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Background: One of the most significant events in recent Afghan history is the rise of the Taliban and the war that followed, which had profound impacts on the lives of Afghans. The present study examined the mental health of Afghans living under the Taliban government. Methods: Between June 5, 2023 and February 12, 2024, a cross-sectional study was conducted among the Afghan population in three key regions of Afghanistan. Data were collected using a pre-tested structured questionnaire. The 21-item Depression, Anxiety and Stress scale (DASS-21) was utilized to assess depression, anxiety and stress of the Afghan population. Ethical permission for this study was granted by the Afghanistan Center for Epidemiological Studies (ACES). Logistic regression models were employed to explore the relationship between socio-demographic characteristics and depression, anxiety, and stress among 2,698 participants. Results: The prevalence of depression was 72.05%, anxiety was 71.94%, and stress was 66.49%. Multiple regression analysis indicated that gender (being female), economic status (being poor), residency (living in rural areas), education level (being illiterate), being a cigarette smoker, and having experienced a bad event during the past month were significantly associated with depression, anxiety and stress. Conclusion: The findings of the present study show very high levels of anxiety, depression, and stress, most likely reflecting the profound impact of recent political, social, and economic changes. Notably, a significant majority of participants, particularly females and individuals above 35 years of age, reported severe to extremely severe mental health symptoms. The mental health crisis in Afghanistan is a complex and urgent issue that requires a comprehensive and compassionate response. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Food insecurity persists in Afghanistan, with 24 million Afghans lacking sufficient food in 2022. Malnourishment affects over 7 million children and mothers (WFP in Afghan Emergency. Retrieved 1.30 from https://www.wfp.org/emergencies/afghanistan-emergency). Women's rights have been severely undermined by the Taliban regime, with bans on education and employment restrictions. Using data from the 2017 Afghanistan Food Security Survey (n = 5027 households), we examined the relationship between women's education, employment, and household food security. Results indicate that households where both men and women have formal education were 52% more likely to be food secure and 50% more likely to have dietary diversity compared to a household lacking anyone with formal education. Women play a vital role in increasing household income and distributing resources towards improving dietary diversity. The rollback and censorship of women's rights under the current regime is bound to exacerbate the catastrophic rates of food insecurity, further worsening the well-being of all Afghans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International concern for the human rights of Afghan women has spiked since the Taliban consolidated power in Afghanistan in fall 2021. Yet little is known about how to effectively advocate for women's human rights under this new context. We present findings from a random sample of all adult Afghan internet users' attitudes toward peace, security, gender, and human rights and find significant support for women's human rights as a national priority within Afghanistan, even when controlling for other priorities and even among many men and women aligned with the Taliban. Given that men now have much more political power in Afghan society to protect women's rights, we paid particular attention to men's attitudes toward women's human rights. Our evidence from an embedded survey experiment, building on earlier literature from other countries, demonstrates that fathers of eldest daughters are particularly likely to favor prioritizing women's rights when primed to think about the gender of their eldest children. Thus, the human rights and humanitarian community should spend more time and attention engaging with this demographic, and specifically creating marketing and advocacy strategies that encourage men to think about or act on behalf of their eldest daughters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to trace the Taliban's motives behind the deliberate destruction of cultural heritage in Swat while also looking into the local's reaction and their relationship with cultural heritage after the conflict. The Taliban insurgents deliberately defaced and dynamited the second largest seated statue of Lord Buddha after Bamiyan in Afghanistan and bomb-damaged Swat Museum. The findings are the outcomes of in-depth interviews and FGDs conducted with locals, key informants from the community, local journalists, NGO representatives, archeologists, and Swat Museum officials. This study demonstrates that the Taliban iconoclastic acts were motivated by their "conflict goal" – the introduction and imposition of Sharia Law in the region. The "specific targeting" of the seated statue of Lord Buddha and the bomb-damaged Swat Museum are considered the principal identifiers of differences, and instrumental in "signalling" strength and commitment to the resisting actors. The polarity in explanations among the locals indicates that the Taliban tactfully manipulated the equivocal understanding of idolatry in Islam. After the conflict, apart from the realization of ownership and pride among the locals, the utmost concerns for them are the protection of cultural heritage and the construction of a religious counter-narrative on the status of idols and statues in Islam. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do insurgents resort to kidnapping in civil war? What explains variation in the selection and intensity of the tactic over time and space? Despite an increase in the use of kidnapping over time, existing research has yet to develop an explanation that explains spatiotemporal variation and extends beyond financial motivations. I argue the decision to kidnap hostages is shaped by insurgents' behavioral interactions in the conflict environment. It occurs under two conditions: to generate support and reinstate bargaining capacity when organizations suffer military losses on the battlefield and to enforce loyalties and display strength when organizations face violent competition from other non-state actors. The observable implications of the theory are tested at the macro- and micro levels. At the macro-level, I conduct a quantitative cross-group analysis on over 200 organizations involved in an armed intrastate conflict (1989–2018). At the micro level, I consider the kidnapping strategy of the Taliban in Afghanistan over time and space (2010–2018). Taken together, the analyses provide robust support for the theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the strategies of resistance enacted by an informal network of solidarity comprised of Afghan youths on the move in Europe and their Swedish allies. In 2015, thousands of Afghan children fleeing from the Taliban regime arrived in Europe as unaccompanied minors. Many have been hosted in Sweden and lived there for several years, until coming of age. Reaching 18 years prompted a series of consecutive losses, as the Swedish state limited their opportunities to remain in the country or even illegalized them. Subjected to threats of detention, deportation, and ill treatment, many Afghan youths re-escaped into other European countries, crafting networks of informal solidarity to help them resist border violence. This article is based on an ethnographic study that delves into the lived experiences of four Afghan youths who lived in Lisbon between February 2019 and February 2020, particularly focusing on the journey of Ahmed, a young man of Hazara ethnicity. The empirical data shed light on the solidarity enactments that enhanced the youths' resistance in hostile environments, inviting reflection on the impacts of the European border regime and the importance of agency, care, and political contestation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Pakistan State's ruling practices in Lower Dir, a peripheral region. It argues that this peripheral region was ruled by a colonial logic of governmentality. Through a "thick" ethnography of Lower Dir, I documented the militarized and fragmented state practices that Tsing refers to as the "sticky materiality of practical encounters" of the local people with the state apparatuses. The study collected data through anthropological methods such as mobile ethnography at checkpoints, casual conversations with locals, and firsthand observations of state ruling practices in the region. This article concludes that it is the Pakistan state's strategic interest that keeps the region out of the mainstream, and its security status is now even more important for Pakistan state following the Taliban's takeover of Kabul in August 2021. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper is an overall assessment of the security situation in Afghanistan that includes both traditional and non-traditional aspects. The paper highlights the deteriorating internal security that is bolstering Pashtunisation in Afghanistan and causing the forced displacement of non-Pashtuns. The implication of this grim development in India's neighbourhood has severely impacted the peace and security of the Central Asian Region, Russia, China, Iran, India and Pakistan. The victory of the Taliban has resuscitated myriad terrorist groups who want to establish Islamic Caliphate in neighbouring countries, therefore leading to the gradual Talibanisation of the Asian region. The paper also delves into how the departure of foreign forces has created a power vacuum in Afghanistan that has led to the revival of a New Great Game with the addition of regional actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) is one of the most widely ratified treaties in the world. However, its lack of enforcement mechanisms makes it incredibly hard to enforce. Similarly, there are significant weaknesses in its related Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (Optional Protocol) that limit its effectiveness, despite providing the treaty regime with redress mechanisms. The treaties' weaknesses are apparent by looking at the situation of women in Afghanistan which, after the return of the Taliban in 2021, has become dire. To address the situation faced by women and girls, whether it be under Taliban rule or the rule of some other government, this Note proposes