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This article presents a discussion of E. M. Bernstein's paper about the financial problems of economic development. Bernstein discusses five facets of this problem: to decrease the size of the development program, to energize the inflow of foreign capital, to encourage domestic savings, to gather together the available resources, and to allocate the resources available to the private sector in a way that will stimulate the greatest increase in production. The author believes that this analysis leaves no room for argument.

This article presents information regarding the problems faced by the developing countries in their course of development. The problems faced by the developing countries of the world are numerous and of critical importance. These problems include those of industrialization and economic development, of changing traditional social institutions such as stratification and power mechanisms so that they facilitate rather than inhibit modernization, and of providing ever-increasing percentages of citizens with an education that teaches the economic and social skills requisite to assuming rewarding roles in a changing society. However, in the array of social and behavioral sciences that have been brought to bear upon the problems of developing countries, social psychology has been noticeably absent. Anthropologists have carried over their interest in traditional societies to include concern with the problems these societies face in the processes of modernization and development, particularly as these processes affect values and institutions such as the family and religion.

The article presents a list of books and papers about economic development and aid. The books and papers include "Development Planning," by Albert Waterston, C.J. Martin, August T. Schumacher and Fritz A. Steuber, "Unsolved Problems of International Development," published in "International Development," "Patterns of Economic Growth," "Developing Countries," published in "Realites," "What Do We Know About Planning," published in "International Development Review," and "Development Finance: Planning and Control," by Ursula K. Hicks.

SUMMARY This lecture on some problems araising from the international economic relations of developing countries, delivered in a developing country aims at giving a concise compendium of the principal propositions and findings of recent international trade theory. Particular emphasis is lied on the importance of pulling together commercial policy, foreign exchange policy and fiscal policy (internal taxes and subsidies) in a comprehensive scheme which was qualified by H arryH. B ell, Research Director of the UNCTAD, as a 'unified theory of protection'. In fact, the author, who is working in the praxis of international monetary and financial questions but likes personally to make 'excursions' to international trade theory and public finance, felt compelled to break down the artificial compartmentalization between the various sub-disciplines of political economy. A first attempt of this kind necessarily cannot go down into all details and necessarily rests to be completed. On this conceptual background the paper deals with the influence of inflation on development, fixed versus floating rates, tariff arguments, the attempt to construct a scientific tariff, the costs of selfsufficiency, the combined net effective rate of protection, quantitative restrictions and monetary trade biasing, the question whether import restriction or export promotion, invisibles in a unified theory of protection, capital movements and multiple exchange rates, the influence of the taxation system on relative prices and exchanges and last but not least the skeleton of a typical reform program. Admittedly, in praxis there will be as long difficulties concerning the application of the projected scientific system of protection as long as no one seems to have elaborated a satisfying empirical method in which tariffs, exchange rates and fiscal instruments are all expressed in terms of comparable units on a comparable scale. But does this matter? Praxis will follow theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Economic development involves elemental processes of great complexity and scope and that those who would move from a traditional to a modern society must relate themselves differently to the environment, shifting from an organic to an inorganic energy base, they must alter their ontology, accepting a different cognitive base for their relief system, they must adopt new values, forsaking old ones or integrating them somehow with the new values, indeed, they must psychologically refashion traditional man and his energizing and motivational system. The encompassing task of development requires the involvement of all sectors of society and different types of social units. This paper examines the nature and position of voluntary associations in the historic process of modernization and development.

This paper examines selected demographic characteristics of countries at different stages of economic development On one hand, the data show that the demographic status of underdeveloped countries continues to be substantially more primitive than that of more economically advanced nations. On the other hand, there is evidence to suggest that some of the traditionally observed relationships (such as the inverse relationship between economic development and the rate of population growth) may not be as pronounced as was the case earlier in the present century. Since the various characteristics that differentiate underdeveloped areas from the rest of the world are closely related to the forces and circumstances which handicap their economic development, these findings may be taken as indicative of a real need for a continuous reexamination of the nature of the characteristic features of underdeveloped areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information on the problems of research collaboration and cooperation. This paper brings together the various suggestions, cautions, warnings and recommendations dealing with problems of research collaboration and cooperation, in order to enable those who contemplate cross-cultural social-psychological research on developing countries to more easily review some practices which the people thought to be desirable as well as others which the people thought to be objectionable. Collaborative research between investigators in developed and in developing nations should attempt to deal with variables that are pertinent to both settings rather than surrender entirely to the needs and interests of one or the other setting or group of participants. Collaborative research between investigators in developed and in developing nations should attempt to deal with variables that are pertinent to both settings rather than surrender entirely to the needs and interests of one or the other setting or group of participants.

