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This paper examines the politics of placemaking in an expanding self-built settlement in the city of Cartagena, Colombia, under everyday conditions of disposability and waste toxicity. Based on 11 months of ethnographic research, the paper introduces the triptych of disappearance, emergence, and appearance to categorize residents' everyday garbage-based practices. The paper argues that these three forms of garbage-based practices are racialized and forged through historical processes of urban displacement, shifting socio-political backgrounds, and legacies of violence. This paper highlights the intimate links between the material and social production of Black placemaking and embodied experiences of toxicities in Cartagena. It draws attention to the multiple ways in which Afro-Colombian residents endure and contest cumulative processes of embodied experiences of waste exposure through politics of placemaking. Garbage socio-material entanglements allow for the acknowledgement of the relationality of space, materials, people, and politics, which are constitutive of contentious relational politics of placemaking. As residents in urban contexts contend with ever-evolving waste challenges, this paper proposes novel ways of reading the inherent plurality of relational politics of placemaking, which can foreshadow alternative urban environmental futures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent trends show that rather that the management of populations through life, States such as Kenya have adopted power that ensures that the populations are better managed through death. This power ensures that life closer to it is of higher value and worth protecting while those farthest from it are left to die. Therefore, this study adopts a socio-legal approach to analyse the vulnerability of indigenous peoples. Using this approach will help explain how dispossession of indigenous peoples from their lands and territories in Kenya results from continued colonialism and neopatrimonialism. The findings show that States' political and economic power have led to the vulnerability of indigenous peoples by legitimizing death-exposing developments projects using the legal frameworks adopted from colonial powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we use a settler capitalism framework that centers racialized gender violence in the pueblo of San Miguel Nocutzepo. We tell a story about how neoliberal policy in Mexico permitted the privatization of formerly collectively held Indigenous ejido land, which resulted in selloffs to outsiders who invested in avocado production and ended up being controlled by organized crime. Specifically, we point to the intersections between the regional agricultural recomposition and the social fabric of life in Nocutzepo as we attribute the land repurposing that the avocado-producing region of Michoacán has undergone with the encroachment of settler capitalism and organized crime. We also, however, highlight narratives of survivance in Nocutzepo that shed light on the various ways people faced violence to protect their family, pueblo, and land. Finally, we focus on a mothers-led struggle for youth and community empowerment and well-being or buen vivir that lobbied for a new Indigenous bilingual intercultural school in Nocutzepo to respond to the decline of subsistence agriculture. Our findings caution that while not all Indigenous struggles result in collective victories, everyday practices of resistance form an essential basis of survival. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Post war" has been highlighted as an arena in which, under the banner of reconstruction, processes of accumulation by dispossession are often intensified. This conceptual article explores gaps in how "dispossession" is typically defined, to deepen understanding of the complex, gendered modalities that occur in post-war, when the population is already living in the wake of wartime land dispossession. Through an interdisciplinary feminist political economy and conflict studies lens, "dispossession" as a concept is interrogated beyond the original Marxist meaning of separation from the means of production via wholesale agrarian transition. The article argues that, in the long post-war "moment," gendered dispossession might occur in three interrelated ways, all connected to wartime dispossession. The first is bodily dispossession which occurs through shifting forms of patriarchy. The second is dispossession manifesting within reconfigured social reproductive relations. The third is piecemeal dispossession, through the embedding of other capitalist relations, including lifetime debt. HIGHLIGHTS A feminist approach to dispossession reveals its less visible and its gendered dimensions. Conflict-related dispossession consists of more than mass land expulsion during war. In post-war, dispossession connects to both state and capitalist logics of accumulation. Dispossession can have different modes: it is an embodied process, occurs through social reproduction, and can happen covertly. A feminist re-conceptualization contributes to analyses of violence against women in war and post-war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to offer an approach to the future of capitalism in its current phase from political economy, showing the processes of dispossession of common goods and its links with productivism, developmentalism and extractivism. Resisting experiences are identified throughout the Latin American region. In this sense we deal with the struggles of resistance and social protest of the Third Malón de la Paz in the Puna of Jujuy (Argentina) that occurred in the year 2023 regarding the provisional reform of the provincial constitution from the Indianist perspective. Finally, we problematize the critical categories of analysis of capitalism by proposing political subjectivity as a place of legitimation of social processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article delves into the eight-year protest camp of Imider (2011–2019), analyzing important shifts both in forms of resistance as well as in political subjectivity within Morocco's protest landscape. The camp was the place/space where a historical struggle against one of the largest silver mines in Africa converged and new lived practices, relationships and subjectivities materialized. We explore the intricate connections between lived citizenship and what we term 'resistance by repossession'. We aim to understand how meanings of citizenship are (re)made from below as a response to accumulation by dispossession and driven by the intimate ties between marginalized communities and land. In this process, activists deliberately crossed the boundaries and affinities of the nation-state in search of meanings and alliances elsewhere, highlighting the more complex spatialities of lived citizenship and resistance from the margins. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reflects on the medicalization of psychic suffering in order to understand that process as part of a capitalist accumulation strategy. To do this, the first idea is that capitalism is in a phase of an initial residual accumulation terminal (Veraza, 2011) in which, psychic suffering is one of the aspects to expropriate and exploit. Second, the economic policies implemented in Argentina are described; in the following sections, it is particularized in the Alto Rio Negro valley and in the expropriation of livelihoods. In the last section, we present the inter-capitalist dispute within the health sector and medicalization as a means of repositioning the industrial fraction in that dispute from three dimensions, the abstract universalization of diagnostic categories in health Mental; The regulatory changes and the offensive against work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article tracks the relationship between waste, environmentalism, and settler territoriality and its mobilization in the remaking of East Jerusalem's political ecology. While using environmental discourses for Palestinian dispossession is as old as the colonization of Palestine, this article shows how, in recent years, the Israeli state and private settler organizations have re-imagined the natural environment of the Wadi al-Rababa neighborhood and the Hinnom Valley through the lens of Jewish biblical cultural memory to pursue territory. It draws on extensive fieldwork in the heritage tourism sector to demonstrate how conceiving the Hinnom Valley as transitioning from a neglected wasteland to a biblical Eden is used to claim a Jewish relationship to land and sever Palestinian claims to property and sovereignty. It also demonstrates how settler political ecologies are deeply tied to racialization work, producing differences vis-à-vis temporality and the environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports on the dispossession of indigenous knowledge in the public education system in Mapuche territory in La Araucanía, a southern region in Chile. The methodology is qualitative, 18 people were interviewed including Mapuche wise men and women, fathers, and mothers who experienced schooling processes in their younger years. The information analysis technique is content analysis, to identify explicit and latent meanings related to the schools they attended and the Chilean education system. Mapuche wise people and parents were consulted on the pedagogical practices of dispossession of ancestral knowledge that have been institutionalized. Main results show that schools have transmitted a Western Eurocentric-based knowledge which results in the dispossession of their own episteme and in their transformation into ordinary Chilean citizens who are unaware of their language and culture as a central axis of their sociocultural identity. Main conclusions account for the historical processes of schooling in an indigenous context, highlighting the consequences that this monocultural education has brought to families, communities, and new generations of indigenous. This poses the challenge of transforming the school curriculum, to transmit their truth, to advance in justice, reparation, and to ensure the non-repetition of the epistemicide of indigenous knowledge in the school. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on ethnographic research on an urban regeneration project targeting the historically Armenian quarter of a provincial capital in the Kurdish parts of Turkey, the article engages with two related, but separate strands of anthropological scholarship on the 'fragmented' nature of sovereignty to think through the relation of sovereignty and extraction. It does so, firstly, in relation to contemporary transformations of statecraft under conditions of financialised neoliberalism and authoritarianism, and secondly, in relation to the historically contingent constellation of property relations, racialisation and violence in the transition from Ottoman Empire to Turkish nation-state. The first leads me to argue that 'fragmentation' emerges here as a project internal to the practices of statecraft, that is, not primarily driven by market mechanisms, nor as something that extends beyond the nation-state. The historical account is offered as a case that further extends our scholarly archive of modern sovereignty as a global form intimately entangled with extraction and dispossession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how the futures promised by the postcolonial state through various projects leave peasants sceptical about a new government project at the rural margin of India. Focusing on a car factory project undertaken in 2006 by the government of the West Bengal Indian state, I explore how a half century-long project of land reforms shaped the dispossession politics of the peasants whose lands have been acquired for a car factory project. Based on an ethnography in Singur, this article explores how a car factory project at the very onset of its implementation instilled a sense of harm to life and livelihoods. Consequently, that project produced forms of spatiotemporal inequality between different socioeconomic groups in connection, not only with their ownership of land, but also with their respective vision of their work futures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a total war, World War I constituted a significant historical moment which proved that warfare not only serves to build nations and national identities, but can also create suitable socioeconomic and political conditions that foster the process of capital accumulation. The Ottoman state, like all the belligerents, on the one hand mobilized human power, means of production and subsistence and natural resources on a large scale for fighting and financing the war; on the other hand, it established a war economy based on violence and protectionism that directly favored war profiteers. The present article centers on the implementation of the War Tax Law, adopted on the eve of the war, which paved the way for state policies of dispossession, confiscation, and requisition. It argues that these practices aimed at the redistribution of capital to give birth to a new generation of Turkish-Muslim capitalists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indigenous dispossession has been left out or relegated to the historical background of much of the political ecology of the American West, naturalized as a precursor to natural resource policy rather than as a direct and ongoing consequence of it. This article offers a framework for denaturalizing dispossession, drawing on Indigenous and settler colonial studies to examine the specific legal, political, and territorial processes by which dispossession is produced and contested over time. This framework is used to examine the long-overlooked history of Indigenous dispossession wrought by the Los Angeles Aqueduct in the early twentieth century. In-depth archival, legal, and ethnographic research reveals how, in the 1930s, this history became obscured by naturalizing discourses that continue to be invoked in disputes over tribal land and water rights today. The study underscores the complex intersections of law, history, and justice in struggles over dispossession and highlights the need for more engagement on these issues from political ecologists of the American West. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This special issue on '"Fluid Dispossessions': Contested Waters in Capitalist Natures" examines the multiple and mutable relationships between water, dispossession and property. We use 'fluid dispossessions' as an analytical prompt to examine the different ways in which water's biophysical properties, its material fluidity and movements (and the more-than-human species that move with it), shape processes of capitalist extraction, accumulation and dispossession. Fluid dispossessions go beyond the power politics of controlling water as a resource to include indirect and more-than-economic forms of dispossession. By analysing emic understandings of dispossession, we draw on 'fluid dispossessions' to reject binary categorisations of liquid:solid in order to reveal the diversity of ways capitalist extractive activities may disrupt existing affective, ecological, or spiritual relations with water. This can cause more-than-economic forms of dispossession such as the loss of social reproduction, emotional distress, loss of health, the rupturing of multispecies relations and local care practices of waterscapes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This afterword discusses common questions and emerging themes from a special issue titled Fluid Dispossession. It focuses on the implications of water movements for economic processes and the redistribution of costs and benefits. The article elaborates how the discussed ethnographies illustrate the situatedness of material flows that channel specific benefits to some groups of people and particular costs to others. It then highlights how wet ethnographies destabilise common economic terms including the commons, frontier, gleaning and real estate. Finally, it discusses the hydrosociality of material flows that are entangled with various political, economic and cultural projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Sine-Saloum Delta, Senegal, development actors strive to 'develop' female mollusc gleaning. In an apparently boundless amphibious environment, domestication underlined by discursive dispossession figures as an attractive alteration of enclosure and material dispossession. It intervenes especially temporally in human and mollusc life and overlays the (material) dialectic of capitalist 'outside' and 'inside' with one of bringing humans and molluscs from an 'archaic' and 'wild' 'outside' into a 'modern' and 'cultivated' 'inside'. However, domestication projects remain entangled with the unruliness of molluscs and waters, and struggle with organisational problems and the agency of gleaners. The latter seek to foster and profit from the continuous production of 'outsides' and 'insides'. They attract, appropriate and undermine projects and integrate them as mere additions into their gleaning practice. In upholding their gleaning practice and complicating mollusc domestication in alliance with unruly molluscs and waters, I argue, gleaners can also resist their own domestication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper theorizes the gendered consequences of refugee dispossession for social reproduction, focusing on Ethiopian refugees in Nairobi, Kenya. We analyze the Kenyan refugee regime as structured by colonial legacies of racialization and by neo-colonial global political economy strategies of managing 'surplus' populations. We demonstrate that refugees' ongoing experiences of interpersonal and structural violence constitutes an attack on their capacity for social reproduction and argue the 'feminization of refugee survival' is an important gendered consequence. We identify two transnational displacements that produce a new form of racialized enclosure and the alienation of refugees from the means of social reproduction. The first transnational displacement occurs due to their dispossession from support infrastructure for social reproduction in their origin country, and in the host country. A second, invisible but racialized transnational displacement is the refusal of global North countries to take on the anticipated welfare costs of refugee social reproduction. Transformative and re-generative approaches to refugee social reproduction would need to address both forms of displacement. The paper thus urges IPE scholarship to recognize that the crisis of refugee social reproduction is not only produced by global capitalist regimes, but also deeply structured by gendered, racialized, and colonial hierarchies of inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractThe myth that Indigenous sovereignty lives in the past is central to the lore of settler colonial societies. Sustaining that myth entails significant material and symbolic work, particularly organised around the recursive placement of the ‘original moment’ of dispossession and colonisation in the past to make the settler sovereignty that has been imposed appear legitimate and complete. This paper presents an analysis of the story of one public housing estate in inner Melbourne, Walker Street, that has been the subject of recursive dispossession and multiple enactments of displacement. We examine the history of title documents at Walker Street, tracing back and forward through time to consider how those land titles have come to be and the work they do to constitute questions of belonging and housing inequality on stolen land. The methodology we develop seeks to understand land title as a literal register of the ongoingness of settler colonialism to reveal how title documents affectively and materially underscore the myth of a thickening settler claim to territory whilst distancing Indigenous sovereignty: we call this a possessory stratigraphy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Racialized housing markets are a cornerstone of systemic racial inequality in the United States, affecting socioeconomic, wealth, health, and educational outcomes. To enrich critical sociological research on housing, we examine how low-income renters perceive, experience, and navigate racialized dispossessing, or the everyday processes