changes to the Optional Protocol and the creation of a new subsidiary body under the CEDAW Committee's procedures to make it easier for women to seek redress, regardless of the government in power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The drug trade has garnered significant attention as a critical funding source for various terrorist organisations. This systematic review summarises the existing empirical knowledge about the Taliban and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia's (FARC) involvement, and profit from the drug trade, and methods of estimating drug trade revenue. Thirty-one studies were identified. Twenty-three about the Taliban, seven about the FARC, and one about both groups. Estimates of annual profit varied from US$19 to US$500 million for the Taliban and US$140 to US$3.5 billion for the FARC. Fourteen of the twenty-four studies about the Taliban provided an estimate and merely six studies discussed the methods used to generate those estimates. Among the eight studies about the FARC, four provided an estimate but one described the method employed. Studies used a variety of information sources. The review shows the need for caution regarding existing estimates and a more methodologically rigorous analysis of linkages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The longest war in the history of America resulted in an Afghan Taliban victory. Despite astronomical material and capacity superiority of the American-led NATO forces vis-à-vis Afghan Taliban, the latter overcame the greater forces and captured Kabul in a lightning-fast sweep across the country. Failure of the US to realize a superior military force in achieving a political victory on the field lies in the characteristics, actions, and effective operationalization of Afghan Taliban's warfare tactics on the battleground. Tribalism, networked structures, and innovative recruiting principles, coupled with the Afghan government(s) own inefficiencies and rampant corruption led to the demise of American power in Afghanistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The Taliban takeover in August 2021 ended a decades-long conflict in Afghanistan. Yet, along with improved security, there have been collateral changes, such as the exacerbation of the economic crisis and brain drain. Although these changes have altered the lives of Afghans in many ways, it is unclear whether they have affected access to care. This study aimed to analyse Afghans' access to care and how this access has changed after August 2021. Methods: The study relied on the collaboration with the non-governmental organisation EMERGENCY, running a network of three hospitals and 41 First Aid Posts in 10 Afghan provinces. A 67-item questionnaire about access to care changes after August 2021 was developed and disseminated at EMERGENCY facilities. Ordinal logistic regression was used to evaluate whether access to care changes were associated with participants' characteristics. Results: In total, 1807 valid responses were returned. Most respondents (54.34%) reported improved security when visiting healthcare facilities, while the ability to reach facilities has remained stable for the majority of them (50.28%). Care is less affordable for the majority of respondents (45.82%). Female respondents, those who are unmarried and not engaged, and patients in the Panjshir province were less likely to perceive improvements in access to care. Conclusions: Findings outline which dimensions of access to care need resource allocation. The inability to pay for care is the most relevant barrier to access care after August 2021 and must therefore be prioritised. Women and people from the Panjshir province may require ad hoc interventions to improve their access to care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the implications of the largely unexplored, yet very insightful, practice of a broad and divergent group of States concerning recognition of the Taliban, in order to contribute to the understanding of various aspects of the question of recognition of governments. Disregarding their long-standing policy of not making express statements on recognition of governments, many States put forward certain conditions for the Taliban to meet to gain recognition. Based on the arbitrary and idiosyncratic nature of these conditions, the article shows the difficulty of explaining recognition decisions by generally applicable criteria, and further establishes that the Taliban case constitutes another setback for the emerging doctrine of democratic legitimacy. Illustrating a wide range of possibilities of engagement with an unrecognised government, the article also shows that treatment, or acknowledgement, and recognition of an entity as government are two different phenomena, and demonstrates the possibility for "recognition" to be stripped of any legal or practical meaning in a given case. The article also shows that the claim that, regardless of being recognised, a general de facto government is entitled to exercise the State's international rights and obligations does not seem well established in international law. Though some States accepted the Taliban as such, part of the international community rather alluded that the Taliban bore certain international obligations as a non-State actor, rather