This article concentrates on a problem which so far has received only little attention by economists, the role of human resources in the process of economic advancement of underdeveloped areas. This topic has formidable proportions and cannot be treated in full within the framework of this paper. The author confines his remarks, therefore, to a specialized point, the place of entrepreneurship in economic development, and hopes to show, at least by implication, some of the more general problems arising in a consideration of the role played by human factors of production in the process of economic development. A study of economists' opinions on entrepreneurship leads to strange and sometimes contradictory results. Some writers have identified entrepreneurship with the function of uncertainty-bearing, others with the coordination of productive resources, others with the introduction of innovations, and still others with the provision of capital. It is probably true that at different times and under different institutional conditions each of these aspects may have constituted the primary, or at least socially most significant function, of entrepreneurs, and this function was then selected as typical and regarded as the unique contribution of entrepreneurs in the process of production.

The article focuses on the paper "Mineral Resources and Economic Growth," by Andrew J. Freyman. In his paper, Freyman looks broadly at the evolution of the world's non-fuel mineral industries and the roles in them of public and private institutions. The article starts with a review of key statistical indicators of the dimensions of the industries. The cost of discovering a deposit of copper, lead or zinc ranges from $200,000 to $500,000 with the chances of its proving economical in the 1 to 50 range. Total costs of exploration may range up- to 10% of the ultimate cost of mineral output. The author catalogues the traditional sources of conflict in the mineral industries. Foreign companies are blamed for failure to develop local supplies of machinery, managing the environment poorly, various aspects of industrial relations, etc. On the other hand, host governments in many cases have not done an effective job of using earnings from mineral industries to develop the local economy so that greater integration of the mineral output with it would be economical.

The article discusses the promotion of economic growth for underdeveloped areas of the world through international co-operation. It is explained that the economic growth of underdeveloped nations of the world is stated to depend upon the fulfillment through international action of two conditions, which includes the provision of technique or know-how, and, second, the supplying of capital funds to the underdeveloped nations. The article focuses on the economic growth and assistance occurring in Venezuela.

The article is a Machiavellian Perspective on Community development theory and practice. Community development theory and practice have been generally inapplicable and unsuccessful in developing countries. The prime reason for this is: community development theory and practice, as well as foreign assistance, have been derived mainly from North American and Anglo-Saxon experiences that were later applied to other countries without serious consideration of cultural differences and ideological systems, rather than social change (development) has been advocated. The author proposes to offer alternative solutions, based on an antidemocratic and Machiavellian perspective. His justification is that: the developing countries, in order to advance more rapidly must forego the democratic experience until more urgent socioeconomic goals can be attained or at least show high probabilities for attainment. The author describes democracy as a form of government that is too inefficient for rapid socioeconomic development.

The article focuses on the implications of economies of scale for developing countries. It explores the empirical evidence on economies of scale at the aggregate as well as at plant level and further provides a statistical analysis of the influence of the size of plant to the output per worker. It also examines the relationship between the plant level economies of scale and the industry's structure as a sample of developed and developing countries. Moreover, the potential significance of the development of economies of scale on factor intensity and factor reversals are considered. Also included is a brief overview and policy implications for developing countries.

The article examines the expansion of preferential trade arrangements among developing countries unrelated to regional integration. The implications of preferential trade arrangements for the trade and development of participating developing countries are explored as well as discusses the factors that resulted to the establishment of limited preferential trade arrangements (LPAs) and the signing of the Tripartite and the Protocol. Also presented is a traditional analysis of customs unions, specifying the significances of preferential agreements for economic development. The impact of the Tripartite on the trade and development of developing countries is explored.

This article presents information regarding the factors influencing development in the developing countries. Parallel to the characteristics of economic development and values, income and aspired levels of living will be considered as they are directly influenced by development and changes in values. But, beyond that, from the exposition of changes in agro-economy, income and values we shall turn to a discussion of some significant motivational and social integrational factors. The attitudes which show qualitative differences between modern societies and modernizing ones with feudal traditional bases are, taking initiative for a better future, and offering rational reasons for success and improvement of conditions of life instead of fatalism, resignation and submission to authority. In the area of expectations and recognition of need and desire for improving their condition, it is clear that both villages are positively future-oriented. In addition to rational and modern expectations and desires for the future, opinions concerning the ways to reach such goals are also nonfatalistic.