by which people of color are severed from place, home, and stability in rental markets. Drawing on in-depth interviews with 43 low-income American Indian, Black, Latinx, and White renters across two research sites, we find that low-income renters of color routinely experience other-race landlord and property manager non-responsiveness to housing quality and safety issues while White renters experience responsiveness. We also show how renters of color perceive and experience landlords and property managers racializing them as inferior, at times to justify this dispossession. In contrast to most of their counterparts of color, we demonstrate how low-income American Indian renters in our sample with same-Tribe landlords or property managers are protected from the harms their counterparts face. Finally, we show how low-income renters of color use a variety of strategies to resist this racialized dispossessing, often at great emotional or financial cost. We conclude by discussing the implications of our findings for research and housing policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the nineteenth century, England and Portugal contested the possession of Delagoa Bay in south eastern Africa. Using documents from a British hydrographical survey mission of the east coast of Africa, and British Parliamentary Papers recording the dispute over possession of the bay in the 1870s, I demonstrate that bordermaking in the region was rooted in interimperial claims and disputes reaching back to the 1820s. The English claim to Delagoa Bay highlights how hydrography and cartography were used as tools of empire in the new imperial expansion and land appropriation of the nineteenth century. The production of the colonial border between Portuguese Mozambique and British South Africa interrupted and disconnected indigenous networks of relation, trade, and movement, while simultaneously entangling imperial projects of white worldmaking through racialized dispossession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses the concept of ‘regimes of dispossession’ to explore how processes of land dispossession are evolving in Cambodia. Focusing on Preah Sihanouk province, which has received an influx of capital from China, we show empirically how non-productive and speculative land uses are thriving, resulting in frenzied and chaotic patterns of land grabbing. Our findings suggest a new phase in the recursive relationship between land control and the Cambodian state. Land previously occupied and farmed by rural villages is now being re-classified and re-packaged for private and non-productive purposes like real estate, tourism, and industrial investment that remain largely speculative, as international capital meets predatory state logics. We thus draw attention to how regimes of dispossession operate at a range of scales to shape how land is valued and grabbed, inviting comparative analysis between countries, particularly in the context of high levels of Chinese investment in the global south. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the ways that illegal land grabbing has taken place in contemporary Brazil since 2003. The findings suggest that much more attention needs to be paid to the various forms of violent illegalities behind the creation of land control, in both urban and rural contexts. The role of land mafias as a key political-economic sector creating capital through land speculation should be investigated further, as it seems to matter even more than de jure land rights. The article studies how, where, and why land mafias – often an amalgamation of rural elites, police, and governmental and judicial powerholders – have surged. It uses longitudinal ethnography to explore the widespread expulsion of people from their land in the Brazilian Amazon after the 2003 installation of a Cargill soybean export mill. This has led to the radical transformation of vast forest and urban areas, destroying the lives of humans and other-than-humans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Capture land is a Jamaican colloquialism for land that is (or is presumed to be) occupied without the authorization of the landowner. Working through two quotes, "just to make life for a time," and, "we've always been here," this article examines how the practice of capture indexes abolitionist spatial practices of varied temporalities: rooted in belonging to place, but also alighting provisionally. Through ethnographic research, this article reveals the use of capture for both placemaking and flight, parallel but in tension with the fixity and fluidity inhered in the liberal property regime. Compared with earlier ethnographies of land tenure in Jamaica, this points to an epistemology that is less preoccupied by ownership. What takes primacy is the care for generations of plants, children, rebels, and futures unfolding through "the plot" and its multiple agendas—sustenance (plot of land), refusal (plot to rebel) and the plotting of alternate futures. While here emerges through the spatiotemporalities of life in the interstices of racial capitalism, it also challenges us to reimagine how to think land after colonialism and beyond property. From here, we might imagine simultaneity of apparently discrepant temporalities of Black freedom dreams and speculate on the spacetimes of "freedom is a place." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to define and critically examine the concept of touristification and its socio-economic and territorial implications, particularly focusing on the Costa del Sol (Málaga, Spain). It employs the method of systematic literature review. The paper concludes that touristification is a product of the prevailing capitalist logics, of which hegemonic tourism is a further expression. Thus, contemporary tourism becomes a channel for the accumulation and reproduction of capital, entailing a process of dispossession, gentrification, and the transformation of geographic spaces to the benefit of these capitalist logics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Argentina's 1879–85 Desert Campaign formed the basis for dispossessing the Indigenous community of its southern frontier. This article argues that the Desert Campaign should be understood as much as an epidemiological event as a military one, focusing on the most intense phase of a smallpox epidemic that ravaged communities of Indigenous survivors. More lives were lost to smallpox than to combat, particularly as the disease permeated prisoner camps. A general lack of concern for the health of Indigenous prisoners punctuated their experience of dispossession at the hands of the Argentine army and "distribution" into forced labor systems throughout the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Situated in the context of the land and ocean grabs in