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This study challenges traditional rentier state theory and contributes to a new generation of scholarship focused on state-business relations by evaluating the relationship between different degrees of state policymaking autonomy and business elite influences in political and economic institutions. The findings of this study address central policy questions about economic reform in the Gulf Cooperation Council countries. Using primary data from my case studies of Qatar and Kuwait, I posit two arguments. First, states with lesser business elite influence over political institutions have more autonomy to realise their economic reform goals; a less dominant and influential business elite circle will more likely submit to state-led economic reform initiatives. Greater business elite dominance, meanwhile, tends to create a powerful bloc undercutting economic change, such as labour reform or new regulatory frameworks, that would benefit the long-term stability of the state. Second, rentier states with higher degrees of state-led capitalism have more autonomy to conduct economic reforms; state-led capitalism produces more coherent and cohesive state apparatuses that can incentivize business elite cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkey's per capita income was nearly three times South Korea's in 1962. Dramatic change has been observed since then. South Korea has transformed into an innovative economy approaching the global technology frontier in only a few decades. Turkey, on the other hand, has attained limited success with missed opportunities and has fallen behind. This article asks why this spectacular success was observed in South Korea, but not in Turkey. It seeks an answer by concentrating on certain variables that may explain this outcome. Assuming that primarily different types and capacities of societies and states explain the variations in economic performance, the article examines in particular, the institutional foundations of Turkish and Korean societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing studies of state-led industrial development argue that state autonomy is essential for formulating consistent and coherent industrial policies. This article shows that autonomous bureaucracy, while useful for fending off the politics of interest groups, is not free of politics in itself. Using Chinese industrial policy-making as a strategic case study, this article uncovers the competitive dimension of bureaucratic decision-making and the extent to which it serves as a driving force for industrial policy paradigm change in China. Equipped with a theory of policy articulation, this article details the strategies used by multiple superagencies and groups of career bureaucrats to vie for industrial policy authority within the Chinese state. In sum, this article seeks to expose the role of intrabureaucracy competition in mediating international political economic environment and national policy outcomes. Looking forward, this article proposes that the renewed focus on industrial policy by many national governments compels an analytical re-engagement with the role of large bureaucracies in economic decision-making and the kind of organizational and cognitive frameworks by which bureaucrats mobilize to chart our industrial landscapes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the labor-controlling orientation of the Japanese developmental state and its consequences today. Developmental state studies has given us a robust epistemological grid whereby we can make non-Western state formation intelligible. Yet, mainstream authors have tended to treat the working class as a mere appendage to state– business relations, relegating labor politics at the analysis of state– society relations. By using democratic Japan—a prime example of this sort of obfuscation—in combination with Marxian state theory, this paper outlines the difficulties, addresses them, and extends the scope of developmental state studies to labor. After identifying main tenets of the literature, the author constructs a theory of labor control as a stabilizer of relative state autonomy. The author applies this to Japanese labor movements since 1945 and interprets events and processes of labor oppression/regulation through which Japanese capitalism subsumed the working class under the aegis of the developmental state. Labor control, emerging out of an "exceptional state" (Poulantzas, 1974), evolved into a refined socio-relational system that insulated developmental goals from labor movements. This Japanese trajectory keenly mobilized big business and elite labor, which transformed labor control into a bilateral and then a tripartite league in defense of industrial policy and its deskilling/reskilling intervention. By the 1970s, this achieved the famous docility of Japanese labor. The historically constructed character of docile labor force was exploited once again when Japan made a neoliberal turn in its post-development phase. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When do states forge technological change in mature industries? This article challenges the emphasis on bureaucratic autonomy in explaining the ability of governments to promote technological change. We show that structural features of the bureaucracy alone are insufficient to account for variation in policy intervention, and argue that sectoral patterns of interest intermediation shape state capacity. Political coordination leads industry and government to broker technological transformations in consensus-driven negotiations. This prioritizes the interests of incumbent firms, likely resulting in regulatory capture and weak policy intervention. Political competition among interest groups and state agencies, by contrast, allows policy-makers to organize coalitions of technology challengers, likely leading to strong policy intervention. We examine this argument in the case of electric vehicle policy in Germany and the United States. Germany failed to disrupt its auto sector to transition to electric vehicles, while the United States adopted comprehensive policies for the manufacturing and commercialization of electric cars against incumbent opposition. Counter to conventional wisdom, our findings suggest that states can effectively engage in sectoral intervention to drive technological change in the absence of autonomous bureaucracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a number of ethnic groups and communities in contemporary India have been asserting