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From 1965 to 1994, some Canadians participated in transnational activism aimed at supporting or excusing white minority rule in South Africa and Rhodesia. Their ideas, arguments, and interconnections contributed to "apartheid internationalism," a form of internationalism without central organization yet forged through a common cause and specific (and sometimes covert) political networks. The Canadian fraction of the movement was internally diversified and decentralized. Yet this article shows that ties among activists were considerable. Whether taking pro-apartheid or "anti-anti-apartheid" positions, participants expressed variants of white supremacism, contextualizing and qualifying their views on racial superiority within adjacent right-wing political projects. Not entirely unlike studies of anti-apartheid activism, the examination of the defenders of apartheid demonstrates the importance of race in Canadian international history. It also shows how a range of people beyond politicians and diplomats engaged with transnational issues. Most strikingly, the analysis reveals that liberal internationalism or internationalisms associated with the political left were not the only responses to a decolonizing world. Some Canadians with conservative and authoritarian perspectives refused to accept a decline of white power or found new ways to present their support for white minority governments in southern Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies of the political and regional debates currounding the topic of Mexican labor migration that seek to explain why the Bracero Program was maintained, have focused predominantly on the administration of migratory flows by the U.S. government. This essay, in contrast, adopts a view of the global dynamics of the negotiations held between 1947 and 1952 to offer a more integral history of the Bracero Program. Based on a reconstruction of various narratives, it adopts the focus proposed by histoire croisée to observe the roles played by diverse actors at the regional level of migration, in order to determine the influence they wielded during the process of bilateral negotiations. The approach is applied primarily to the case of Guanajuato, a state that sent significant contingents of labor migrants to the U.S., and the context of the state of California (U.S.A.), whose agroindustrial sector absorbed most of those Mexican workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Diplomatic history in Canada and in North America has faced serious challenges to its methodology and popularity. Although International Relations has become one of the most attractive fields for undergraduates, it has become increasingly linked to the discipline of Political Science and distant from History. Historians understand the need to reinvigorate what once was called diplomatic history and the emphasis on transnational history reflects that ambition. Nevertheless, the writings of William Appleman Williams do not offer a path forward but are rather a return to sterile and stale debates of the past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies of the political and regional debates currounding the topic of Mexican labor migration that seek to explain why the Bracero Program was maintained, have focused predominantly on the administration of migratory flows by the U.S. government. This essay, in contrast, adopts a view of the global dynamics of the negotiations held between 1947 and 1952 to offer a more integral history of the Bracero Program. Based on a reconstruction of various narratives, it adopts the focus proposed by histoire croisée to observe the roles played by diverse actors at the regional level of migration, in order to determine the influence they wielded during the process of bilateral negotiations. The approach is applied primarily to the case of Guanajuato, a state that sent significant contingents of labor migrants to the U.S., and the context of the state of California (U.S.A.), whose agroindustrial sector absorbed most of those Mexican workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]