Ghana post-2007–2008 global economic crises, this article argues that the country is experiencing "primitive accumulation" without capitalist industrialization. I draw on the insights of agrarian political economy to argue that this has created cheap laborers without industrial capital to exploit. The corollary of this is the creation of additional "relative surplus population", worsening the country's (un)employment crisis. However, this "relative surplus population" is not marginal to global capitalist accumulation and exploitation; on the contrary, it is important to them. The article draws on ethnographic fieldwork in Ghanaian communities to document the voices of the dispossessed and semi-proletarianized about their experiences with the crisis of (re)production inflicted on them by global capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay interprets a 1714 petition by five Black Bostonians as a challenge to the role infrastructure played in racial capitalism's development in colonial New England. It theorizes this petition as an "ante‐commons," or a collective action at once before, alongside, and apposite to colonial modes of possession. It further shows how commons in early America did not simply oppose racial capitalism; they often supplemented enclosure, dispossession, and accumulation. Infra this whole story—underneath the extant archives and subsequent settler narratives of colonial New England's racial infrastructure—are intimately intertwined Black and Native lives and lands that unsettled possession in both its individuated and common forms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The keeping or discard of objects is not always within people's power range. War and the escape from war are instances when people are violently separated from their possessions due to massive destruction. At the same time, few objects might be saved or regained in later stages of life. This paper is about objects that people who fled the war in Yugoslavia in the 1990s as children were able to preserve. In my analysis, I point out how the biographies of people and things are entangled, joining and parting at various points in time. As people's and things' biographies do not inevitably align with each other, the conditions that facilitated such a keeping or recovery are reconstructed. The article concludes that agency does not always reside with humans but is distributed between people, things and the material and social infrastructures that both are embedded in. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the "linguistic dispossession" of the creole-speaking Afrodescendent communities in the Archipelago Colombian island territory of Archipelago of San Andrés, Providencia, and Santa Catalina. Considered are the socio-spatial re-configurative processes of linguistic dispossession and how it has transformed the landscape, livelihoods, and daily communitive practices of Afrodescendent communities on the island territory. It analyzes the processes through which the Colombian State deliberately carried out linguistic and cultural dispossession via strategies known as "Colombianization" and describes the relationship between the loss of the local languages, the production of space, and processes of dispossession through education and religion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers how ongoing Palestinian dispossession, manifold Nakbas (catastrophes), stemming from the active frontiers of Israeli settler colonialism and catalyzed by religious nationalism and international impunity, continues to extend and expand the Palestinian diaspora into the Americas and other regions. This also structures Palestinian personhood beyond the active space of the settler-colony. I utilize three seemingly disparate cases to make this argument. I begin with Israel's military onslaught on Gaza in May 2021. I then offer a personal account, followed by ethnographic research conducted with Palestinian Iraq War refugees resettled in Brazil and also examine other military conflicts in the Middle East that have resulted in continual forced Palestinian displacements. Throughout, I demonstrate how Israeli settler colonialism is not an event but a structure (Wolfe. Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event. London: Cassell, 1999) which impacts Palestinian life far outside of the original space of displacement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rapidly expanding Pacific Northwest (PNW) craft beer industry and the heralding of Seattle as an epicenter of "hoppy beer" has benefited from geographic proximity to the Yakima Valley, revered by many as the "hops capital of world." In this article, I center theory from Black studies, Native studies, and critical whiteness studies to examine the intersectional violences of settler colonialism and whiteness as structuring logics of the PNW hops and craft beer industries. Based on ethnographic fieldwork carried out between 2012 and 2019, I argue that the settler colonial history of PNW hops cultivation and present-day culture of exclusion that extends outward into relationships with craft brewers, sustain a hegemonic whiteness. Moreover, I suggest that craft beer culture in the United States, as a site of settler colonialism and racial capitalism, has benefitted from ongoing dispossession through gentrification and cultural appropriation. By way of conclusion, I discuss the possibilities and limitations of existing attempts to dismantle whiteness within the US craft beer industry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the author's bureaucratic ordeal returning to Jerusalem from exile and applying for lam shamel (family unification) to live with her husband, a Palestinian born, raised, and living in Jerusalem with an Israeli-issued "permanent residency" identification card. It traces the couple's unsuccessful and painstaking attempts at the Israeli Ministry of Interior in Wadi al-Joz to secure their rights to reside in the city. Using an arbitrary "checklist," Israeli authorities repeatedly rejected their application for failing to meet the so-called center of life requirements, despite presenting them with many documents undeniably proving otherwise. The article posits that the Israeli occupiers deliberately put these restrictive measures in place to continually dispossess Palestinians from their native lands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