This article presents information regarding psychological factors in the national development. National development implies among other things the transformation of a preindustrial society into a state of technological sophistication, a process which today may in theory be enormously accelerated in contrast to the rate of development of the existing modernized industrial societies. The reason for this is simple and obvious, the technological expertise of the latter is formulated and communicable. In suggesting that psychological research is a prerequisite of contemporary national development, full recognition is given to the critical and inextricable part played by politics and economics; indeed, a subject meriting psychological study in developing countries concerns the kind of mechanism most appropriate for putting into constructive effect actions which psychological research suggests are best suited for the potentiation of human and national resources. It is of interest that this complementary differentiation by a political scientist between modernization and industrialization bears an analogy to the two major interdependent areas wherein psychology would seem to be of practical relevance for developing countries.

The article discusses the role of organized labor in economic development in Africa. The following interpretations are analyzed: the interpretation of the Inter-University Study of Labor Problems in Economic Development; the political unionism viewpoint; and the interpretation of those who believe that the role of labor is to contribute to rapid economic growth. The author points that the role of organized labor to regulate conflict has been weakened in the developing areas. Thus, labor's contribution to industrialization and economic development remains an elusive one.

In recent years there have been a number of important studies concerned with the economic status of women. Most of these research efforts, partly because of data limitations, have concentrated on the period since 1940. However, because the Census Bureau has been compiling statistics on the distribution of the male and female labor force by occupation since 1870, an analysis of changes in the relative occupational status of women over the past one hundred years can be undertaken. Thus, on the basis of Alba Edwards' painstaking work and subsequent surveys, it is possible to construct a reasonably consistent series which indicates the distribution of men and women in the labor force by eleven broad occupational categories for the period 1870-1970. However, while such an historical series may be of some interest, it remains at best a simplified and somewhat imprecise measure of changing occupational status.

Discusses the relevance of economic integration theory to less developed countries. Rate of growth of gross national product; Distinction between trade diversion and trade creation; Effects of geographically discriminatory changes in trade barriers; Limitations of the production effects.

debahr, H ubertus: Die Fluktuation der Arbeitskräfte. A ndic, F uat, A ndic, S uphan, and D osser, D ouglas: A Theory of Economic Integration for Developing Countries. A rrow, K enneth J., and H ahn, F. H.: General Competitive Analysis. B alestra, P ietro: Calcul matriciel pour économistes. B lattner, N iklaus: Die Rolle des Wettbewerbs im Aussenhandel. B ronfenbrenner, M artin: Income Distribution Theory. B runs, W illiam J., Jr.: Introduction to Accounting: Economic Measurement for Decisions. B urkhead, J esse, and M iner, J erry: Public Expenditure. C ulbertson, J ohn M.: Economic Development. C urtis, T homas B., and V astine Jr., J ohn R obert: The Kennedy Round and the Future of American Trade. D alton, G eorge: Economic Anthropology and Development. D avis, L ance E., and N orth, D ouglass C.: Institutional Change and American Economic Growth. D ue, J ohn F.: Indirect Taxation in Developing Countries. G riliches, Z vi, and R ingstad, V idar: Economies of Scale and the Form of the Production Function. Guidelines for Project Evaluation. H aller, H einz, und A lbers, W illi (Hrsg.): Probleme der Staatsver-schuldung. H aveman, R obert H.: The Economic Performance of Public Investments. J ackson, J ohn N.: The Urban Future J änicke, M artin: Totalitäre Herrschaft. J ochimsen, R eimut, und K nobel, H elmut (Hrsg.): Gegenstand und Methoden der Nationalökonomie. J ohnson, H. G., and a Committee of the Money Study Group (Eds.): Readings in British Monetary Economics. K anet, R oger E. (Ed.): The Behavioral Revolution and Communist Studies. K ennedy, K ieran A.: Productivity and Industrial Growth. K iss, T ibor: International Division of Labour in Open Economies. K oblitz, H orst G eorg: Einkommensverteilung und Inflation in kurz-fristiger Analyse. K ornai, J ános: Anti-Equilibrium. R ader, T rout: Theory of Microeconomics. K osta, H. G. J., K ramer, H., und S láma, J.: Der technologische Fort-schritt in Österreich und in der Tschechoslowakei. L ambert, D enis-C lair, et M artin, J ean-M arie: L'Amérique Latine. L amberton, D. M. (Ed.): Economics of Information and Knowledge. M archal, J ean, et L ecaillon, J acques: Analyse Monétaire. O ates, W allace E.: Fiscal Federalism. R urup, B ert: Die Programmfunktion des Bundeshaushaltsplanes. S chäfer, H ans-B ernd: Imperialismusthesen und Handelsgewinne. S cheps, S amuel: The Dethronement of Gold. V ajda, I mre, and S imai, M ihály (Eds.): Foreign Trade in a Planned Economy. V oss, P eter: Zielkonforme Ausgestaltung der Mindestreservenpolitik. W hittington, G eoffrey: The Prediction of Profitability and Other Studies of Company Behaviour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

