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This article introduces a novel concept--Goldilocks' Purgatory--to explain how the Singaporean state rhetorically communicates to itself, and to internal and external audiences, of the logic and correctness of its political and policy decisions. By framing every decision as a carefully deliberated moderate choice that balances between two extreme and unsavoury options, state actors convince themselves and their audiences that their decisions are legitimate, justifiable, optimal, and worthy of support. This transcript is socially rooted in a civil service that analyzes public policy via basic macroeconomic models of dichotomized trade-offs, politically rooted in the People's Action Party's (PAP) continued electoral success and political dominance, and economically rooted in neoliberal global capitalism that prizes regulatory conservatism. This article further specifies how to empirically identify and measure Goldilocks' Purgatory, and illustrates its expression over time through an analysis of public pronouncements on Singapore's most contentious public policies--those related to immigration and foreign workers. Ultimately, Goldilocks' Purgatory explains why criticisms of Singapore politics and public policy are neutered and minimal, and why the country's electoral politics is so valence-focused and slowmoving. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores Dave Eggers' s 2021 dystopian novel The Every from the perspective of philosopher Roberto Esposito's intertwined concepts of community and immunity, as put forward in his books Communitas (1998), Immunitas (2002), Bios (2004), and Common Immunity (2023). In Eggers' s novel, The Every is a gigantic, world-dominating corporation which, through soft totalitarian means, seeks to create a utopian, peaceful, politically correct, and environmentally friendly world. It thus aims to immunise the world from the violent void at the heart of community by encouraging surveillance (of self and others) through a wide variety of apps. However, in its attempt to create a homogenous, peaceful world, The Every arguably suffers from an excess of immunisation from Esposito's perspective. This results in an autoimmune crisis, leading to both the exclusion of large swathes of the population, such as the poor or the technophobe Trogs, and to increased mental illness and even suicide among those subjected to constant surveillance and self-censorship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although controversial, numerous memorials venerating the Confederacy of the American Civil War remain standing across America, and removal efforts are met with backlash. Although research has investigated how racial bias and Southerner identification predict Confederate statue/symbol support, we investigated how conservatism and opposition to political correctness (anti-PC attitudes) explain attitudes toward controversial public statues. Across Studies 1a–5 (N = 885), results revealed that conservatives consistently reported greater anti-PC attitudes than liberals, and anti-PC attitudes predicted support for Confederate statues even after accounting for anti-Black bias. However, conservatives' anti-PC attitudes were not applied in a principled way. In Studies 2 to 5, conservatives and participants high in anti-PC attitudes opposed the removal of Confederate statues and statues of controversial right-wing figures. However, this pattern was reversed when participants considered statues of controversial left-wing figures. Furthermore, Study 5 investigated how participants' immediate negative reactions (e.g., moral outrage) predicted their attitudes toward removing controversial statues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID-19 crisis has led to a global resurgence of nationalism, which can be observed from major political events like presidential elections to everyday culture such as video games. In a recent online debate over sexualized female characters, Chinese male gamers excessively incorporated nationalist discourses to justify their anti-feminist arguments. Their discursive campaign provides an opportunity to explore the rising nationalist sentiment in the post-pandemic era and the linkage between nationalism and sexism as well. This study analyzed male players' online posts and generalized their discursive strategies – the true gamer identity, anti-political correctness rhetoric, and the gender antagonism accusation – to incorporate nationalist discourse to make their anti-feminist arguments more persuasive and subtle. The study also explains how this anti-feminism fits in with frames of gender-equal sexism, and how the findings can help understand information interpretation tactics employed by misogynists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Various authors have claimed that law has an ideal dimension owed to a claim to correctness. Against this thesis, this article argues that there are several ideal dimensions of law, namely, a moral, a legal, and an ontological one. All of them are independent of a claim to correctness. This claim can be understood in a strong and a weak way. Both versions are wanting because law claims neither that it is morally ideal nor that it is not grossly unjust. Consequently, the ideal dimension of law has to be found in features other than in a claim to correctness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we focus on a Swedish upper class digital space called The Good Society, where texts, videos and discussions are published. In this digital space the elite comes out publicly as