than on behalf of Afghanistan. The article also examines the status of unrecognised de facto governments before domestic laws, and demonstrates, among others, States' flexibility towards such governments' right to access State property abroad, despite the contrary national practices in the past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the Taliban's return to power in Afghanistan (August 2021), the issue of its legitimacy has troubled the international community. However, this has not stopped 'revisionist' powers such as China and Russia from engaging with them. With the consolidation of the Taliban regime in Afghanistan, it is evident that New Delhi may have little choice but to grudgingly accept that this oppressive regime is here to stay. This article delves into the reasons behind New Delhi's choice to participate in "back door diplomacy" and reassess its stance on the Taliban. This article argues that external actors will largely limit India's influence in Afghanistan. It further suggests that despite New Delhi's humanitarian approach towards Afghanistan, there is no assurance that the Taliban will respect India's larger diplomatic goals and national interests. Importantly, the Modi administration must be able to convince its Hindu support base and the opposition parties that working with the Taliban would benefit India in the long run. Given the multitude of factors at play, the significant stakes involved, and the "instability" in the region, New Delhi may face considerable challenges in managing its ties with the Taliban. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the Afghan and Iranian feminist uprisings of the early 2020s spurred by #MahsaAmini's death and the return of the Taliban, and their predecessors, #MyRedLine and #MyStealthyFreedom. It assesses why these movements, which gained international traction and a huge global online and offline presence, are no longer in the mainstream media spotlight. The article examines the efficacy and dangers of these feminist movements, which attempt to redress the tide of Islamist ideology in both countries by building solidarity with international governmental and nongovernmental human rights organizations. It also highlights how Afghan and Iranian women's activism is selectively recognized and appropriated by neo-imperial agendas and provides strategies for decolonization. Finally, the article argues that #MahsaAmini and #MyRedLine are exemplary instances of feminist transnational collaboration and global mobilization for women's rights, whereas #MyStealthyFreedom and the lack of coverage of the Afghan women's right uprising since Taliban 2.0 fall into the paradigm of imperial feminism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Violent extremism is a destabilizing force; its underlying confounding influence should be accounted for to understand this phenomenon. Previous studies have identified its potential risk factors or drivers. This study of Sharia-invoking Salafi extremism addresses whether these factors or drivers are affected by the confounding influence of the radicalization ecosystem. Starting secularly, the newly-formed Eastern European nation of Kosovo became radicalized. Using the 2013 data obtained from Pew Research Center, this study computes measures of confounding influence by using public support levels for radical Islamist agendas before and after radicalization in Kosovo. Utilizing these data and those relating to the worldwide number of jihadist fighters in different periods, this study asserts that the ecosystem acts as a confounder of the risk factors and drivers of violent extremism, thus creating spurious correlations between the two. This study invokes a published theoretical framework for understanding the radicalization ecosystem behind the confounding vis-à-vis Salafi extremism. Contrary to conventional wisdom, the present study finds that mitigating the influence of the ecosystem offers the most comprehensive way of reducing violent extremism. Such a conclusion has implications for the direction of terrorism research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On July 31, 2022, the Biden Administration successfully eliminated al-Qaeda leader Ayman al-Zawahiri in Kabul, Afghanistan via drone strike. This killing represented a continued implementation of U.S. policy forged after the September 11th attacks to eliminate al-Qaeda members wherever they seek shelter. Nevertheless, the United States has refrained from filing an Article 51 notification of self-defense to justify its use of force against Afghanistan. With the United States asserting that the Taliban was "unwilling or unable" to neutralize Zawahiri's threat, existing international law fails to provide clear guidelines on addressing this determination. The following Note attempts to examine the legality of the strike through implementation of the Deeks Factors Test of "unable or unwilling." Further, this Note advocates for a U.N. Resolution to establish a robust "unable or unwilling" framework, to provide states with a standard to consider when assessing the use of force against non-state actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Politically astute and organisationally deft, the Taliban forged 'antagonistic cooperation' with key regional players who courted the movement vigorously as it sought to reinvent itself as 'Taliban 2.0'. However, two years into the rule of 'Taliban 2.0', the chasm between rhetoric and reality has widened. This article disaggregates the idea of 'Taliban 2.0', arguing that subtle differences notwithstanding the Taliban is an ideological movement which demonstrates a remarkable contiguity in showing fidelity to its hardline ideology manifested in its attitudes towards women, deployment of violence and links with transnational actors. Domestic political actors too stuttered in responding to the Taliban's momentum amid a dramatically reconfigured geo-political landscape, a glaring power asymmetry, factionalism within opposition ranks and the rise of new actors like the Daesh which attempted to fill the void. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the collapse of the Islamic Republic regime, the Taliban seized power in Afghanistan in August 2021. The Taliban’s abolition of the 2004 constitution and other internal regulations has set the stage for Taliban fighters to engage in violent and arbitrary practices. The dismal human rights situation in Afghanistan has prompted international organizations to express serious concerns and to demand an examination of the Taliban regime’s conduct toward the Afghan people. This article provides a comprehensive analysis of the repercussions of the Taliban’s policies on citizen rights, which are divided into two distinct categories: civil-political rights and economic, social, and cultural rights. This research uses qualitative methods through an applied documentary approach, assessing 102 international research articles, reports, and analyses on civil rights in Afghanistan over a two-year period, informed by the author’s experience in policy formulation in Afghanistan. Engagements with primary sources in Afghanistan also corroborated research findings. The research demonstrates the extent to which the repeal of Afghanistan’s constitution and laws has triggered unlawful policies and egregious behaviors that have had detrimental consequences on human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Respectful maternity care (RMC) remains a key challenge in Afghanistan, despite progress on improving maternal and newborn health during 2001—2021. A qualitative study was conducted in 2018 to provide evidence on the situation of RMC in health facilities in Afghanistan. The results are useful to inform strategies to provide RMC in Afghanistan in spite of the humanitarian crisis due to Taliban's takeover in 2021. Methods: Focus group discussions were conducted with women (4 groups, 43 women) who had used health facilities for giving birth and with providers (4 groups, 21 providers) who worked in these health facilities. Twenty key informant interviews were conducted with health managers and health policy makers. Motivators for, deterrents from using, awareness about and experiences of maternity care in health facilities were explored. Results: Women gave birth in facilities for availability of maternity care and skilled providers, while various verbal and physical forms of mistreatment were identified as deterrents from facility use by women, providers and key informants. Low awareness, lack of resources and excessive workload were identified among the reasons for violation of RMC. Conclusion: Violation of RMC is unacceptable. Awareness of women and providers about the rights of women to respectful maternity care, training of providers on the subject, monitoring of care to prevent mistreatment, and conditioning any future technical and financial assistance to commitments to RMC is recommended. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I present a portrait of my ongoing work with Zarmina, a female Afghan student who escaped Kabul after the Taliban takeover and is now a refugee and student in New York. I consider the traumatic impact for her of growing up in a combat zone, living under a fundamentalist regime, leaving her family, and becoming a refugee. I also parse ways that culture, race, my unconscious stereotypes, and my family history emerge in our work, and the double consciousness and profound grief and loss that mark her new life in New York. I reflect on who we have become to each other and the enactments and silences that that have emerged as we each try to protect the other from sadness and disappointment. Finally, drawing on work with combat veterans, I consider what the future might hold as we confront the anguish, loss, and terror of all she has experienced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The terror encountered by women in Afghanistan because of the military withdrawal of United States and its allies in the summer of 2021 is ongoing. The first part of this paper describes emergency clinical interventions provided to two young university Kabul women wishing to escape the Taliban. The second part of this paper explores ideas about moral injury and this psychologist-psychoanalyst's motives for focusing on the survival of the two women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article, titled "When a Conflict Collapses on a Child: An (Aborted) Medical Evacuation of a Hazara Toddler During the Kabul Airport Blast and the Taliban Takeover," recounts the experiences of a Hazara family in Afghanistan during the Taliban takeover and a subsequent terrorist attack at Kabul airport. The author, an academic researching conflict in Afghanistan, highlights the moral injustice of neglecting the mental health needs of those living in war zones. The article also discusses the challenges faced in attempting to provide medical evacuation for a critically injured child, named Azad, due to political and logistical obstacles. The family eventually escapes to another country, but the child's future remains uncertain. The author reflects on the ethical responsibilities of healthcare professionals in conflict situations and the lasting impact of war on children like Azad. [Extracted from the article]

