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For people with disordered eating, support groups can play an important role in treatment and recovery journeys. Such resources became crucial during COVID-19, as people with disordered eating reported increased isolation, symptomology, and decreased treatment access. This study examines participants' experiences of nine, rolling, clinician-led, free, virtual support groups for disordered eating. Participants (207 attenders and 70 nonattenders (individuals who signed up for groups and never attended)) completed an online survey. Codebook thematic analysis of open response items generated topics and themes including: reasons for signing up ("community connection and seeking support," "filling a treatment gap," "behavior and support changes due to COVID-19"), barriers to participation ("interpersonal dynamics," "accessibility factors," "group structure"), and benefits of attending group ("feeling less alone," "identifying new treatment needs," "coping skills and reduction of symptoms"). Participants discussed lack of accessible, identity-aware treatment options outside of these groups, particularly for those with minoritized identities. This paper highlights the role of groups in participants' eating disorder recoveries and explores how virtual clinician-led support groups fit into the constellation of eating disorder care that increasingly includes virtual resources. Group psychotherapy specialists could consider bringing skills to facilitate spaces for community-based healing to complement conventional treatment approaches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The American Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Man is often cited as evidence of the longstanding centrality of human rights in Latin American approaches to international law. However, when the Declaration is brought into the history of inter-American regionalism, a more complex picture emerges. This article places the early codification efforts of regional human rights within the post-war construction of inter-American regional organisation. It argues that for Latin American and US elites, the priorities lay on institutional, collective security, and economic aspects. In this context, they instrumentally embraced the flexible language of human rights to advance broader regionalist visions. As a result, human rights gained ground, albeit as a contested idea. The article reveals that the post-war institutional settlement ultimately comprised a collective security apparatus, crucial for the United States, supplemented by the principle of non-intervention, vital to Latin American states, in which human rights were not central. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Arab League's observance to the norm of Westphalian sovereignty has witnessed significant transformation since the 2011 Arab uprisings. Historically, the Arab League had acted as the primary institutional expression and guardian of the Arab sovereign state system as the core constitutive principle of the Arab regional order. However, in an unprecedented setback to the norm of Westphalian sovereignty in the Arab world, the Arab League has moved, in the aftermath of the Arab uprisings, in the direction of endorsing the principles of regime change and intervention in the domestic affairs of Arab countries as acceptable norms in Arab regional politics. This transformation in the politics of the Arab League, the article contends, has been triggered by concurrent changes in the global and regional balances of power, both of which have been instrumental in bringing the politics of the Arab League under the dictate of a strategic alliance of global and regional actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In spite of significant interest in British responses to the Spanish Civil War (1936–39), the raft of eyewitness accounts which hitherto anonymous Britons relayed to the regional press during the opening months of the conflict are yet to receive systematic attention. By using Britons who were present in Catalonia between July and September 1936 as a case study, this article seeks to reconstruct the multifaceted process by which numerous eyewitness testimonies came into existence, as well as their subsequent relationship to broader debates about the Civil War in Britain. It argues that the lived encounters which were sustained between both tourists and long-term residents with the revolutionary events which took place in Catalonia following the military rising in July were fundamentally circumscribed by their status as foreigners, as well as their tendency to rationalize their experiences with the aid of pre-existing, culturally rooted stereotypes and assumptions. British reactions generated 'on the ground' in Spain were subsequently converted into supposedly authoritative first-hand testimonies in close cooperation with local journalists eager for sensational 'human interest' content, before going on to form an early input into the widespread attitude that the Spanish Civil War amounted to little more than incomprehensible anarchy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In May 2018, the African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights held that Mali's 2011 Family Code violated women's and children's rights. Widespread protests halted the adoption of a more progressive draft Code passed by the Malian National Assembly in 2009. In Francophone Africa, family codes are legacies of the patriarchal 1804 Napoleonic Code whose reform has been contentious. Drawing from the work of Frances Olsen and Roland Barthes, anthropology of the state, African feminist thought, and