underdogs in relation to the supposed hegemony of political correctness and the Swedish welfare ideology. The upper class take the position of protectors against the feminization of society and the crisis of masculinity. We argue that this space can be understood in terms of what Foucault described as a heterotopia, a form of peculiar counter-space. Using multi-sited digital ethnography we discern a playful mimicking of the state, the public, the media and public conversation. The article concludes that it is important to acknowledge and critically examine such playful and peculiar heterotopias as counter hegemonic strategies, in order to understand how digital spaces are political and serve right-wing, masculinist populist mobilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The monograph "Language Inquiries - Who asks? Who is asked? How is it asked? What is asked? Why is it asked?" by Elke Donalies examines language inquiries and their structure. The author has analyzed language inquiries from various sources and divided them into 14 categories, including articles, pronunciation, meaning, foreign words, logic of language, orthography, phrases, political correctness, prepositions, stylistic devices, and word formation. The inquirers are concerned about language decay or feel uncertain due to changes in language. The main reasons for the inquiries are their own language usage or the language usage of others. The monograph provides an overview of various questions regarding language inquiries and is of interest to linguists and the field of German as a foreign language. [Extracted from the article]

While racialized stereotyping in mass media is well-documented, sociological analysis of the journalistic practices and norms contributing to the production of such representations remains underdeveloped. We study these by analyzing media reporting on street harassment in the Netherlands, which frequently mentioned the racialized profiles of perpetrators. Existing research has proposed two major causes of racialized stereotyping in the press: (1) journalists' passive and unreflective reproduction of popular racialized stereotypes and (2) commercialization of the press as favoring the provocative racialized discourse of right-wing populists. Based on content analysis of press coverage and interviews with Dutch journalists and the actors they reported on—politicians, activists, and others involved in the public problem of street harassment—we identify apprehension of political correctness as a third cause of racialized framings in the press. Specifically, we show how many journalists considered addressing the question of whether racialized men are overrepresented as perpetrators to be a way of avoiding complicity with politicians and other powerful actors who allegedly avoid sensitive questions about race and migration. This article proposes a theory of "apprehension of political correctness" as a contribution to scholarship on journalistic practice and racialized stereotyping in the press. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article sets out to describe and solve two puzzles that emerge in segregated labour markets (e.g. the USA or Sweden). First, in many hiring contexts people profess to adhere to egalitarian norms, and specifically to a qualification norm according to which job qualification should be the basis of employment. Still there is evidence of frequent norm violations (discrimination). Surprisingly, the norm persists and people do not frequently protest against such norm violations. The second puzzle is that people are suspicious of the hiring of minorities, perceiving such hirings as evidence that a 'political correctness' norm has replaced the qualification norm. The article proposes that both puzzles can be solved within a game‐theoretical model of social norm‐following, where implicit bias is introduced into an 'employment game'. Within this model, implicit bias plays a double role. First, it interferes with employers' hiring decisions regarding ethnic majority and minority members, respectively. This is the standard way of understanding the effects of implicit bias. Second, implicit bias interferes with bystander evaluations of hired candidates' qualifications. This is a hitherto overlooked effect of implicit bias. The article concludes that once we understand the double role of implicit bias, the two puzzles are resolved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article delves into language criticism in Austrian daily newspapers, specifically examining letters to the editor that express negative views on linguistic changes. It focuses on arguments surrounding natural and imposed language changes like anglicisms, teutonisms, gender-fair language, and political correctness. The analysis uncovers common themes such as language destruction, majority opposition, and the belief that gender-fair language is not a priority. Variations in these themes across newspapers highlight prevalent negative attitudes towards language changes in the letters studied. The study suggests the need for further exploration of positive perspectives on language change and the impact of gender in language criticism. [Extracted from the article]

