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Copyright of KritV, CritQ, RCrit. Kritische Vierteljahresschrift für Gesetzgebung und Rechtswissenschaft / Critical Quarterly for Legislation & Law / Revue critique trimestrielle de jurisprudence et de législation is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

During the Covid-19 pandemic, many universities used electronic distance exams as alternatives to in-person assessments. With the return to in-person teaching, institutions often reverted to traditional exams using paper and pencil. This article shares experiences with electronic in-person exams implemented since late 2022 at a German university. The format builds on pandemic-driven developments, aiming to capitalize on their benefits for the implementation, administration, and evaluation of exams. We explore students' informational needs and the technical/legal prerequisites for exam integrity. Drawing on over 400 cases across 6 exams and surveying more than 300 students, we provide insights into their experiences. The article offers a glimpse into an innovative exam format and valuable considerations for universities embracing digital assessment methods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of ifo Dresden Berichtet: Ueber Konjunktur, Struktur, Wirtschaftspolitik is the property of ifo Institute for Economic Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of KritV, CritQ, RCrit. Kritische Vierteljahresschrift für Gesetzgebung und Rechtswissenschaft / Critical Quarterly for Legislation & Law / Revue critique trimestrielle de jurisprudence et de législation is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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In diesem Beitrag wird der krisenspezifische Einfluss der Covid-19-Pandemie auf wohlfahrtsstaatliche Solidarität während der ersten Infektionswelle und des ersten Lockdowns von März bis Mai 2020 untersucht. Wir verknüpfen dabei ein wohlfahrtsstaatssoziologisches Verständnis von Solidarität mit katastrophensoziologischen Überlegungen zu krisenspezifischer Solidarität und einer differenzierungstheoretischen Sichtweise auf Institutionenwandel. Mittels einer strukturierenden Inhaltsanalyse der Bundestagsplenarprotokolle wird ein innerparlamentarischer Solidarisierungsdruck nachgezeichnet, der zu einer krisenspezifischen Vergemeinschaftung führt. Durch die qualitative Analyse der Parlamentsdebatten verdeutlichen wir zudem die temporäre Begrenzung dieses Zusammenhangs, der nach erfolgreicher Rekonstitution einer gemeinsamen normativen Basis der Parlamentsmitglieder die Wiederaufnahme von parteipolitischen Solidaritätskonflikten erst ermöglichte. Auf einer weiteren Ebene arbeiten wir die Stabilisierungsfunktion von wohlfahrtsstaatlicher Solidarität als abstrakter normativer Leitidee heraus, die auch in konflikthaften Aushandlungen von sozialpolitischen Maßnahmen ihre Wirkung entfaltet. This paper examines the crisis-specific impact of the Covid 19 pandemic on welfare state solidarity during the first wave of infection and the first lockdown from March to May 2020. We combine a sociological understanding of solidarity in the context of the welfare state with sociological reflections on crisis-specific solidarity and a differentiation-theoretical perspective on institutional change. By means of a structuring content analysis of the Bundestagsplenarprotokolle, an intra-parliamentary solidarity pressure is traced that leads to crisis-specific Vergemeinschaftung. Through the qualitative analysis of the parliamentary debates, we also clarify the temporary limitation of this connection, which made the resumption of party-political solidarity conflicts possible in the first place after the successful reconstitution of a common normative basis of the members of parliament. On a further level, we elaborate the stabilizing function of welfare state solidarity as an abstract normative guiding idea (Leitidee), which also exerts its effect in conflictual negotiations of social policy measures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Voluntaris: Journal of Volunteer Services & Civic Engagement / Zeitschrift für Freiwilligendienste und Zivilgesellschaftliches Engagement is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Bundesgesundheitsblatt - Gesundheitsforschung - Gesundheitsschutz is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bundesgesundheitsblatt - Gesundheitsforschung - Gesundheitsschutz is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal for Sociology of Education & Socialization / Zeitschrift für Soziologie der Erziehung & Sozialisation is the property of Julius Beltz GmbH & Co. KG Beltz Juventa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper exposes the idea of humour as a strategy for coping with the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020. By focusing on the Swiss