Taliban has taken control of Afghanistan; the US-influenced government of Ashraf Ghani has surrendered, a two-decade-long war ended, and the Taliban proclaimed their acting government on 7 September 2021 and resumed the Islamic Emirates of Afghanistan. Pakistan is in support of an inclusive Taliban-led government in Afghanistan and providing Aid to the country for rebuilding and reconstruction of the affected neighbor while hoping for recognition from the international community. Taliban's regime in Afghanistan is a game-changer for South Asian regional politics as now China, Russia, and Iran's interests lie in this area. The Study is an attempt to examine the effects of the Taliban's government on Pakistan's national security, integrity, and economy with special concern for China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), and Foreign Relations by taking the Baluchistan insurgency as an example. This research will answer intriguing questions such as how the Taliban's government of Afghanistan affects the Baluch insurgency. The purpose of this research is to determine if the Taliban-led Afghan government deepens Pakistan's woes or serves the country's national interests. This paper argues that Baluch insurgents were previously hiding in Afghanistan and unstable Afghan territory was used against Pakistan by the enemies to exacerbate of Baluch insurgency and escalate terrorism to destabilize Pakistan. This study also argues that the New Taliban Government in Afghanistan has an amalgamation of encouraging and detrimental outcomes for Pakistan as supporting the Afghan Taliban government has visible impacts on regional politics and the dynamics of Pakistan's relations with the United States, Iran, and with regional powers, Russia, and China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 13 August 2021, Sahraa Karimi posted a letter from her Twitter account. I write you with a broken heart and a deep hope that you can join me in protecting my beautiful people, especially filmmakers, from the Taliban. In the last few weeks, the Taliban have gained control of so many provinces. They have massacred our people, they kidnapped many children, they sold girls as child brides to their men, they murdered a woman for her attire.... It is a humanitarian crisis, and yet the world is silent.... We need your voice. The media, governments, and the world humanitarian organizations are conveniently silent as if this "Peace deal" with the Taliban was ever legitimate. It was never legitimate. Recognizing them gave them the confidence to come back to power. The Taliban have been brutalizing our people throughout the entire process of the talks. Everything that I have worked so hard to build as a filmmaker in my country is at risk of falling.... I do not understand this world. I do not understand this silence. I will stay and fight for my country, but I cannot do it alone. I need allies like you. Please help us get this world to care about what is happening to us. Please help us by informing your countries' most important media what is going on here in Afghanistan. Be our voices outside of Afghanistan... Days after publishing this letter, Sahraa had to flee from Afghanistan as the Taliban took control of Kabul. Within several weeks, I made this interview with her. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Before establishing the second Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan in August 2021, the Taliban promised they would not revert to the repressive policies and stringent interpretations of Islam they had imposed during their previous regime. However, since the US withdrawal—and despite financial incentives from the West and diplomatic pleadings within the region—the Taliban have reneged on this vow. Why have the Taliban not moderated? This article argues that their rivalry with Islamic State‐Khorasan (IS‐K) is the central cause. The Taliban are concerned that compromise on fundamentalism will lead their hard‐line factions to break ranks and join IS‐K, enhancing its reputation and allowing it to recruit more foreign fighters. This could lead to increased violence and socioeconomic and political instability in Afghanistan, undermine the legitimacy of the Taliban, and spark the collapse of the regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Afghanistan has been an important factor in India–Russia ties. There was not much cooperation between them before 1979. However, in later years, the two countries had an intelligence-sharing mechanism along with Afghanistan in order to deal with their common security challenges which had close links with security situation