critical comparative family law, I argue that by emphasising that the Code 'reflect[s] socio-cultural realities', Mali mobilises a myth of non-intervention of the state in the family. This myth serves to legitimate the postcolonial state which faces challenges concerning diversity, democracy, development, and secularism. Tracing the myth back to the Napoleonic Code and through French colonialism, I conclude that it helps to bolster the state while distorting the possibilities for more egalitarian reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Questions: Managed forests often show a more homogeneous age structure compared to unmanaged forests, but also a higher share and frequency of canopy and soil disturbances due to harvest operations. Here, we investigate what happens when non‐intervention is introduced in formerly managed forests: Was there a significant decrease in vascular plant species richness?Which species were particularly affected? Are there non‐random shifts in species composition?Were typical shade‐tolerant forest species also jeopardized due to prolonged deep shade? Location: Four recently installed strict reserves in Atlantic to Sub‐Atlantic lowland oak and beech forests on fertile loess soils east and southwest of Brussels (Belgium). Methods: We compared vegetation relevés in permanent plots (183 plots of 16 m × 16 m) with a 10‐year interval. Total species richness per site was derived from rarefaction curves; significance of differences in species richness and composition at plot level were tested using paired t tests and Wilcoxon signed rank tests. Non‐metric multidimensional scaling analysis (NMDS) was used to check for non‐random shifts in species composition. Results: We registered significant declines in species richness both at reserve and plot level. This decline was not random, but strongly dependent on ecological traits and strategies, with strong declines in light‐demanding gap phase‐associated species like Lonicera periclymenum and Deschampsia cespitosa, and species requiring soil disturbance, such as Juncus effusus and Carex sylvatica. Shade‐tolerant mesic species like Anemone nemorosa and Allium ursinum clearly increased in frequency and cover, despite strong declines in previous decades. Conclusion: The effect of lower disturbance frequency leading to continued closed canopy, against a background of reduced atmospheric deposition, induces the development of a ground vegetation with lower species richness, due to decrease of species related to disturbance, but with higher dominance and cover of characteristic species of mesic lowland oak and beech forests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is an ongoing debate about whether China's growing economic presence in the Middle East will eventually make it more politically assertive on the Middle Eastern affairs. This paper demonstrates, from a theoretical perspective of "path dependence," that China's promotion of the "Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence" since the 1950s as the guiding doctrine of its foreign relations has forged a "path" for China to follow, along which it has made and repeated promises against interventionism and imperialism to other countries including the Middle Eastern ones. It, in turn, has created a situation where moving away from that "path against interventionism and imperialism" will cause huge damage to China's reputation as a reliable non-interventionist partner to the Middle Eastern countries, and the "Global South" in general. As a result, China has refrained, and will arguably continue to refrain, from being too politically assertive on the Middle Eastern affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using 'media policy silence' as a construct, this article discusses three types of policy practices that are marked by policy opacity rather than policy visibility, by the absence of formal policy or 'un-decisions' rather than decisions and by policy inertia rather than intervention. They are, respectively, first, the 'elephant in the room' type of silence that mostly refers to lacunae in policy outcomes and agendas; second, policy 'undecisions' (i.e. policy scenarios in which no formal policy decisions take place); and last, 'considered silence' that refers to government non-intervention. I will talk about these three different types of media policy silence and their relationships by drawing upon existing literature, using examples from different political and regulatory contexts, and where appropriate, reflecting on the methodological challenges that those silences pose to traditional policy research. To sum up, the article intends to identify the opposite side of the official and formal policy sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses Indonesia's foreign policy with respect to Myanmar and the forced displacement of more than 1 million Rohingya refugees from Rakhine State, Myanmar. Its main concern is to evaluate the effectiveness of Indonesia's policies, including diplomatic efforts and humanitarian aid contributions, in regard to finding a solution to the ongoing disaster that affects both Rohingya remaining in Myanmar and those who have found temporary sanctuary in Bangladesh. For its diplomatic and humanitarian engagement, the Indonesian government has explored various avenues and utilised a range of instruments, including the purposeful engagement of non-state actors and faith-based humanitarian organisations. Our inquiry predominantly focuses on the time between the first Andaman Sea crisis (May 2015) and the second Andaman Sea crisis (mid-2020), not least because this is when Indonesia saw the arrival of Rohingya boats at its