State processes of land dispossession rely on multiple modes of power such as domination, legitimisation, pacification, and deceit to achieve their aims. This article analyses how governments in Australia have drawn on these varied forms to redevelop inner city areas in Sydney which are important to Indigenous communities. It analyses three redevelopment practices that targeted the suburbs of Redfern and Waterloo between 2005 and 2019. First, domineering planning structures used to marginalise Indigenous housing in Redfern. Second, racist tropes that have worked to legitimise this authoritarian approach and the resulting dispossession. Third, community consultations, that attempted to placate residents impacted by redevelopment, with culturally inclusive participation, but that maintained a deceitful silence on the question of colonisation. The article shows how authoritarian state planning, racialised legitimisation, and colonial pacification and deceit wielded in Redfern and Waterloo, are directly inherited from and/or reproduce historic colonial nation and city building agendas. On this basis, the article claims that settler colonialism can be understood as a self-perpetuating process, where practices of dispossession, developed at a given time, can set precedent for and be reworked into later programmes of land dispossession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Addressing the comparative study of global land grabbing, this article seeks to explain the relative ease with which palm oil companies dispossess rural Indonesians of their land. Employing detailed documentation of 150 conflicts between rural communities and palm oil companies, we analyse both the actual processes through which companies acquire land as well as the legal provisions that facilitate these processes. We argue that palm oil companies are succeeding in dispossessing rural Indonesians because of the ways in which formal regulations and informal machinations have produced rightlessness. This rightlessness has three main sources: curtailed land rights, ‘backdoored’ legal protections, and collusive business–politics relationships which enable companies to evade regulations. We draw attention to the varying role of the state in processes of dispossession: compared to ‘regimes of dispossession’ elsewhere, companies rather than the state organize the actual land dispossession. This smaller role of the state disadvantages affected communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By querying the social connections that underlie Heath's and Li's overview of the peopling of London over the millennia, it becomes clear that London was made as people from elsewhere settled, maintained multiple networks of connection and created local forms of sociability. Generations of migrants built London, as those in power extracted wealth from colonies around the world through the African slave trade, theft of land from native peoples, indentured labour from South Asia, and the dispossession and cultural subordination of Irish, Scottish, Welch and English rural classes. To trace the history of London must be to explicate the intertwined processes of racialization, women's subordination, Orientalism and the cultural hierarchies of difference. As all comprehensive urban histories can do, if they address the relationships between migrants and city making, Heath and Li's account of London teaches us that underneath politically constructed migrant non-migrant divides, over time migrants become the city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that policing be understood as a creative social force that reproduces important dimensions of earlier iterations of the colour line. The paper advances this argument by integrating findings from two distinct research projects: the first on the household financial losses that follow arrest by immigration officials in Tucson, AZ; and the second focusing on the everyday costs of policing and carceral supervision absorbed by residents of Philadelphia, PA. Together, data from these sites illuminate how exposure to policing exhausts emotional and material resources from expansive family and community networks of care and support. To theorise the connection between financial dispossession and the dispossession of future opportunity, we draw on a heuristic reading of the "thin blue line" symbol. We conclude by suggesting a need for closer attention to how contemporary state interventions drive patterns of dispossession and vulnerability that accumulate across various scales, sites, rhythms, and collectivities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Informal settlements have been crucial sites of spatial dispossession and neoliberal urbanization with the displacement of the urban poor from profitable urban areas. This study examines the gendered implications of dispossession and changing dimensions of women's poverty as a result of slum/squatter redevelopment projects. Based on the research of the Kadifekale Urban Transformation Project in Turkey that resettled residents of a highly concentrated Kurdish migrant squatter settlement into a new mass housing estate, the study highlights the impacts of profit-driven urban development projects on women's access to affordable housing, support networks, care work, and employment opportunities. Kurdish women's experiences of displacement and resettlement illustrate in particular the intersectional aspects of gendered dispossession and asset erosion with their exclusion from affordable housing options, dispersal of their communities, and separation from their ethnic employment niches. Drawing upon dispossession and feminist development literature, the study sheds light upon the gendered experiences of displacement, changing livelihood opportunities, gendered access and control over resources, and strategies of resistance that result from slum redevelopment projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Frontier making in Ethiopia has historical roots from the formation of the modern Ethiopian state in the late-19th century through wars of conquest. The conquest, which was inspired by political and economic motivations of the highland Christian kingdom, used the notion of a "civilizing mission"—civilizing the "backward" and "underdeveloped" people, and "underutilized" spaces—through imposition of an imperial state system and Orthodox Christianity. The foundation and horizontal expansion of Addis Ababa or Finfinne by displacing Indigenous inhabitants was part of the state building project under successive regimes. Over the last century and a half, the city has continued its unchecked expansion in a process involving multilayered actors whose interests overlapped in terms of grabbing the land they considered "underutilized." More specifically, the last three decades evince commoditization of farmlands, grazing areas, and cultural and sacred spaces through land lease, which eventually dissolve existing customary systems, values, and practices. This paper critically analyzes the dynamics of frontier making in or from Addis Ababa or Finfinne, the political economy behind such unchecked frontier expansion and how it activated the power of resistance in 2014. The paper