The predictions in George Orwell's Nineteen Eighty-Four are unfolding in the realms of Feminism--evident in Political Correctness and the Woke. Like Big Brother in the novel, a feminist Big Sister now defines the terms. Perhaps Orwell is suggesting that when it comes to a certain style of controlling and suppressing both truth and sexuality, the feminine may be specially implicated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 2010s, popular YouTube channels have used derogatory humour at the expense of gendered and racialised others. Founded upon the perception of an influx of 'wokeness' in comedy, these videos mock the mythologised 'unfunny, angry SJW' and teach the audience to laugh at enemies of the alt-right. Although empirical research has analysed the algorithmic radicalisation of viewers, few have addressed the role of cultural discourses in disseminating alt-right ideology through online media. Here, the right-wing 'pipeline' is understood as a tool of radicalisation that weaponises laughter as a tool of regulations and oppression. This paper analyzes the production of derogatory laughter by studying a network of North American content creators including Russell Peters, Lilly Singh, Jordan Peterson, Steven Crowder, and Matt Walsh, using critical tools from psychoanalysis, social psychology, and critical humour studies. Contrary to the alt-right rhetoric that 'edgy' humour is harmless, this paper posits derogatory humour as a tool of marginalisation and domination that reinforces white supremacist and cisnormative patriarchal value systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An examination of toxic leadership typically that reveals more than one lone organizational bully wreaks havoc on an institution. A look into elements of toxic leadership and a closer investigation of toxic followers or inner circles provide insights into the persistent staying power of toxic leaders, even in today's society of transparent social awareness and political correctness. Further, organizations must highlight ways to rid themselves of these abusive individuals and their willing entourages who inflict pain and suffering on individuals and organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers an overview and theoretical analysis of the practical applications of the Futures Triangle framework, drawing insights from multiple case studies. It commences with the case study of "The Equal Crossing Initiative," which resulted in the installation of a female pedestrian light symbol at the intersection of Flinders and Swanston Streets in Melbourne on March 9, 2017. The analysis of public opinions on this initiative reveals a diversity of views, with many expressing strong opinions. Major Australian newspapers, non-scientific surveys, and social media platforms reflected a spectrum of reactions, ranging from enthusiastic endorsement ("how cool is this?") to critical perspectives that deemed it overly politically correct, questioned the allocation of funds, the necessity of gendered symbols, and even the attire of the female figure. Building upon this case study of community conflict, the article then explores the application of the Futures Triangle framework to better comprehend resistance to progressive social initiatives and to address the challenges inherent in social change efforts. It posits that the Futures Triangle offers a valuable tool for conflict resolution, fostering a deeper understanding of backlash dynamics, and enhancing the likelihood of successful implementation of innovative initiatives. Finally, it emphasizes the significant connections between change agents and change progression scenarios method, as elucidated in previously published texts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A potentially biased expert transmits information about a binary state to a decision maker over two periods. The expert is imperfectly informed and is concerned about her reputation for unbiasedness. The decision maker wants his action to match the state in every period, but the true state is never observed. So, he updates his belief about the state by considering both the expert's report and her reputation. The expert now faces two competing incentives - to improve her reputation by disavowing potential bias, and to shift the decision maker's future belief about the state. The game has several novel equilibria. I show that a biased expert may never be disciplined to be honest, while both unbiased and biased experts may lie to signal unbiasedness. A report that disavows a bias is typically seen as conforming to norms, but here it could also arise from reputational incentives to be contrarian. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the discourse on migration from the official Twitter accounts of 5 political parties in Spain (PSOE, PP, Podemos, Ciudadanos and Vox), during the so-called «migration crisis» that took place in Ceuta in May 2021. The methodology followed allows us to describe the activity of the different political party accounts, the centrality of the migration issue in them, the topics and discursive strategies contained in the publications and their engagement. The findings of the work carried out point to the existence of a hardening of the political discourse on immigration in the context studied, accompanied by a loss of «political correctness» -characteristic of previous times- to address migration issues, which only alerts us to the normalization of racist hate speech in the network considered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present research reports three studies investigating the possibility that Political Correctness (PC) is associated with the tendency to claim racism in ambiguous interactions involving Black and White individuals, despite plausible alternative explanations. In Study 1, PC was significantly related to claiming racism in ambiguous scenarios. In Study 2, these results were replicated with open-ended and prompted scenarios. In Study 3, exposure to PC did not impact claims of racism, indicating the stability of trait PC. In all three studies, White Guilt mediated the relationship between PC and claiming racism, among Whites. Additionally, confidence in the accuracy of open-ended responses (Study 2) was much higher in PC participants, indicating heuristic thinking. Finally, PC predicted claiming racism beyond many related variables. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the well-documented harmful effects of Native-themed mascots, Native-themed mascots have many supporters who decry the politically correct efforts to remove these mascots. Although ostensibly unrelated to race/racism, we reasoned that invoking anti-PC attitudes allow prejudiced people to indirectly support Native-themed mascots while minimizing the appearance of being biased. Three studies (N = 587) found that anti-Native bias predicted anti-PC attitudes and, in turn, Native-themed mascot support. In Studies 2 and 3, participants varying in anti-PC attitudes considered a university changing their Native-themed mascot for PC or non-PC reasons. Anti-PC attitudes predicted opposition to changing Native-themed mascots in both conditions. However, the effect of anti-PC attitudes was stronger in the PC condition where social justice norms were salient. These results suggest that, for many, anti-PC attitudes reflect more than just opposition to political correctness and are used by prejudiced people to indirectly defend controversial mascots without appearing prejudiced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the connections between Victor Pelevin's recent work and neoreactionary (NRx) discourse, especially the writings of accelerationist philosopher Nick Land and right‐wing "neocameralist" blogger Mencius Moldbug (aka Curtis Yarvin). Though the linguistic and cultural spaces they occupy are seemingly disjoint, the Russian postmodernist and Anglo‐American NRx in fact share intellectual and aesthetic positions. Pelevin's engagement with NRx thought is at once extremely serious—in the sense of being well researched and relatively faithful to the movement's terminology and conceptual apparatus—and apparently parodic. A longtime expert in trolling the reader even before the practice was "radicalized online," as it were, Pelevin has updated his technique to lambaste common far‐right bugaboos like "political correctness" and "feminism." As was the case with late‐Soviet stiob, whose mantle he inherits and adapts to the digital era, Pelevin's mockery manages to eviscerate his targets while allowing room for reasonable doubt as to their precise identity. His possibly mocking, possibly genuine appropriation of far‐right ideology is the latest manifestation of a years‐long critique of discursive and political power that began with the skewering of Soviet authority and spoofs of post‐Soviet neoliberal virtuality, and now continues with attacks on the "blue‐pilled" doyens of Western‐style cultural norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The significant rise in the number of populist radical right (PRR) parties has not been accompanied by a parallel interest in the consequences that these parties may have on public opinion. The limited range of attitudes that the literature has considered so far can be broadened to include political correctness (PC), given the increasing attacks on this concept made by PRR parties. To address the effects of such attacks, we examine the Spanish case, where the presence of a new PRR party makes anti-PC messages a recent, quite exogenous stimulus. Using panel data to address potential non-recursive relationships and time-variant effects, we find that individuals are indeed more prone to lowering their levels of PC after finding Vox an attractive electoral option. Our results inform the debates on the effects that 'cultural wars', anti-woke and anti-PC rhetorics may have on public opinion, which could lead ultimately to harmful consequences for minority groups and social cohesion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Millennials and centennials are two generations highly involved with social issues at a political and technological level. This interest has been raised in many of these individuals, some members of «woke» communities, a search for politically correct language both in networks and contemporary audiovisual fiction usually consumed on streaming platforms. This study aimed to analyze the psychosocial feeling of political efficacy millennials and centennials have as streaming platform users in Spain and Mexico to determine their predisposition and justification to prioritize their points of view in the face of content censorship and cancellation. The results reveal that centennials have a greater sense of efficacy than millennials, the latter being the most concerned about censorship and freedom of expression when receiving a story. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the period from the heyday of McCarthyism to the present, the percentage of the American people not feeling free to express their views has tripled. In 2020, more than four in ten people engaged in self-censorship. Our analyses of over-time and cross-sectional variability suggest that, first, self-censorship is connected to affective polarization among the mass public, with greater polarization associated with more self-censorship. Second, levels of mass opposition to full civil liberties bear no relationship to self-censorship. Third, those who perceive a more repressive government are slightly more likely to self-censor. Fourth, conservatives report engaging in more self-censorship than liberals (but this is not true when comparing Republicans with Democrats). Together, these findings suggest that one's larger macro-environment may have little to do with self-censorship. Instead, micro-environment sentiments, such as worrying that expressing unpopular views will isolate and alienate people from their friends, family, and neighbors, may be the driver of self-censorship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Trump's crusade against PC played a key role in his political rhetoric and resonated well among his supporters, yet his notion of PC differed greatly in meaning from earlier uses of the term and was used to denounce a much wider range of socio-political behaviors. Based on a systematic analysis of Trump's use of this notion, I identified five main normative propositions organizing Trump's anti-PC rhetoric. Viewed together, these propositions add up to a rehabilitation of White working-class culture but also outline an emerging late-modern version of the authenticity ethic, whose power extends far beyond the working class. This ethic (as manifested in Trump's anti-PC rhetoric) transforms the role of morality and the sacred in political drama and in symbolic struggles over social worth. Rather than presenting his commitment to moral values, ideals, and allegedly-universal rules, Trump used anti-PC rhetoric to expose and criticize the symbolic self-interests of others who speak on behalf of these values, rules, and ideals to claim superiority (and thus ironically mimicked the sociological critique of symbolic violence to legitimize bigotry). Yet, the sacred is not completely banished from political drama: authenticity as a principle of worth guiding moral evaluation and argumentation is revealed as a sacred in denial. The case of Trump's anti-PC rhetoric thus allows theorizing the implications of the authenticity ethic for the dynamics of social struggles over recognized worth and for the role of ideals in the presentation of self in politics and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research has demonstrated that conservative individuals (relative to liberal individuals) were less likely to adhere to COVID‐19 guidelines (e.g., social distancing). We argue that because adherence to COVID‐19 guidelines was largely characterized as "politically correct" behavior, individuals opposed to political correctness (PC) norms would follow COVID‐19 guidelines less, controlling for political conservatism and other relevant demographic variables. In two correlational studies and one preregistered experiment, we tested whether opposition to political correctness (OPC) predicts less adherence to COVID‐19 guidelines. Study 1 showed that OPC correlates negatively with mask‐wearing and social distancing, controlling for conservatism, gender, age, and religious identity. Study 2 replicated and extended these effects, demonstrating that seeing mask‐wearing as a common good (i.e., as a beneficial COVID‐19 mitigation strategy) mediated the relationship between OPC and mask‐wearing, social distancing, handwashing, and vaccination intentions. Study 3 experimentally manipulated feelings toward PC. Inconsistent with our preregistered hypothesis but consistent with previous research, participants induced to have positive feelings toward PC adhered to COVID‐19 guidelines the most and had the most positive feelings toward wearing masks. We discuss how moralization of health guidelines can predict individuals' likelihood of adhering to these guidelines. We also discuss how best to persuade individuals who see adherence to health guidelines as "politically correct," as well as future research directions to address this concern. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper builds on Smith and Hanley's finding that Trump's supporters were not solely driven by demographics and economic distress, but predominantly by prejudices and preference for an overt authoritarian leadership. Our longitudinal study of the 2020 US Presidential election extended their study to test additional propositions about tribalism by considering two intergroup factors: an orientation to protestors and minorities and conservative vs liberal ingroups. While there was a strong negative correlation between attitude to protestors and to minorities, the strength of correlation between liberal and conservative ingroup 'membership' and support/vote for Trump/Biden was more telling. Essentially, because tribalism factors overpowered almost every variable including political orientation, we conclude that identity-based tribalism is now the primary basis of political allegiance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the purpose of understanding how the television program "Politically Correct" impacts on the political perception of the young graduates of the Francisco Huerta Rendón School of Guayaquil, Ecuador. The main objective is to describe and analyze the views and experiences of these young people in relation to the above open signal program. To achieve this objective, a qualitative approach and an experimental research design of exploratory scope have been chosen. The methodology includes observation, semi-structured interviews, and content analysis of program-related documents. The study population is made up of young high school graduates from this school. The sample was selected non-probably using purposive sampling to ensure that participants have experience with the "Politically Correct" program and can provide relevant information. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews and a questionnaire to obtain political information. Data review was conducted using the content analysis method to categorize and collate interview responses. As a result, a deeper understanding of how the program affects the political perception of young people was obtained, thus contributing to knowledge in this field and providing ideas that may be useful for future educational policies and civic training programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Trump era, conservative and alt-right commentators have framed punk rock subculture as a right-wing phenomenon, emphasizing punk's individualism and "politically incorrect" rebellion as its defining characteristics. Taking a cultural studies approach, this article examines the rhetoric of so-called "political correctness" in contemporary American discourses surrounding the intersection of punk and politics. Its primary argument is that asserting an anti-PC stance disguises an underlying conservative agenda or reinscribes dominant narratives and that punk's lack of a stable or inherent meaning (the "floating" nature of its signification, as Dick Hebdige described it) leaves it open to such rhetorical uses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social norms forbidding rape jokes, blackface, and flag-burning exemplify a peculiar form of etiquette, which I call political etiquette. Just as compliance with ordinary etiquette expresses respect for the other individuals involved in a social encounter, compliance with political etiquette expresses respect for social groups. In this paper, I propose that we understand political etiquette as a system of conventions whereby we indicate our commitment to treating vulnerable social groups in accordance with their rightful status. Because we have a standing obligation to assure all members of our community that their rightful social status will be respected, we have a powerful moral reason to conform with all existing political etiquette norms whose target social groups lack such assurance, even when compliance with these norms is not antecedently morally valuable. Alongside our moral reasons to comply with some existing political etiquette norms, we also have moral reasons to fortify good political etiquette norms and to reform or erode bad ones. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religion and spirituality are seen to be making a comeback since the 1990s and increasingly thereafter in the European context. However, traditional forms of Christianity are diminishing, while other types of religion take the lead. An increasing number of voices are being raised among Christians, calling for a re-evangelization of society. Nevertheless, there is some skepticism about such activism against the backdrop of plurality, human rights, and freedom, regarding not only issues of political correctness but also considering the question of efficacy. While spirituality abounds, even among conscientious Orthodox Christians, there is still a need for theology. Even among Orthodox Christians, spirituality is mainly linked with a withdrawal from the world, history, and the political, often taking a ritualistic character expressed in religious acts of pietism through habits and customs. This is unfair to the historical and liberating physiognomy of the Orthodox Christian faith, as it does not differ much from other types of new age religious movements. In order to foster Christian witness amidst the desert of post-modern cities, one must rediscover theology. Theology, centered around the Gospel and the patristic tradition, can contribute vital missing elements and does justice to the Incarnation of pre-eternal Logos, to the Resurrection, and to the fulfillment of life. Unless Christians grow in their understanding of theology and the world around us, there will be only mirages of spirituality that take the place of a spirituality derived from faith and its incisiveness and meaningfulness for life today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For centuries France has lauded a republican tradition that defines national belonging in terms of civic and legal parity. Within this conception of nationhood, race and ethnicity are seen as extraneous and inconsequential in extending the French citizenship to non-nationals. However, a historical survey of the politics of citizenship both within France and in the overseas departments yields a more complex narrative, where race and racialization have been problematically tethered to the practices and the politics of national belonging and the extension of the French civic parity. In the context of the recent presidential race, defined by the remarkable rise and appeal of the far-right, critical discussions around race and the racial politics of nation and national belonging have gained renewed currency, as several candidates mobilized longstanding themes of immigration and the anti-social impact of non-European ethnic settlement on meanings of Frenchness and the French national identity. This study seeks to analyze the recent electoral debates in light of the ongoing critical discussion around race and immigration in France. The prominence of immigration as a rallying point in electoral campaigning is viewed as a rather older development that can be traced back to at least the public discourse surrounding North African settlement in the 1980s and 1990s. An essential feature of this discourse is that it rearticulates and encodes “race” in more subtle, politically correct cultural idioms, notably “nation” and “endangered national French identity.” [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Teddy Wayne's 2016 Loner tells