federal council's media conferences, it aims at evaluating specific linguistic and thematic features which constitute humour. The analysis highlights the importance of everyday topics in dealing with the coronavirus and shows that the humorous potentiality in the press conferences' oral communications is specified by laughing expressions and even more so that the humorous interactions occur at specific moments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This papers contributes to the growing body of literature on the use of conceptual metaphors to frame the COVID-19 pandemic and the corona. Whereas previous linguistic analyses have focused on the use of metaphors by politicians and in the media, this paper is concerned with German children's books and the use of conceptual metaphors therein that involve the target domains coronavirus,virus transmission, and virus proliferation as well as counter measurements and reactions of the immune system. The analysis reveals that war-metaphors, which are salient in political and media discourse, are much less dominant in children's books. The books systematically draw on source domains that are well entrenched in children's everyday experience, such as police, quarrelling, partying, playing in the sandbox, jumping, surfing, and travelling. Furthermore, ontological metaphors and more specifically personifications are widespread, with the virus being construed as a curious adventurer without genuinely bad intentions, a villain or monster and even a savior. The paper is grounded in Cognitive Semantics and more specifically in Conceptual Metaphor Theory and provides multimodal analyses that pay attention to both verbally and visually expressed information and metaphorical mappings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Extrem rechte und verschwörungsideologische Akteure konnten während der Corona-Pandemie neuen Zulauf generieren. Die Online-Mobilisierung war vor allem über die Plattform Telegram erfolgreich. Inzwischen prägt der russische Angriffskrieg gegen die Ukraine bzw. dessen Auswirkungen die Diskussionen in dieser spezifischen Teilöffentlichkeit. Unser Kooperationsprojekt zwischen dem Else-Frenkel-Brunswik-Institut an der Universität Leipzig und der Amadeu Antoni Stiftung setzt seit Ende 2021 ein umfassendes, computergestütztes Monitoring der extrem rechten und verschwörungsideologischen Szene in Sachsen um. In diesem Beitrag rekonstruieren wir auf dieser umfassenden empirischen Basis die Rolle, die der Begriff „Frieden" als leerer Signifikant für die Mobilisierung spielt. Mit dem allgemein positiv besetzten, aber für Interpretationen offenen Begriff lässt sich offenbar ein breites, anti-demokratisches Spektrum ansprechen. Gemeinsamer Nenner der Szene ist die Ablehnung der durch Konflikt geprägten modernen Gesellschaft und der Wunsch nach einer harmonistischen Gemeinschaftsutopie. Far-right and conspiracist actors were able to generate new momentum during the Covid-19 pandemic. Online mobilization was particularly successful via the platform Telegram. In the meantime, the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine and its effects have shaped the discussions in this specific sub-public sphere. Our collaborative monitoring and research project between the Else-Frenkel-Brunswik-Institute at the University of Leipzig and the Amadeu Antonio Foundation has been implementing a comprehensive, computer-based monitoring of the far-right and conspiracist scene in Saxony since late 2021. In this paper, we use this comprehensive empirical data set to reconstruct the role that the term "peace" plays as an empty signifier for mobilization. The term, which has generally positive connotations but is open to a wide variety of interpretations, can apparently be used to address a broad spectrum of anti-democrats. The common denominator of the scene is the rejection of modern society, characterized by conflict, and the desire for a harmonistic utopia of community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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COVID-19 and its social and political consequences have led to increased attention to the sometimes philosophically neglected concept of solidarity. This paper reflects the discourse on solidarity in times of COVID-19 from the viewpoint of the philosophical debate on solidarity. We argue that currently – regarding this debate – the critical potential of solidarity as a political concept is often undermined. Solidarity should rather be used as a social-diagnostic lens to focus on and criticise problematic exclusions caused by current political developments. This applies especially to the cross-border and transnational dimension of political solidarity, which is often neglected in the national constrictions of political COVID-19 strategies. The paper concludes with observations on which levels and in which directions the reflection on solidarity could stimulate both the political and the philosophical debate on global crises such as COVID-19. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Über das letzte Jahrzehnt hat die politische Mobilisierung von Rechts in Deutschland und Europa zugenommen. Insbesondere die Migrationsbewegungen seit 2015 waren für Netzwerke wie Pegida Anlass auf die Straße zu gehen. Auf der anderen Seite haben sich diverse zivilgesellschaftliche Akteure von antifaschistischen Gruppen über Gewerkschaften bis hin zu Kirchen organisiert, um in Form von Gegendemonstrationen ein Zeichen gegen Rechts und für Weltoffenheit zu setzen. Diese Mobilisierungsdynamiken von Protest und Gegenprotest fanden im Zuge der Konflikte um staatliche Maßnahmen zur Eindämmung der Corona-Pandemie ihre Fortsetzung. Proteste und Gegenproteste können zum einen Ausdruck einer bestehenden Polarisierung der Gesellschaft sein und bergen zum anderen das Risiko einer weiteren Polarisierung auf der Straße. Am Beispiel der Interaktion zwischen Pegida und der NoPegida-Bewegung diskutiert dieser Beitrag die möglichen Folgen von Gegenmobilisierung. Die Analysen legen nahe, dass Gegenproteste nicht zu einer Demobilisierung der Gegenseite führen. Nichtsdestotrotz können sie einen Positionierungsdruck auf politische Entscheidungsträger*innen ausüben, mediale Aufmerksamkeit für gesellschaftliche Konflikte generieren und die Vernetzung progressiver zivilgesellschaftlicher Akteure fördern. Over the last decade, mobilization from the far-right has increased in Germany and Europe. In particular, the migration flows since 2015 sparked street protests by movements like Pegida. Nevertheless, diverse civil society coalitions, including actors from anti-fascist groups, trade unions, and churches, have taken to the streets to counter far-right mobilization. These mobilization dynamics continue during protests for and against government measures to contain the Covid-19 pandemic. On the one hand, protests and counterprotests can indicate increasing polarization of society and, on the other hand, they carry the risk of further polarization on the streets. Using the interaction between Pegida and the NoPegida movement as an example, this paper examines the potential consequences of counterprotests. The analyses suggest that countermobilization is unlikely to lead to demobilization of the opposing side. Nevertheless, it can force politicians and decision-makers to take a stand, generate media attention for existing societal conflicts, and facilitate networking among progressive civil society actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Der Beitrag verbindet die Forschung zu den Auswirkungen der Corona-Pandemie mit der Debatte über die Relevanz sozialer Klasse. Mit einem klassenanalytischen Zugang (Oesch-16) und auf der Basis eines Mixed-Methods-Designs mit Erwerbstätigensurvey und qualitativen Interviews aus der Frühphase der Pandemie werden die Auswirkungen von Covid-19 auf die Arbeitswelt in fünf Themenfeldern untersucht: Infektionsrisiken am Arbeitsplatz, wirtschaftliche Lasten, mobiles Arbeiten, Arbeitsbedingungen sowie Vereinbarkeit von Erwerbsarbeit und Kinderbetreuung. Dabei zeigen sich im Bereich der Erwerbsarbeit ausgeprägte vertikale und horizontale Klassenungleichheiten, die punktuell auch auf die Schnittstelle zur unbezahlten Sorgearbeit ausstrahlen und die zudem in den Alltagserfahrungen vieler Erwerbstätiger präsent sind. Die Ergebnisse verdeutlichen die Bedeutung der Klassenlage für das Arbeitserleben in der Pandemie, verweisen jedoch auch auf Grenzen der Erklärungskraft klassenanalytischer Perspektiven. Article Note: This paper links the research on the impact of the Corona pandemic to the debate on the relevance of social class. Using a class analytic approach (Oesch-16) and based on a mixed-methods design with an employee survey and qualitative interviews from the early phase of the pandemic, the impact of Covid-19 on the world of work is examined in five thematic areas: Infection risks at the workplace, economic burdens, mobile working, working conditions, and reconciliation of paid work and child care. The results reveal pronounced vertical and horizontal class inequalities in the sphere of paid work, which partially also spill into the sphere of unpaid care work, and which are also present in the everyday experiences of many working people. The results highlight the importance of class for work experience in the pandemic, but also point to limitations of the explanatory power of class analytic perspectives in the sphere of care work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Voluntaris: Journal of Volunteer Services & Civic Engagement / Zeitschrift für Freiwilligendienste und Zivilgesellschaftliches Engagement is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)