concludes that frontier making in or from Addis Ababa through dispossession of Oromo farmers has been part of the broader political establishment in Ethiopia and should be viewed within the same lens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A protracted process of policy development has been underway in Jamaica to curtail the widespread incidence of informal settlements. Against the logic of emerging policy, this article aims to reconnect present‐time unauthorised use of space to ancestral refusals of plantation land monopoly. Through ethnographic research and a reconsideration of historical texts, the article situates insecure tenure in a long history of conflict over land and livelihood—conflict that produces a boundary around the authorised use of space. That boundary is porous and mobile, the outcome of a palimpsest of colonial violence and its negation. This argument interrogates the gap between "landless" and "ownershipless", revealing both the role of incomplete dispossession in racialised social reproduction and the spatial practices through which Jamaicans "make life" even in the shadow of premature death. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the social construction of memory, we study the processes of dispossession and grievances experienced by the P'urhépecha community members of Ocumicho, for more than a century, by mestizos, agrarian and judicial institutions and different actors of illegal economies; as tangible traces of a living history. We also show how past events are re-signified by its members to give meaning to the present, which allows them to think of possible future horizons. For this purpose, we put in dialogue colonial and agrarian archive documents, but mainly we place in the center of the analysis the written and oral testimonies, related to contentious processes that threaten their indigenous territory and their continuity as a culturally specific collective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kafr 'Aqab is an annexed neighborhood at the northern end of East Jerusalem, squeezed between Ramallah and the Wall. Many observers and journalists wrongly assume it is simply a congested suburb of Ramallah, usually regarded by passersby as a concrete jungle. The reality of Kafr 'Aqab is far more interesting and diverse. Upwards of 125,000 Palestinians of varying statuses and situations, call the neighborhood home. This essay explores some of the challenges faced by Kafr 'Aqab residents, through a story of a newlywed couple's search for an apartment to buy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reviews literature and identifies trends in the study of slum redevelopment and rehabilitation policies in India since the country's Independence. In doing so, it brings into conversation literature from various disciplines centered around slum redevelopment and rehabilitation policies of Indian cities. The paper begins by laying out the history of slum redevelopment and rehabilitation policies in India and then contextualizing the policies by examining how they came about and how they correspond to specific moments of the Indian political‐economy, especially the "liberalization" of the market in the 1990s. In the second section, the paper highlights trends in contemporary research on slum redevelopment and rehabilitation policies with a focus on studies on dispossession. The final section identifies a critical omission of the socio‐spatial realities of caste in contemporary studies of slum redevelopment and provides suggestions for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globally, ocean‐based economic development (aka the 'the blue economy') is increasing and continued growth is projected. The social and environmental impacts of the growth of the blue economy are a matter of some concern for local people who may experience few benefits and substantial negative impacts. One way that these impacts of the blue economy occur is through subtle or overt forms of dispossession that result from the growth of technologies and infrastructures at sea or on the land (e.g., offshore oil rigs, ships, ports, processing facilities, etc.). We focus on desalination, an understudied aspect of the blue economy that is growing exponentially. Proponents herald desalination as a sustainable solution to increase fresh water sources, while solving socio‐environmental issues left behind by the overuse of natural freshwater. However, far from being a social and environmental panacea, new political and economic interests are fused to sustain this technology with impacts for both the environment and local social systems. In this paper, we review the literature and develop a framework to understand mechanisms of dispossession via the blue economy and apply it to desalination projects in the Antofagasta Region of Chile. Drawing from a review of environmental impact assessments and declarations of environmental impacts, the research analyses communities' concerns about the impacts of desalination. Our analysis revealed (1) lack of meaningful inclusion in decision‐making; (2) physical displacement of communities or from areas required for livelihoods; (3) concerns about environmental effects, and related social impacts; and (4) few social or economic benefits to local people. The research concludes that desalination is a sector of the blue economy that is opening a new sphere of dispossession in the oceans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes a spontaneous encounter between a Palestinian refugee—stepping over the threshold of her childhood home for the first time in seventy years, following its expropriation—and the current Israeli Jewish owner. This unusual encounter led us to propose a new understanding of dispossession based on both its personal (symbolic–emotional) and collective (economic–political) meanings. The former dimension is expressed in the Palestinians' acts of remembering and visiting their pre-1948 homes, not only as a reflection of the past and a nostalgic impulse, but also as a way of shaping, intervening in, and influencing the present. The latter, collective meaning, explores the multiplicity of dispossession processes in a settler-colonial society in which the capitalist mode of production already existed before the settlers arrived. This article focuses on one particular form of dispossession through a micro-geographical study of one house in Jerusalem that was once a Palestinian family home. We also offer an expanded interpretation of dispossession as personal and collective by analyzing three modes of experience relating to dispossessed property: settler-colonial property, stolen property, and property as nativeness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to scholarship on settler colonial urbanism by examining the historical constitution of