SUMMARY The main problem of underdeveloped countries consists in an inflexible productive structure which makes it difficult to adopt to changes in world markets. There are three important instruments to improve their flexibility. The first instrument are the investments - not investments in general (this is only of interest in the context of stabilization policies) but specific investment projects or programs. The author distinguishes directly and indirectly productive investments, which require separate investment criteria. For the latter especially the fact ought to be taken account of that they cause large future current expenditures, therefore absorbe future resources ahead of creating them. The second instrument is the budget. In underdeveloped countries its task is not only to finance the public services but also to accumulate savings. It becomes the link between the public and the private sectors as well as between directly and indirectly productive investments, and, by this, the main instrument for development. The third instrument is the balance of payment policy: avoidance of balance of payment crises and efficient use of export receipt. Its further tasks consist in creating public savings-a task that is very often underestimated compared to the infant industry argument or the directing of import and export. In the last part the author scrutinizes a special problem of planning a specific investment project: shadow or accounting prices (wages, interest rates, exchange rate). The theory implies that all investments are directly productive, which ist too simple. When shadow prices are adopted, the budgetary consequences are neglected. E.g. a project is chosen on grounds of low shadow wages, nevertheless market wages have to be paid. The difference is a charge on the budget. The possibilities of productive investment are reduced, the composition of directly and indirectly productive investments altered in favour of the latter, and economic growth diminished. The author therefore concludes that the adoption of shadow prices calculated from a static system might prove disastrous to future growth. The solution would consist in realizingall investment projects the rate of return of which would exceed the interest rate of, say, the World Bank (more or less opportunity cost of capital), and limiting investment in indirectly productive activities to what the budget can stand, in particular to an amount that does not foreclose future savings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Questions of choice of techniques and technical change are often discussed as economic problems in the underdeveloped countries, but economists have not systematically taken account of systems of political economy to which their discussions refer. The main argument of this article is that this failure to be systematic about questions of political economy may lead to simplistic recommendations about technology policies, and possibly to some rather ill founded optimism about the efficacy of appropriate technologies as a cure for problems of unemployment and mal distribution of income. It is useful, for illustrative purposes, to start out with a brief discussion of some particular points about A.K. Sen's analysis of choice of techniques. Possibly, the least-noticed assumption is the assumption of a planned economy. All surpluses above the needs of current consumption are directly controlled by the state and are reinvested. Investible resources are scarce and the planners choose techniques of production which maximize their objectives function, subject to the constraints of this scarcity.

The central government of a developing country assumes the primary responsibility for national development but local government also has its share to contribute. Indeed, national development is not likely to succeed without a genuine partnership between the two. An analysis of the present state of local government reveals basic weaknesses and modernization is necessary in the interest of efficiency and development. Community development has also proved to be an effective means of promoting self help and fostering national development through local government. Before assessing the role of local government in national development in South-East Asia, a few words on the relationship of government in general to development may be useful. In this respect, a distinction may be drawn between so called developed and developing countries. As experience has shown, much of the economic development of industrialized countries has been due to the initiative, capital and management deployed in the private sector. This does not mean, however that government in such countries has been entirely indifferent to economic development.

This article analyses the United Nations' Public Administration Programme. The main objective of the programme has been, and will continue to be, co-operation with governments of developing countries in improving public administration as an essential instrument for national development. When the programme was initiated during 1948-53, it was in recognition of the increasingly important role of government administration in programmes for the promotion of economic development and social welfare. During the initial period, deficiencies in public administration were recognized as particularly serious barriers to the development and progress of developing countries. The division established in the Secretariat to implement the programme has the following functions, to promote public administration in relation to economic and social development and in relation to government services, to develop and backstop technical assistance or technical co-operation programmes, including the provision of advisory services of experts, fellowships and scholarships, to organize seminars, conferences and working groups on subjects of importance for the improvement of public administration.