their rights as nationalities because they perceive a threat to their identity and seek to protect the same by trying to extract as many concessions as possible from the central political authorities. It is this process of bargaining with the Centre for a better deal which appears to be associated very often with the politics of assertion of nationalities in India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This thesis deals with post-war development in Austria (1945-1955). Describes the first stage after the end of the Second World War, which can be characterized by the words: collapse and humiliation. However, the feeling of catastrophic destruction quickly and surprisingly was replaced by optimism in a new beginning. And the first stage immediately underwent reconstruction and the so-called economic miracle in Austria. The article describes how the Marshall Plan and the monetary reform have had a major impact on the economic recovery of the country. The final part of the thesis deals with the struggle of Austria for full freedom and autonomy, which culminated in the signing of the state treaty and the declaration of the country's neutrality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores collaboration between state actors and non-state specialists in the market for coercion. We focus on the case of forced evictions in South Korea, where violence carried out by private companies has occurred with the implicit, and at times explicit, sanctioning of the state. This level of government–private security cooperation has traditionally been explained by various hypotheses, including arguments about the weak capacity of a state to enforce compliance, trends in the neo-liberal marketization of state power, or as the outcome of a state being captured by the capitalist classes. Documenting the history of urban redevelopment projects and changes in government responses to major protest incidents in Korea, we instead argue that this niche market for private force is an observable implication of a shift in state–society relations in the wake of democratization. This phenomenon is, in effect, a very undemocratic response to democratization, by state elites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The creation of a buffer state aimed at providing a political and security zone is normally the initiative of powerful states within the region it is being established. Globalization has, however, placed buffer states at the centre of the new security dilemma creating national and transnational security risks that adversely impact on the capacity of neighbouring states to effectively perform their basic functions. The establishment of Somalia’s newest semi-autonomous region Jubaland, perceived as Kenya’s buffer zone, has created a new security dilemma for Somalia. This article examines the relationship between the creation of Jubaland and the national and transnational security risks it poses for Somalia’s state capacity building efforts. The mutually related national and transnational security risks examined emanate from the adverse effects of Somali clan/militia conflicts and Kenya Defence Forces operations in Jubaland as part of the African Union Mission in Somalia. These security risks have adversely impacted on state capacity and state autonomy hence hindering the ability of the collapsed Somali state to re-build itself and effectively provide political-military security. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Contemporary Chinese artists have long been marginalized in China as their ideas conflict with the mainstream political ideology. In Beijing, artists often live on the fringe of society in “artist villages,” where they almost always face the threat of being displaced owing to political decisions or urban renewal. However, in the past decade, the Chinese government began to foster the growth of contemporary Chinese arts and designated underground artist villages as art districts. This article explores the profound change in the political decisions about the art community. It argues that, despite the pluralization of Chinese society and the inroads of globalization, the government maintains control over the art community through a series of innovative mechanisms. These mechanisms create a globalization firewall, which facilitates the Chinese state in global image-building and simultaneously mitigates the impact of global forces on domestic governance. The article illuminates how the authoritarian state has adopted more sophisticated methods of governance in response to the challenges of a more sophisticated society. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This study aims to contribute to the analysis of the Constitutional Court Judgement 31/2010 of the Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia, through the technique of individual votes. To do so, as a guide, highlights the significance of the vote compared to the actual operation of the Constitutional Court, to the development of present and future doctrine, and its influence on the rest of legal operators. The article focuses both on the technical of the votes held in the Judgement 31/2010 and the change about the Judgement 137/2010, as in the content of the vote. The content, that goes beyond the analysis of the affected areas, to also influence on institutional position of the Constitutional Court. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present global recession that sprung out of the US banking and Real Estate sectors in 2007 has its roots in the massive State and financial upheavals implemented in the face of the 1970s crisis of over accumulation. These transformations had as their objective the reneging of the Keynesian, tripartite model of regulation and its association with the 'Welfare State'. As such, the post-1970 neo-liberal financial order can be best seen as a 'class project' to reassert the dominance of grand capital, especially financial capital, both in the political and economic fields. Examining the intricate links between the present crisis and the structural governance changes enacted over the past 30 years, principally in the United States, the fallacies of ultra-growth and the speculative model become obvious as do their class dimensions and impact. However, despite the seeming ideological death of neo-liberalism, on close inspection, the policies so far enacted by the Obama administration make no concerted move out of the past era of financial sector hegemony. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although globalization has stimulated the rise in cross-border crime, it does not really undermine the autonomy of the mainland Chinese state, the Taiwan state, and the city-states of Hong Kong and Macao. Instead, through cooperation with law-enforcement agencies in other countries, the law-enforcement agencies of these four places, notably the police and customs, have ensured the persistence of state autonomy vis-a-vis cross-border criminal groups and individuals. In the case of Greater China (mainland China, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Macao), interstate cooperation involving the police and customs can maintain state autonomy vis-a-vis criminal groups and individuals. The mechanisms of such interstate and intergovernmental cooperation embrace the sharing of criminal intelligence, the occurrence of anti-crime joint operations, the holding of seminars and conferences, and the administrative arrangements of extraditions. In a nutshell, intergovernmental cooperation in the combat against cross-border crime can maintain state autonomy in the midst of globalization, as the case of Greater China shows. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the outbreak of the al-Aqsa Intifada in 2000 and in contrast to past wars, the Israeli state impressively regained its relative autonomous capacity in managing a prolonged military operation without significant internal opposition. Arguably, the state's autonomy increased in light of the alteration of the social composition of the army, from relying on the Ashkenazi middle class to drawing on peripheral and religious social groups. Specifically, this change was reflected in the composition of casualties that reshaped the bereavement ethos from protest to an acceptance of the sacrifice. Concurrently, the field forces exhibited much greater enthusiasm than they had for aggressive missions through which the religious and peripheral groups hoped to prove themselves worthy of status both inside and outside the army. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper revisits the concept of state autonomy in the context of globalization. Earlier literature either considered state autonomy from the social forces in broad institutional and cultural terms or from the dominant classes in a restrictive sense. However, in either case the focus remained on domestic/national society, not the global society. The discussion of relative autonomy of the state began among the Marxists in the 1970s and then graduated into the mainstream social sciences in the 1980s and 1990s. In the upshot, the notions of developmental state and the embedded autonomy have significantly added to our knowledge of the role of the state. This paper broadens the idea of embedded autonomy by locating the sources of embeddedness in both local as well global institutions and norms. The paper uses the Singapore case to illustrate some of the possibilities and limitations of the reconfigured role of the state in the face of globalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

France's resistance to CAP reform has widely been attributed to the weakness of the state vis-à-vis organized farm interests. This paper argues that weak state theories overstate the role of administrative centralization and the organizational capabilities of farm groups and underestimate the role of ideas and of European politics in determining the transformative capacity of the French state. This argument is based on the observation that farm conservatism has persisted in the last two decades in spite of the growing autonomy of the French state vis-à-vis farm client groups. This article argues that we must pay more attention to the way European policy-making impinges upon the resources of the state and the organizational cohesion of farm groups and how the ideas held by domestic reform entrepreneurs determine their ability to win EU support for their blueprint and harness much-needed resources for carrying them out in the face of vested interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current dissertation covers a critical approach about concepts and political contemporary debates on nation State issues, particularly in cases of societies deeply affected by internal conflicts, such us the Colombian case. The paper focuses in the implementation process of the transitional justice political technologies, in regard of the restoration of internal displaced people rights. The main thesis argues that this new field of policy development in Colombia is performing as another field of trasnationalitation of states responsibilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A large body of historical evidence shows that welfare states originate in fear—class fear, and this is no less true of the United States than Western Europe. Drawing on the history of the American labor movement, populism, and progressivism, this paper questions the theory of American “exceptionalism” as well as Theda Skocpol's argument that the autonomy of capitalist states relegates Marxist theories of the state to secondary importance. The expansion and contraction of welfare states are best understood in terms of class conflict, which moves Marxism from the sidelines to the center of efforts to explain capitalist states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using secondary data from 21 post-communist countries, a map of urban–rural cleavages is produced. The findings are that while persistent cleavages exist with respect to attitudes toward the state, the market and traditional institutions, these cleavages have yet to be institutionalized within the political system. Deviations from the generalized pattern can typically be explained by the intrusion of the state-building process into the urban–rural cleavage structure. Furthermore, it is argued that the lack of institutionalization has led to a situation in which state and political elites have gained increased autonomy. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Responding to claims that there is a crisis in the sociology of development rooted in inadequate explanations of the connections between economic change and political institutions, Zhao and Hall propose a state-centred approach in understanding successful late development in the Third World. Here it is argued that there are some difficulties associated with their use of the concept of 'bounded autonomy'. Further, some alternative insights are suggested about conceptualising the 'politics' of economic transformation in the Third World. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]