shores, which in turn fuelled local public interest in this matter. Our analysis pays special attention to domestic appeals from large Muslim organisations that sought to pressure the Indonesian government to become more proactive on behalf of the displaced and discriminated Rohingya. Yet, while a variety of Muslim organisations have at times demanded a more interventionist stance by the Indonesian government, their pressure has not been consistent or particularly successful. Therefore, it is likely the Indonesian government will continue to pursue its 'quiet diplomacy' efforts in order to balance the regional non-intervention paradigm and humanitarian imperatives caused by the forced displacement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Apatinib showed promising efficacy in the treatment of advanced or metastatic gastric cancer (mGC) in previous clinical studies. However, the real-world data are limited, and this study aimed to assess the effectiveness and safety of apatinib for the treatment of advanced or mGC in this setting. Methods: In this prospective observational study, progression-free survival (PFS), overall survival (OS), overall response rate (ORR), disease control rate (DCR) and treatment-related adverse events (AEs) were recorded and evaluated. Univariate and multivariate analyses were conducted to explore potential biomarkers which might be related to the effectiveness. Results: A total of 321 mGC patients from 47 centers in China were enrolled between July 1, 2015, and March 1, 2018. Thirty-two patients achieved partial response, 155 patients achieved stable disease, and 115 patients had progressive disease, and no CR was achieved, illustrating an ORR of 10.60% and a DCR of 61.92%. The median PFS and OS were 4.0 and 8.2 months, respectively. Multivariate Cox analysis showed that the potential biomarkers associated with longer PFS were combination regimens plus taxel/docetaxel, and apatinib initial dosage ≥ 500mg, occurrence of AEs of leukopenia, and hand-foot syndrome. Main AEs were proteinuria (17.1%), hypertension (15.9%), and handfoot syndrome (8.7%). Conclusion: The present prospective observational study showed favorable effectiveness and safety of apatinib in real-world patients with advanced or metastatic GC in China. (A prospective, multi-center, non-intervention study of apatinib in the treatment of advanced gastric cancer-Trial Registry Number: ChiCTR-OPN-15006601). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's view on the sanctity of state sovereignty has slowly but inexorably been transformed, and the country has found it difficult to continue to adhere to the principles of non-interference and non-intervention with the same degree of rigour as during the Cold War era. This special section will explore what the principles mean to China today; why and how Beijing has become active in peacebuilding and conflict mediation; and what implication China's approach to the principles has for its position in the global liberal order. This article sets the scene by firstly demonstrating that defining the principles has always been a political act, and secondly offering new discussions about how China's expanding economic power forced the country to more actively engage in politics of conflict-affected regions. Finally, it offers a conceptual framework to explain why and how China has become increasingly active in peacebuilding and conflict mediation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is among Chinese international relations scholars an intense debate about how China can protect and promote Chinese global presence and interests while at the same time continue to adhere to the principle of non-intervention. New concepts, distinctions and approaches are developing as the debate progresses. The current Chinese foreign and security policy practice reflects a more flexible and pragmatic Chinese interpretation – and implementation – of the principle of non-intervention with different degrees and types of intervention. This article explores the search for "legitimate great power intervention" characterizing both the debate among Chinese international relations scholars and the current Chinese foreign and security policy practice, and uses this case as the departure point for a more general discussion of the drivers of change – and continuity – in Chinese foreign and security policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this study is to fix criteria in order to define an unmanaged forest reserve in a private forest. Fieldwork includes four main steps: habitat mapping, inventory of the floral and avifaunal patrimony, and application of the potential biodiversity index. The results will help assess and pinpoint environmental issues and put environmental interests in context with economic and other interests. Lastly, three different approaches to delimit a unmanaged forest reserve are presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to understand the construction of a broad alliance between the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN), a socialist inspired guerrilla group, and various Latin American liberal and authoritarian governments, mainly Venezuela, Costa Rica, Panama and Cuba, between 1977 and 1979. I will seek to understand the construction of this unusual partnership, as well as the deep conflicts and mistrust that existed between the parties during the revolutionary upheaval in Nicaragua. This process will be examined by analysing the way Cold War politics and Latin American regional tensions shaped the events leading to the Sandinista revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The question of the former Spanish