the story of a Harvard freshman's sexual obsession with a fellow student, leading to stalking and attempted rape. On a deeper level, the campus novel can be interpreted as a critique of wider processes taking place in American academia and generally in the US: the mainstreaming of the so-called "woke" movement and the growing impact of "political correctness." The novel also reflects on class inequality, privilege, gender politics, the ongoing crisis of white (heterosexual) masculinity, toxic masculinity, and online "incel culture." The present paper will analyze the problematic "dialogic, but monologic" nature of the book's unreliable narrative addressing the above problems. The paper's goal will be to read Loner in light of the #MeToo movement as an illustration of the current stage of the now decades-long reckoning with rape culture, and with patriarchy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the publications on Facebook entitled "Joaquin Teixeira Thoughts" and on Twitter @joaquimvoltou, social networks that make a satire and opposition to political correctness and that would represent the thought of the Brazilian conservative right, The page deals with the elderly Joaquin Teixeira, a conservative and prejudiced far-right grandfather who uses posts to attack minorities and stereotype left-wing ideology. For this analysis, concepts of French Discourse Analysis were mobilized, used as a theoretical and methodological basis. The corpus is composed of screenshots of publications on social networks, involving various themes that make up his supposed right-wing FD, understanding how this satirical/ironic humor marked, from 2014 onwards, the resurgence of right-wing discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Quantitative content analysis was used to examine social media responses to the BBC's announcement of the first female Doctor in the science-fiction show Doctor Who. Tweets reacting to the BBC's framing of the decision (N = 2,971) were coded for mentions of representation, impact on the character, political correctness, feminism, impact on ratings, and impact on younger generations. Results indicated that audience responses did not reflect the BBC's framing but were generally supportive of the casting choice. Explanations for the lack of correspondence between the BBC and responses are explored. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article attempts to find out the patterns of adequate discursive interpretation of science in conditions of social turbulence. For this, based on the socio-communicative methodology, the author makes sense of the relationship between science and philosophy, and also characterizes the state of the modern scientific debate about science in domestic and foreign scientific discourse in such fields as understanding the tasks of post-nonclassical science (O. Polishchuk, I. Dobronravova, G. Haken), possibilities of reality transformation by means of technoscience (H. Bashlyar, B. Latour, V. Maryniuk, V. Melnyk), risks of post-academic science development (J. Ziman, O. Kuz, V. Cheshko), modes/types of science (M. Gibbons, H. Novotny, S. Limoges, L. Ryzhko). The main result of the study is the author's definition of the strengths and weaknesses of science in a socially turbulent space. Among its strengths, the author attributes such properties as increased scientific attention to applied problems, a higher degree of scientific self-organization, multitasking at different levels and within different types of relationships, communicativeness. Among the weaknesses are the risks of science losing fundamentality, disciplinary boundaries, which is accompanied by a loss of clarity in the methodology and criteria of scientific success, as well as the risk of replacing scientific truth with non-academic success criteria, such as the economic success of science, political correctness, etc. It is concluded that in the situation of global transformations and uncertainty which humanity is currently experiencing, new characteristics of science are developing, which help to understand the risks and dangers of moving away from traditional academicism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We study Nash implementation under complete information with the distinctive feature that the planner knows neither individuals' state-contingent preferences (payoff states) nor how they correspond to the states of the economy on which the social goal depends. Our main question is whether or not the planner can extract only the essential information about individuals' underlying preferences and simultaneously implement the given social goal. Our setup is especially relevant when the planner cannot use mechanisms asking for the full revelation of the payoffs states due to privacy and political correctness concerns or non-disclosure and confidentiality agreements. In economic environments with at least three individuals, we show that the planner may Nash implement a social goal while extracting only the essential information about the payoff states from the society whenever this goal has standard monotonicity properties and one of the individuals whose identity is not necessarily known to the planner and the other individuals, is a sympathizer. Vaguely put, such an agent is inclined toward the truthful revelation of the essential information about how states of the economy are associated with individuals' preferences, while he is not inclined to reveal the realized 'true' state of the economy. Then, in every Nash equilibrium of the mechanism we design, all individuals truthfully disclose the same essential information about the payoff states. • Nash implementation by extracting only the essential information about preferences. • Political correctness, non-disclosure, confidentiality agreements limit the planner. • Nash implementation attainable via guidance mechanisms under economic environments. • Guidance mechanisms involve the announcements of profiles of sets of alternatives. • A sympathizer is inclined toward the truthful revelation of a consistent profile. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the themes disseminated on the Facebook pages of the Brazilian federal and São Paulo state governments during the COVID-19 pandemic by means of netnographic observations and content analysis, emphasizing economic and health issues related to the pandemic at these two government levels. The article incorporates notions of "uncivil society" and "necropolitics," analyzing how they manifest in a context of accelerated neoliberal reforms. Results show that the Federal Government focused on economic measures while offering little coverage of health issues such as prevention, counseling, and vaccination. Conversely, the São Paulo state prioritized posts on vaccination. Both were perceived as permanent campaign strategies rather than meeting citizens' needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the meme "I Support the Current Thing" (ISTCT), exploring its origins, meanings, and uses. Seen as just a joke, the meme ends up dehumanizing social media users who do not share the same ideological worldviews as those who use it as a form of disparagement humor. Based on psychoanalytic and humor studies, this paper uses critical visual analysis to investigate images collected by an Instagram API. The analysis shows that the meme's dehumanizing and cynical aspects contribute to the normalization of prejudices by those who hold opposing political views from those sharing it. It also reveals that the meme is constructed following the structure of a joke, masking ideological perspectives through humor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The fundamental question in the discussion developed around the ethical intellectualism and amoral legalism is “Does an individual have the right to a worldview?” Primarily, it refers to the contemporary phenomenon known as “cancel-culture” (CC) that manifests a common ideological background with “wokeism”, which is recognized as a development of the ideology of “political correctness” (PC). Such analysis of the PC ideology focuses on discourses that manifest certain legal tendencies, indicating that in this ideology, there is a deeper intention with concrete objectives in social transformation through means recognized as censorship. This aspect suggests that when it comes to the confronted worldviews, PC ideology shows ambitions that extend beyond mere conversational criticism. On that point, a liberal critique confronts PC ideology, advocating freedom of individual worldview and expression – as long as this expression does not oppress fundamental civil liberties. The approach to the subject is philosophical, relying on discourses on morality and legality with historical importance and their contemporary critical reviews. The argument reintroduces the concept of ethical intellectualism as a countermeasure to excessive legalism. In that respect, ethical intellectualism represents a humanistic approach to rights and morals that aims to direct and (consequently) limit action, expression and thought through education of intellectual virtue; rather than relying on the repressive regulatory frame. The argument concludes that it is essential for humanity that people can discuss morals, while it is dangerous to legalize ethics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This chapter explores whether academic freedom extends to the work of academic public intellectuals through a historical analysis of landmark cases and episodes. It leads to the sobering conclusion that "professors proceed at their own risk if and when they take on the role of a public intellectual," noting that the presence of academic freedom as a binding policy in academic organizations or professional associations is marginal and faculty protections for statements in the media are arbitrary and uncertain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The craft beer movement in the United States has matured into the cultural mainstream and has become an integral part of broader movements like neolocalism and locavorism. Craft beer affords enthusiasts not only exciting new flavors and a sense of place but also the opportunity to break away from the market's hegemonic domination by corporate beer. The typical craft beer drinker is male, young, and has a relatively high income. And, although women have recently gotten more involved, there have been callout warnings about the lack of diversity in the craft beer movement. The industry acknowledges the problem and is trying to cultivate a positive change. This study used a phenomenological approach to, firstly, explore the meaning of craft beer and, secondly, unearth the perceptions of diversity within the movement. Results indicate that meaning is constructed collectively around the beer, people, place, and community. Moreover, a significant part of the clientele is conscious of the lack of racial diversity and fairly uneasy about it. Therefore, reaching out to a more racially diverse clientele might be not only politically correct but also desirable to keep up with the expectations of a large part of the current customer base. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]