in Afghanistan. In the 1990s, India–Russia supported their mutual fight against terrorism as Taliban-controlled Afghanistan became a common security challenge. In the current context, both countries have established institutional mechanisms to coordinate their Afghanistan policies. Their engagement with Taliban is 'conditional' while the two countries would continue to share intelligence and coordinate their respective Afghanistan policies since they still face similar security challenges from Afghanistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To determine multifaceted determinants of household vulnerability to food insecurity in Afghanistan before and after the Taliban takeover, we randomly selected 555 households from 13 provinces, conducted in-person surveys, and applied the Household Food Insecurity Assess Scale (HFIAS) and Structural Equation Modeling (SEM). We collected data from January to April 2022. We observed an increase in both prevalence and severity of food insecurity among Afghan households after the Taliban takeover. Approximately, 98% and 70% of interviewed households were food insecure after and before the Taliban takeover, respectively. Similarly, households were more likely to be severely food insecure (81%) than before (40%). Our results showed that policy and political conditions contributed substantially to the food insecurity of Afghan households after the Taliban takeover. We recommend that the Taliban forces facilitate the presence of humanitarian organizations and NGOs to improve low-income households' food security, especially for women and children. We also recommend that international organizations enhance their attempts to negotiate with the Taliban to ensure freedom for women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Afghanistan as a focal state for super powers remained a war-torn territory since 19th century. Its geopolitical importance can't be ignored as country connects South Asia to Central Asia. Afghanistan as a neighbouring state of Pakistan is also very significant for India. Peaceful/violence circumstances in Afghanistan have immense effect on Pakistan. Pakistan had to pay high cost of the war against terror in the Afghanistan. Despite extending of full cooperation to USA, Pakistan was identified as an untrustworthy state, as US blamed Pakistan that all the terrorists operating in Pakistan are the state sponsored terrorists. On the other hand, Pakistan as the US ally cannot be trustworthy for Taliban. During peace process, paradoxically US accepted Pakistan as a vital mediator between the Taliban and US. Pakistan remained US ally, whenever US needed. On other hand, Pakistan may have to pay heavy cost after US withdrawal. After Taliban take over, Pakistan has started to deliver humanitarian aid to Afghanistan and provided shelter to Afghan refugees. China, the emerging power of the world, has taken initiatives to enhance with Afghanistan. Once again it is China which needed Pakistan for successfully attaining its aim. Pakistan eminence in South Asian region cannot be neglected. Regional peace and stability are vital for Pakistan's own viability and prosperity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Afghanistan's unique geopolitical location at crossroads of Central, East, and South Asia, along with its historical significance, has made it a focal point for global powers. Post-Soviet era, it served as a buffer against Russian influence. The abrupt U.S. withdrawal in August 2021 disrupted regional stability, allowing the terrorist groups like Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) to thrive. Taliban, now in control, faces internal challenges with ISIS targeting both civilians and Taliban leadership. The Taliban's reluctance to confront other terrorist factions jeopardizes not only Afghan peace but also regional stability, impacting projects like OBOR and CPEC. The Afghanistan's instability directly affects neighboring Pakistan, emphasizing the interconnectedness of the internal Afghan security and Pakistan's peace. For enduring peace, concerted efforts from regional and international actors are imperative to address Afghanistan's internal security and stabilize the region. The current study is qualititative in nature and discussion the leading issues related to the Afghanistan intricacies and its allied impact and considerations for Pakistan. This study addressed these challenging issues and its implications for Pakistan in prevailing situations in order to reach conclusion and offer recommendations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During a 20-year civil war, the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA) has served as a bastion of international support, democratic values, and humanitarian assistance. Highlighting democratization, security, economic assistance, and human rights, we employed over 20 years of United Nations (UN) archives to examine the effectiveness of its mission mandates, and found that UNAMA had reduced child labor and judicial corruption while increasing civil society and facilitating international humanitarian aid. However, UNAMA failed to improve security or establish an inclusive government, particularly with respect to human rights violations. After the US military withdrawal in 2021, the future of UNAMA is contingent