Sahara has divided the international community for more than four decades. Morocco, in the name of historical rights, considers it a part of its territory. The Polisario, in the name of the self-determination of peoples, wishes to administer it. Mexico chose its side in 1979 by recognizing the SADR, an emanation of the Polisario, in the name of this same principle of self-determination. Through this article, we want to understand the historical and ideological reasons that push Mexico to this choice and force it to maintain it while its international role and its dominant ideology have changed for more than thirty years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India’s opposition to humanitarian intervention has been influenced by its colonial experience and its predisposition towards the principles of sovereignty and non-intervention. However, India did not adopt a strident opposition in the post-Cold War due to the changed power configuration. The article discusses how India adopted a cautious approach and yet used every opportunity to remind the international community the baleful effect of intervention in the internal affairs. After securing concession to a considerable extent on the ambitious Responsibility to Protect (R2P) and when most of the countries showed an inclination to accept humanitarian intervention in the form of ‘R2P’ at the UN summit in 2005, India grudgingly went along accepting it. India participated in the deliberation on the implementation of R2P and took its stand on various crises in which R2P was evoked. The experience of NATO’s Libya operation under R2P was regarded as substantiation of India’s apprehension of the misuse of the concept, and India reverted its position to the sceptical view of humanitarian intervention/R2P. By mere complaining about the mixing of peace enforcement with peacekeeping, when the United Nations deployed ‘intervention brigade’ for the protection of civilians, India lost the opportunity to take the initiative to propose a new mechanism to deal with the humanitarian crisis in atrocious internal conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article's main objective is to document the change in the Mexican government's dominant, accepted view of lobbying in the U.S., which went from refusing to use it, following the principle of non-intervention, to its institutionalization and constant use as pressure strategies. Mexican lobbying in Washington was an old but discreet Mexican foreign policy practice until 1990; that was when it began to be used and openly institutionalized when it became necessary to influence certain decisions of our northern neighbor that affected Mexico. In conclusion, Salinas's administration began this change in Mexican foreign policy; Vicente Fox publicly acknowledged the need for it; and Felipe Calderon continued and even consolidated it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reviews the core issues and different doctrinal positions present in the international legal debates triggered by the Spanish Civil War. It pays particular attention to the contributions of the first two British judges at the International Court of Justice, A. D. McNair (1946-1955) and H. Lauterpacht (1955-1960) to these debates. Their writings can be seen as respectively representative of the two stages through which British international lawyers went in the international legal debates on the Spanish Civil War. The article concludes with an analysis of the case for British "benevolent neutrality to the Nationalists" in the Spanish Civil War, reviewing the underlying motives which historians have highlighted as lurking behind the British-led nonintervention policy in the war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The traditional school shows the educator as the subject in education, the keeper of information and all control. The child is considered to be the object in education, the one who passively receives information from outside. The following study introduces a new model of educator for pre-school. His role appears to be passive. Indeed, he has the knowledge, but this new conception is just to provide the child with the necessary materials for his development. The Montessori teacher shows the child how to use the materials then he withdraws, humbly, just to observe the feedback. Using the observation, this study proposes a new approach towards the child by avoiding the adult’s constraint. It places the child into a free environment filled with firm, precise limits. Training the adult into the child’s psychology and knowing his stages of development can lead to a better understanding and discovery of the child. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars have paid considerable attention to the connection between Washington's withdrawal from intervention and the emergence of dictatorship in Central America during the 1930s. The current article seeks to enhance our understanding of those interconnected developments through the investigation of the US Foreign Service and its role in the early 1930s presidential campaigns in Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras. It shows that the dynamic interaction between actors in both Washington and Central America set in motion a process that would produce decades of authoritarian rule in the isthmus. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Non-intervention in Syria highlights how the theory of the responsibility to protect (R2P) is flexible and depends on the strategic position and geopolitics of the state which violates human rights. Indeed the Security Council's several attempts to adopt a resolution have been blocked by the threat of Russia and China to veto. Accepting a Kofi Annan proposal, the only, but unsuccessful, resolution adopted was 2042/2012 which provided for sending a team of observers to verify the maintenance of the ceasefire. Subsequently, the United States proposed a resolution condemning Syria for the failure to authorise the sending of aid to the people but to no avail as this resolution also did not result in any action based on R2P. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