The article features an independent body of an international organization, Development Centre of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development. It aims to aid less developed countries in the implementation of its development policies by enforcing these nations with the learning and experiences acquired from industrialized countries. It is led by notable economists as vice president, associate members and involving the former French Minister, Robert Buron as its president. Its secondary function is to promote tasks which strengthens the link between institutes citing its program expansion which centers on the economic development research.

For many underdeveloped countries, the main problem of economic development is not so much the acceleration of investment in material capital for the ‘take-off’ as the building of the runway for a future take-off. But discussions of ‘pre-investment’ in human capital for this purpose are vague and unsatisfactory. In particular, it is not clear whether investment in education is to supply the ‘missing components’ of skills within a given framework or to supply a dynamic catalyst which will radically change the framework itself. These two different concepts of education illustrate the conflicting requirements of social discipline and social flexibility as a prerequisite of economic growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Levels of economic development are characterized by differences in kind and complexity of economic organizations and productive units. Even similar basic needs are nut in varying ways, according to the available resources. Class stratification and socio-psychological action patterns form strategic variables linked to development levels. Underdeveloped countries typically display sharp social polarities, steep ranking, low mobility, a disregard for economic performance as status-conferring. Ascription-achievement and diffusion-specificity are key dichotomies. The effect of specificity on productivity reflects back on stratification, while achievement-orientation makes individual mobility across groups possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the nature of the transitional society in the developing nations and reviews the role and problems of bureaucracy in the tasks of nation-building. Eight major characteristics of bureaucracy are identified, and its problems in the context of t fie culture of politics, the emerging ethos and the expanding sphere of Stale activity and new institutional arrangements are analysed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the increased attention given in developing countries towards the continued availability of qualitatively and quantitatively adequate managerial manpower in various spheres of society as one vital factor in assuring balanced socio-economic growth. This concern is doubtless in part, as a result of analyses of growth in a number of countries. It is reflected in an increasing number of publications of very divergent quality on a great variety of subjects and in multifarious efforts in education and research designed to promote the development of various categories of managers. The advancement in knowledge, insight and skills in the field of management and management education and development has, unfortunately, not always kept pace with the rapid proliferation of educational activities in a number of countries. This statement should be interpreted as an encouragement to increase the required knowledge, rather than to abandon substantial educational efforts owing to their inadequacy. Management education and development may be approached from at least two points of view, the great variety of needs for these efforts and the provision of the very numerous services required in this field.

Poor countries cannot afford to pay for as much education as richer countries. They have therefore to establish priorities in terms both of quantity and of quality. The requirements of economic development help in setting priorities, but they are not overriding. Education was not invented in order to enable men to produce more goods and services. The purpose of education is to enable men to understand better the world in which they live, so that they may more fully express their potential capacities whether spiritual, intellectual or material. Indeed, through the centuries the traditional attitude of practical men towards education has been that it unfits its recipients for useful work. From the standpoint of economic development, one may distinguish between types of education which increase productive capacity and types which do not. Teaching an African cook to read may increase his enjoyment of life, but will not necessarily make him a better cook. Education of the former kind is called investment education, while the latter kind is called consumption education. From the standpoint of economic development, investment education has a high priority, but consumption education is on a par with other forms of consumption. How much to spend above this minimum depends on how rich the society is and on competing claims.

This article examines the results of development planning in developing countries. For all the differences in underlying conditions, in national goals and ideologies and in degrees of technical sophistication, development planning everywhere follows much the same pattern. A typical development plan consists of articulation of over-all growth targets in terms of plan-end output levels or plan-period productive capacities by sector or by product group. The development plan is a technocratic conception of a feasible program for the fulfillment of policy-makers' goals. The critique of the efficiency of private enterprise centers on the inability or the unwillingness of private business to seize potentially profitable business opportunities. One of the reasons for the alleged failure is the inadequacy of market signals, which reflect current scarcities but fail to indicate future opportunities in the rapidly evolving environment of the developing world. The experience of several countries, including Iran and Pakistan, shows how powerfully policy can affect the direction of investment.

This article examines the branches of economic theory and development economics. The proliferation and sub-division of development economics is most dramatically shown by the many periodicals which devote themselves entirely to some particular aspect of the subject, such as development finance, development agriculture and so on. Such an economist should try to acquire a good working knowledge at least, of the broad economic dimensions and the basic features of the situation, in a wide range of underdeveloped countries. His aim should be to try to apply the existing economic theory in a more realistic and fruitful way to suit the varying conditions of the different types of underdeveloped country. An equally important part of his job would be to try to prevent serious misapplications of economic theory, whether of the orthodox type or the newer modern theories, to the underdeveloped countries. The alternative view which pervades thinking at present is that the advanced countries should take the responsibility of guaranteeing a politically-acceptable target rate of economic growth for all underdeveloped countries and, if this cannot be achieved by the latter countries' own efforts, the advanced countries should be prepared not only to increase the total volume of aid but also to increase the planning and supervision of the use of this aid so that the peoples of underdeveloped countries may enjoy economic development in spite of themselves. Obviously the underdeveloped countries cannot insist on freedom to use aid in any way they like and at the same time insist that the advanced countries guarantee a minimum target rate of economic growth for them all. Ultimately they will have to choose the one or the other.

