial role for the defense and security policy of the United States. However, indiscriminate budget cuts, a degree of rebalancing towards the Pacific, some ground-breaking changes in strategic dependencies, and a shift in political priorities could curtail the U.S. Navy's abilities to influence events at and from the sea in some areas of the world. As a consequence, other powers need to fill the geopolitical vacuum, with very broad ramifications for European navies. This essay, although skeptical towards Europe's ability to muster such efforts decisively, provides some broad policy recommendations for how to optimize German and European sea power accordingly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Politik is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Critical Whiteness Studies, as they emerged in the U. S., attempt a critical understanding of whiteness as unmarked yet dominating social category and position. In many instances, authors who are engaged in this field of scholarship are convinced that color-blind patterns of argumentation, whether in academic work or in politics, foster racism -- and that addressing issues of »race«, especially addressing issues of whiteness, is therefore an appropriate tool of antiracism. In this essay, Ina Kerner assesses strengths and limits of this project for critiquing racism in contemporary Germany. Drawing on the current critical whiteness debate and on critical whiteness scholarship in that country, she suggests ways in which the core insights of Critical Whiteness Studies might be adapted to also fulfill their normative tasks in a context that historically differs from the one this field of inquiry was developed in. She also points to self-limitations of the current German debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the history of food supply in the the Hudson River Valley of New York and New Jersey in the late 18th and first two thirds of the 19th centuries. The author proposes that the circulation and sharing of food within the community sheds light on the broader social history of the region and of the United States more broadly. Topics addressed include social and anthropological aspects of food, food security and food habits, and the social, economic, and symbolic significance of meals.

The article traces the history of the Bretton Woods monetary system from its inception in the mid-1940s to its collapse in the early 1970s. Focusing particularly on economic, monetary, and fiscal policy in the Federal Republic of Germany during this time period, the authors chart debates in West German politics, in the European Economic Community (EWG/EEC), and internationally on such questions as currency revaluations, the global market for gold, and the contribution of competing interest rate policies, particularly of the German Bundesbank and the U.S. Federal Reserve System, to the breakdown of the monetary system. The influence of the Bretton Woods System on the subsequent system of cooperative monetary policy in the EEC, known as the Snake in the Tunnel, is also considered.

The article discusses the role of American private detective Allan Pinkerton and his detective agency during the American Civil War, with special reference to his activities as the unofficial head of the U.S. government's secret service. The author focuses on the interplay of private and state interests in the development of intelligence operations during the war. Other aspects examined include espionage and counterespionage, Pinkteron's relationship to U.S. General George B. McClellan, and the problem of contracting out operations pertaining to national security.

The question of who would run against President Barack Obama in 2012 was also a question about the future ideological direction of the Republican Party. Since the Tea Party movement had proven in the 2010 midterm elections that it was capable of moving the party's center of gravity to the right, the roles in the nomination race seemed to be clearly defined: Mitt Romney, the comparatively moderate candidate of the party establishment, faced a number of contenders who vied for the party base's support by casting themselves as the conservative alternative. In the end, Romney prevailed: He had the best campaign operation, disposed of superior financial resources, and enjoyed the most persistent support of other prominent Republicans. In addition, Romney's rivals never succeeded in uniting the opposition against him behind one candidate. Nevertheless, he had to move even closer to the conservative base in order to clinch the nomination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Obama's re-election was anything but sure up until election day: Although the President enjoyed an incumbency advantage and benefitted from an unopposed re-nomination, he was confronted with a high unemployment rate and a worrying budget deficit. Whereas Romney had to fight for his party's nomination until April, Obama was able to replenish his campaign chest and wage an effective negative campaign against Romney during the primary period which laid the groundwork for his victory in the general election. But a lacklustre performance in the first television debate almost changed the dynamics of the race. In the end, Obama's presidency was rescued by voters' enhanced economic expectations which could lean on a modest drop in unemployment, Obama's successful disaster management of hurricane Sandy and his forceful presidential campaign which was able to beat back the attacks of the Republican super PACs. Obama's second term will be confronted with difficult challenges of a divided government: Should his aspired gun control legislation go too far, he could endanger possible compromises with Republicans when it comes to immigration reform and deficit reduction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]