When the Western countries confronted backlash in their promotion of democracy, they wooed India to join them. India has shown reluctance to join them due to various factors. It starts with discussion of how it was inconceivable for India to promote democracy during the Cold War and then examine factors that made India reticent to commit itself to democracy promotion in the post-Cold War. The paper discusses the reasons as to why a nuanced shift towards supporting democracy promotion has taken place in the turn of the Century and how this shift is made with the intention of making a difference through participation rather than openly protesting and standing aloof on principle ground. The main focus of the paper is to highlight how India provides democracy assistance differently from that of the Western countries and what kind of tangible assistances India provided to those who sought. It highlights how, keeping in view the sensitivity of sovereignty among the developing countries, India uses term such as ‘democracy assistance’ or ‘democracy support’ instead of ‘democracy promotion’ and how it adopts policy of providing democracy assistance only when requested and it follows top-down approach, dealing mainly with the sovereign states and their institutions. It ends with an emphasis on the value addition of having diverse approaches to spreading democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract The meaning of recognition of governments varies in time and between individual States. At a minimum it entails that the recognising State wishes to be bound by the international legal consequences of recognition. How to recognise a government is not defined, as the decision whether or not to recognise a government is a unilateral act and at the discretion of each individual State. The most important criteria for recognising a government are the effective control and the legitimacy doctrine, although some States have decided to abolish the recognition of governments all together. Applying the criteria for recognition of governments to the conflict in Libya in 2011, it is concluded that the recognition of the Transitional National Council by some States while the Gadaffi regime was still in control over large parts of the territory is probably not supported by the effective control or legitimacy doctrine. This could invoke State responsibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Notions of ‘sovereignty as responsibility’ and ‘the responsibility to protect’ are often framed as radical departures from the ‘traditional’ conception of sovereignty. Many assume that sovereignty has, until recently, entailed only rights and not responsibilities. In con-trast, this article argues that sovereign authority has been understood to involve varied and evolving responsibilities since it was first articulated in the 16th and 17th centuries. It then traces the historical emergence of the tension between the right of sovereign states to be self-governing and free from outside interference and their responsibility to secure the safety of their populations. It cautions against a simplified story of ‘traditional’ sovereignty which reifies supposedly concrete and ahistorical rights of sovereigns while casting sovereign responsibilities as a morally abstract and late-arriving challenge. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper seeks to contribute to the debate on the international repercussions of the Spanish Civil War by analysing the numerous British missions of investigation that visited both sides during the conflict. Drawing on the travellers' own accounts and the documents from Spanish and British archives among other sources, it argues that these missions were in fact organized tours, first used as propaganda by Republicans and their Comintern advisers, and subsequently copied by Nationalists on a more limited basis. Although some involved genuinely impartial observers, most of the visitors were already committed to the cause they pretended to investigate. Spanish war tourism thus almost invariably succeeded in producing favourable publicity for both sides, yet failed to affect the majority of the British people, who were influenced primarily by their Government's neutral stance. Regardless of its outcome, the experience aptly illustrates the extent to which persuasion and commitment determined foreign responses to the conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the human rights legal foundation for 'media intervention' (also known as 'information intervention') conceived of as a part of rebuilding post-conflict societies. The media space is a critical site for post-conflict reconstruction, particularly when factional clashes and violence persist after the war, as in the present case of Iraq. Media/information intervention refers to the means of getting involved in a humanitarian crisis where there is evidence that the media have been manipulated to incite hatred and violence. It will be demonstrated that media intervention as a practice has ambiguous legal support in international law, due to the conflict between the jus cogens principle of non-intervention and the limited derogation of that principle provided