The object of this article was not to demonstrate that income differentials are necessarily wholly or partly equalising--that is an empirical matter--but that they may be so, and that any comparison of income over space, time, social groups, industries or regions does not represent a comparison of productivities or of real incomes unless the possibility that the observed differentials are equalising can somehow be ruled out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the relationship between science and economic development in developing countries. The author begins by explaining the establishment of research institutes and universities, noting that scientific education in universities remains weak due to an adherence to a liberal arts education. He is critical of the education system of Great Britain due to its inability to identify scientific talent through its examination system, and argues against scientists from developing countries studying and gaining employment in industrialized nations. It is also argued the research in developing countries should be related to food production and an increase in living standards.

The article explains that the low values of the output-capital ratio and the saving-income ratio in many of the underdeveloped countries are due, inter-alia, to the imperfect organization of the capital markets. The social cost of obtaining investment resources from outside is not only the interest rate charged by the financial institutions of the money and capital market, but it also includes the whole complex of social and psychological resistances to seeking outside funds. The importance of retaining control has already been mentioned. Allied to it is the distrust of outside managers, the fear of loss of face and bankruptcy and other factors. Moreover, in the underdeveloped countries, it may be difficult if not impossible to obtain funds for a number of purposes that may appear both profitable and legitimate to the individual. In the underdeveloped countries, the variance in the distribution of interest rates is larger than in the advanced countries. In many countries, the rates of interest prevailing in the money market for certain limited purposes compare favorably with those obtaining in much more advanced countries. On the other hand, capital for other purposes, particularly those connected with the acquisition of durable assets, is either completely unavailable or available only on prohibitive terms. Moreover, the interest rates announced by the existing institutions obscure the existence of much higher rates prevailing outside the orthodox banking and financial institutions.

The article provides information about the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies in New Delhi, India. The institute was founded with the assistance from the Asia Foundation. It undertakes and promotes research in the political and social structure of India and other developing countries. Primarily, it focuses on the historical, social, and cultural conditions under which the process of development takes place in particular countries. All of its research studies and projects are based on the specialized projects in different fields, undertaken by scholars.

The article present information on the feasibility of the GATT doctrine. The consensus on the principles and rules that ought to govern international trade which dominated the policies of the major countries outside the communist part of the world from the end of the second World War up to, roughly, 1963, no longer exists. The U.S.-British view is essentially a reaffirmation of the GATT doctrine. But if the U.S. President John F. Kennedy round does not come out reasonably well for the Americans, the long period of U.S. adherence to the principle of non-discrimination as the basis of trade policy, and with it the GATT system, is likely to come to an end. The Committee for Economic Development has already suggested that the U. S. consider abandoning the unconditional most-favoured-nation principle, in order to make tariff arrangements with other countries that would exclude the Common Market from their benefits. The less developed countries believe that no matter how many rounds are dealt under the GATT rules the deck will always be stacked against them. Governments have refused to place this trade under the GATT rules. They have shown no signs of being prepared to give up either their subsidy systems, their protected home markets or their "traditional" exports.

The article presents a reference guide for economic development and aid. Names of publishers of books and the addresses of periodicals are provided to aid readers. Listings include only basic material, not news items or reports of transitory significance. "Economic Development: Principles, Problems and Policies," By Benjamin Higgins, discusses how to launch the growth of the economies of underdeveloped countries and how to raise national income in advanced one. Case studies of Lybia. India, Indonesia, the Philippines, Mexico and Italy are included in it. "International Specialization and the Concept of Balanced Growth: Comment," by Ronald Findlay, is a critique of an article in the May 1958 issue of the "Quarterly Journal," by John Sheahan. "Partnership for Progress: International Technical Cooperation," discusses the economic, political, and administrative aspects of international technical cooperation. "The Image of the Past and Economic Backgrounds," by A.A. Pepelasis, is a study of the ways in which pride in tradition can hold back a country economically, with Greece used as a case in point.