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Studies of China's ruling elites need to be set in the historical context of their formation and expansion, and the resurgence of the notion of "bloodline" (xuetong lun) and its evolution in the last decade into the red-genes theory (hongse jiyin) have increased this need. Yet there is a gap between the scholarly literature in English on China's ruling elites and academic and non-academic publications in Chinese on the subject, especially on the Yan'an period (late 1935 until early 1948) of the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) expansion. Both advocates of the bloodline concept and the red genes theory are connected to Yan'an, as are numerous other contemporary ruling class families. Based on an analysis of Chinese publications, this article examines understudied aspects of the "going to Yan'an" phenomenon during the Anti-Japanese War from a social positioning perspective. Through considering Yan'an as part of social positioning options and how new groups developed there, this article offers a new perspective on the making of China's post-1949 ruling elites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Efforts at finding the next Politburo members have, since the mid-1970s, been at the center of Chinese Elite and leadership studies. From the late 1980s onwards, leadership selection has become more institutionalized. This allows scholars to narrow down their search to more 'propitious' elements in order to try to predict who might ascend to the Politburo. Consequently, this article ponders if it was possible to differentiate these individuals from their less 'promotable' counterparts upon their entry into the Central Committee between 1992 and 2012. Based on statistical reassessment of variables commonly found in the literature, the article argues that soon-to-be Politburo members were already displaying a different profile than that of their counterparts 5 to 10 years before their entry into the Politburo. This article does not seek to establish a perfect predictive model rather than circumscribe the profile-type and environment in which these rising Elites can be found. Lastly, the latter opens a discussion on what to expect from the results as well as competing profiles found inside the Central Committee. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European-born children of immigrants, often referred to as the second generation, play an important role in the academic debate about integration and assimilation. The successful second generation, defined in terms of possessing a higher education diploma and or professional position, receives increasing attention. In this special issue, we will look at the most successful group: the upcoming “elite” among the descendants of migrants from Turkey, based on data gathered in the ELITES, Pathways to Success project. In this research project we deliberately selected on the dependent variable: being professionally successful in managerial jobs in the corporate business sector, the corporate law sector and the education sector. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

We introduce what we have coined the multiplier effect. We explain the steep upward mobility of children of low-educated immigrants by studying how they overcome obstacles on their regular pathway, via alternative routes or through loopholes in the education and labour market system. The idea of the multiplier effect is that they virtually propel themselves forward in their careers. Essential is that each successful step forward offers new possibilities on which they build, thereby accumulating cultural and social capital and multiplying their chances of success. Initial small differences with their less successful co-ethnic peers generate an increasingly wider gap over time. Cultural and social capital theories primarily explain the reproduction of inequalities in society. The multiplier effect explains the breaking of the perpetual cycle of this reproduction, enabling steep upward mobility even when this group does not initially possess the right cultural and social capital to be successful. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Elites and their formation have become a matter of increasing public concern and research interest in recent years. The lessons from such research can be made more generalisable if a measure of elite formation could be developed that is comparable across different elite formation systems, whether they differ by elite, time or country. But, the nature of elite formation renders this a complex task. Nevertheless, in this article, by building upon measures employed in other fields such as industrial economics, indices are constructed that facilitate the comparison of elite formation systems. This is illustrated through a comparison of the schooling of Irish and British cabinet ministers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The social world of many mammals and birds is highly structured, with interactions limited to a small number of socially or spatially close individuals, thus creating a natural layering to social networks. We use an agent based model to explore the social and fitness consequences of network structuring and show that stratification and elite formation emerge naturally under these circumstances, but at a cost of reducing the overall ecological efficiency of the system.Animal (and human) societies characterized by dominance hierarchies invariably suffer from inequality. The rise of inequality has 3 main prerequisites: 1) a group in which inequality can emerge, 2) the existence of differences in payoff, and 3) a mechanism that initiates, accumulates, and propagates the differences. Hitherto, 2 kinds of models have been used to study the processes involved. In winner–loser models of inequality (typical in zoology), the 3 elements are independent. In division-of-labor models of inequality, the first 2 elements are linked, whereas the third is independent. In this article, we propose a new model, that of synchronized group action, in which all 3 elements are linked. Under these conditions, agent-based simulations of communal action in multilayered communities naturally give rise to endogenous status, emergent social stratification, and the rise of elite cliques. We show that our 3 emergent social phenomena (status, stratification, and elite formation) react to natural variations in merit (the capacity to influence others’ decisions). We also show that the group-level efficiency and inequality consequences of these emergent phenomena define a space for social institutions that optimize efficiency gain in some fitness-related respect, while controlling the loss of efficiency and equality in other respects. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper investigates how diasporic and transnational communities evolve by analysing how networks of power are established and enhanced, both locally and transnationally. As part of a process of diversification in the Senegalese community in Italy, for example, a new elite of educated young men is emerging. This process of elite formation proves to be both local and transnational in multiple ways. It is argued that focusing on processes of elite formation within migrant communities will not only enhance our understanding of the internal dynamics of these communities but will also show how these may intersect with processes of power in the host country, the country of origin and the larger diaspora. Such an approach can contribute more generally to the study of elite change and continuity under globalisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article elaborates on how agrarian social structures and relations have changed after redistributive land reform under the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program ( CARP) on coconut plantations in the province of Davao Oriental, Philippines. Three major arguments can be derived from this question. First, despite the objective of this land reform to transfer control over land and labour to poor agricultural workers, a majority of the coconut farmers are trapped in new forms of debt-bondage and, as a result, are forced to transfer the rights over their resources and/or land. Second, a regional business elite has managed to obtain control over these lands and resources through all sorts of informal arrangements. Lastly, medium-sized landed elites in coconut plantations have been disadvantaged because of CARP implementation since they became dispossessed from their sole form of economic power, land. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article attempts to demonstrate how the university system and the system of social knowledge production greatly influence elite formation in the Arab East (in Egypt, Syria, the Palestinian territory, Jordan and Lebanon) by focusing on three intertwined factors: compartmentalization of scholarly activities, the demise of the university as a public sphere and the criteria for publication that count towards promotion. Universities have often produced compartmentalized elites inside each nation-state and they don’t communicate with one another: they are either elite that publish globally and perish locally or elite that publish locally and perish globally. The article pays special attention to elite universities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the proposition that mass higher education is, in practice, less a network of more or less homogeneous activities than a series of concentric circles in which elite institutions remain at the centre, but are surrounded by increasingly wide bands of universities and colleges, that are less and less likely to set graduates on the road to elite status the further they are from the centre. After a brief review of the classical and subsequent literature on elites and elite formation, the empirical study uses data from the very long established annual publication Who’s Who to make a quantitative analysis of the higher education background of all 120,000 Who’s Who entries born in the twentieth century. It finds that Oxford and Cambridge remained the dominant route to elite status throughout the century, though their share fell from about a third to about a quarter of the total. There were big rises in the contribution of other leading universities that have come to be known as the ‘Russell Group’. An analysis by main occupational categories shows that the political elite broadened its educational catchment area more than other groups. The so-called ‘public’ (i.e. independent) secondary schools also continued to make contributions much larger than their numbers warrant. The main conclusions are that Bourdieu’s notion of ‘symbolic capital’ offers a useful contribution to the interpretation of the continued dominance of well-known high status universities, and that while there was considerable change throughout the century, in general it followed the British tradition of being evolutionary and slow. In policy terms it concluded that the present government is justified in seeking both to widen participation generally and simultaneously to increase the number of people from modest economic and social backgrounds who attend the high prestige universities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]