for by Chapter VII of the UN Charter and Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. It will be argued that between an absolute prohibition of intervention and a set of specific conditions allowing intervention, lies a small window of opportunity - a discursively available 'limited exceptionalism' - for cultivating a media space that respects human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is an attempt to draw attention to the nature of the assistance model of state reconstruction and its significance for the UN system. Traditional international legal doctrine identifies valid state consent with an effective domestic government. Moreover, effective control remains the means for applying the legal right of self-determination for the population of a state as a whole. Nonetheless, a frequently adopted paradigm for large-scale international involvement in the reconstruction of an ineffective state operates through the consent of an ineffective government. The assistance model is found in the recent past of Haiti (1994–1997; 2004–), Sierra Leone (1998–2005), Liberia (2003–), Afghanistan (2001–), in Iraq following the formal end of the belligerent occupation (2004–), and there are signs that it could soon be pursued in Somalia. To reveal how the assistance model of state reconstruction in fact relates to the political independence of the target state and its people, the key features of the assistance model and related legal issues are addressed. The main argument is that while the assistance model appears unremarkable, in fact it offers little protection for political independence and as a consequence puts at risk the core values of the UN system of self-determination of peoples and international peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Regarding economic affairs classical liberal theory states that allowing the market to self regulate without any intervention from the state is the most efficient way to distribute resources within an economy and achieve economic growth. However, the current worldwide economic crisis has seriously challenged this notion of a perfect market that can regulate itself and correct its own problems without any interference from external actors such as the state. such a shift in how we view economic theory grants us the opportunity to revisit, rethink, and even reinvent previously unchallenged paradigms concerning the market, the state, and how these two forces interact. the following article is primarily concerned with the elaboration of theoretical limits in the context of taxation and distribution, without disregarding the state of worldwide economic affairs. these matters will be discussed in the midst of an interesting debate brought about by a supreme court ruling in which regressive taxation of certain products was declared unconstitutional. this study is particularly interesting given that on many occasions the colombian supreme court has been accused of ruling cases without properly understanding economic theory, disregarding their own limits and established purpose. nevertheless, due to these recent events, one may take a step back to consider the other existing theoretical perspectives concerning the state's role in the distribution of wealth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper assesses the historical development of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). During its 40 year history, ASEAN has achieved limited success in influencing the normative environment of Southeast Asia. ASEAN has helped shape institutional development in the Asia Pacific, particularly since the 1990s. It remains at the center of Asia Pacific regionalism. However, ASEAN's diverse membership and its need to maintain the fundamental principle of non-intervention limit its ability to reform. ASEAN's future is closely tied to its role in facilitating the emergence of China as a global power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is an attempt to find a commonality among African and Brazilian experiences towards what is termed, in contemporary International Relations, the Principle of Non-Indifference. The subject of analysis is chosen for its cutting edge quality and its challenge to some of Traditional International Law’s concepts, such as Non-Intervention and Sovereignty Its novelty calls for reflection in its support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Can interventions be used to assist oppressed peoples in overthrowing their governments? According to the influential non-interventionist arguments of J.S. Mill and Michael Walzer, reform interventions are incompatible with a principle of national self-determination. This article challenges Mill and Walzer, arguing that, in limited cases, interventions could in principle support revolutionary movements in such a way as to facilitate democratic transition. It does so by tracing a lack of conceptual clarity back to Mill's argument in 'A Few Words on Non-Intervention'. In particular, it is argued that Mill's and consequently Walzer's account of domestic revolutionary conflicts fails to distinguish the salience of military from properly political forces. Mill's Considerations on Representative Government provides the starting point for a clearer set of distinctions through which to reconstruct the principle of non-intervention on a stronger footing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an attempt to present a few arguments about the importance of holding a second Bandung Conference, broadened to include the Tri‐Continental regions, including Latin America and the Caribbean region, in the conference. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]