Canada's National Capital Region at the intersection of racial capitalism and settler colonization. Its impetus arises from four years of solidarity work with Algonquin land defenders and accomplices struggling to reclaim Asinabka, an Algonquin sacred complex of islands and waterfalls in the Kitchissippi (Ottawa River) between the Canadian cities of Ottawa and Gatineau. Situating the current struggle within the 200 years of crisis and consolidation that produced the Ottawa Valley, we track the entwined histories of settler capitalists transforming Asinabka in response to the shifting demands of racial capitalism alongside the ceaseless effort by Algonquin people to exercise jurisdiction over the islands in the face of colonial incursion and theft. To do so, we read across 100 years of colonial archives in conjunction with settler historiographies of the lumber industry. We argue that while local in form, Asinabka's transformations were constitutive of place- and race-making processes at a variety of scales and sites throughout Algonquin territory. We conclude by considering how traces of this history are recursively mobilized in the present to transform Asinabka into an investment property. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under certain circumstances, land titling, property regime changes, and land‐use conversions yield substantial profits. Yet few people possess the wealth, knowledge, and networks to benefit from these procedures. In the Yucatán Peninsula, a region recently targeted as a prominent investment location by the Mexican national government (mainly with the "Tren Maya" megaproject) and the private capital, forestlands collectively owned as ejidos by Mayan peasants are on the trend to complete privatization. Against the arguments of neo‐institutional economists that in the 1990s promoted legal reforms and justified land‐titling programmes worldwide to make available credit for uncapitalized peasants, individual land titling of commonly held lands in Mexico increased the overall economic value of the land, but not the investment in economic activities related to farmland and indigenous communities. Instead, those policies enabled land grabbing, dispossession, and urbanization. In this article, I describe recent private‐led initiatives of ejido land titling that have redefined agricultural land's uses, meanings, and values for capitalist accumulation. In doing so, I explain how and why Mayan ejidatarios have been excluded from the monetary benefits of land titling, a top‐bottom dispossession process only accomplished through shadow procedures and former privatization of ejidos' common lands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines the role of slum redevelopment in the production of private property in land in a fast-growing city of southern India. Drawing on an in-depth case study in Bengaluru, we show that the tenurial rights of slum residents were eroded when the contested land on which they lived – which was layered with multiple rights and claims of various actors – was confirmed by the court as the sole property of an individual who claimed to be its owner. The transformation of the plot into private property and therefore into a fungible asset, free of encumbrances, allowed the landowner, the political entrepreneurs who spearheaded the redevelopment project, and various intermediaries to capture most of the rapidly escalating value of the land. The exchange of recognized land tenure rights for small flats carrying conditional titles further excluded slum residents from 'proper' urban citizenship based on property ownership and exacerbated the precarity of their lives in the city. In this case, in-situ (on the same site) slum redevelopment is shown to operate as a modality of enclosure in which the urban poor are displaced even while remaining in place – or a process of dispossession without displacement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay argues that the theories and terminologies deriving from paradigms of "colonial" and "post-colonial" cities marginalize some aspects of the structural violence that Palestinians experience in coastal cities of Palestine within the 1949 Armistice demarcation or Green Line, particularly in Jaffa. These theories often preclude the tracing of power structures and the escalating violence against spaces and society. This results in the literature dealing with the Palestinian city either as a historical space, which often explores Jaffa before the Nakba, or as part of the globalized present without framing it, either historically or politically. Consequently, this essay proposes to use "demolition," a concept that stems from Jaffa's reality, as a prism. It focuses on different forms of demolition through micro-geographical research on three houses in various neighborhoods in Jaffa, each embodying different aspects of "demolition". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Africans need to be careful with discourses on coloniality that avoid dealing with central aberrations of colonialism. Focusing on coloniality of power, coloniality of being, coloniality of knowledge and coloniality of gender, contemporary discourses on coloniality sidestepped a central aspect of colonialism. Motivated not by quests to merely exercise power, as is assumed in coloniality of power; and motivated not merely by quests to dominate Africans using knowledge, as is assumed in coloniality of knowledge; and motivated not ultimately by the quest for gender domination, as is assumed in the coloniality of gender, colonialists dispossessed colonized people. Reviewing literature and using the Shona (a people of Zimbabwe) proverbs chisi chako masimba mashoma/kunzi pakata sandi kunzi ridza (one should not exercise power over what one does not own/possession is not synonymous with ownership), this paper postulates the notion of coloniality of dispossession. The paper concludes that power is merely a tool to dispossess colonized people, and so decolonial scholarship must focus not only on tools used to colonize other people but on the ultimate goals of using tools, such as power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that in the early twentieth-century evolution of citizenship in Canada, property persisted as a site wherein national belonging could be claimed and performed. It contextualizes a Japanese Canadian family's performances of property and protests at their wartime dispossession within the ideals that Canadian urban reformers, planners, and property theorists set out in the 1920s and 1930s. In doing so, this article reveals the unequal access to citizenship that property ownership afforded and thus introduces a complex portrait of hierarchies of membership and belonging in Canada at this time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]