upon political negotiations with the Taliban. Only time will tell whether contributions of the mission will persist into the post-conflict era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Risk is not always right! As threats against Christians intensify in many parts of the world, we must gain deeper understanding of when God is calling us into risky situations and be spiritually and emotionally prepared for the possible results. This article by an experienced risk consultant dispels common myths and offers a mature theological perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the formation of the second Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan (IEA) is a case of déjà vu for China and that, despite its engagement with the new Taliban-led government, Beijing will be unable to meet its geopolitical, geostrategic, geo-economic and national security goals in the country. There are two main reasons for this. Firstly, similarly to the situation under the first IEA, the Taliban are finding it difficult to bring peace and stability to Afghanistan. The security situation will remain perilous due to persistent attacks by the Islamic State-Khorasan Province (IS-KP) group. Secondly, and also just as during the first IEA, the Taliban cannot be relied upon as allies in China's "war on terror". This is due to the Taliban's ideological beliefs, decades of ties with the Uyghur militants in Afghanistan and concerns about reputational damage if it breaks links with Islamist groups or undertakes counterterrorism operations against these groups, damage which may undermine the second IEA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research shows that contagious violence is playing important role in spreading violence against women in Afghanistan. This research argues that it is important to pay attention on how violence expose a subject, when it happened and who ie exposed by violence at that time. It is important also to produce immunity amidst society in Afghanistan. It is important to prevent wider transmission of violence in Afghanistan. Contagious violence and immunity theory shows that Taliban is the Host of violence that needsto overcome. Taliban massively spreading violence to disrupt immune system of anti violence in Afghanistan. Hiding the prove and preventing report activity will causes horrible silent spreading of violence. This research also shows that tracing and immediate response to any violence act is needed to cut off chain of contagious violence. Finding violence cluster and directly intervene is needed to prevent the subject who already exposed becoming more violent than perpetrator. Produce immunity system and direct intervention into all cluster of violence amidst society is more effective than urging Taliban to stop violence itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The overreaching objective of the current study is to investigate the association of quality of life with Afghan households' food insecurity. The data was collected immediately after the Taliban took control of a large part of Afghanistan. About a total of 555 households' heads participated in a face-to-face interview, using the HFIAS and WHOQOL-100 questionnaires along with some questions related to their socioeconomic characteristics at two different times, before and after the Taliban's takeover. The comparative analysis showed that 98% of Afghan households were food insecure after the Taliban takeover, while 70% of them faced food insecurity before the Taliban's takeover. The quality of life in the Taliban era is worse than before the Taliban. All dimensions of quality of life have decreased, and this decrease was more pronounced for the psychological, environmental, and physical domains. It is recommended that international organizations, NGOs, and local agents focus on these dimensions of the quality of life to improve food security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the reasons for the rise of the Taliban and the onset of the insurgency in Afghanistan after the 2001 U.S. invasion, using counterfactual and path dependence analysis to bolster its arguments. We argue that the U.S. decision to de-Talibanize was a critical juncture, after which the rise of insurgency was far harder to prevent. The total rejection of the Taliban translated into the under-representation of Pashtuns in the Afghan government, delivering power to ethnic minorities at their expense. De-Talibanization led the United States to support strongmen to hunt the Taliban, but they were predatory, creating grievances that the Taliban exploited to recruit. Finally, de-Talibanization led many Taliban to flee to Pakistan, pushing them into the country most opposed to Afghanistan new political order. The lessons of the U.S. experience in Afghanistan suggest the necessity of a strategy for managing defeated enemies after an initial military victory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ismailis are a minority community within the larger world of Sunni and Shia Muslims and were persecuted by conservative Muslim religious and political leaders. They were marginalised in the social, cultural and political arena and were forced to dissimulate their faith in order to avoid adversarial confrontation by hostile forces. Scholars and writers in the Muslim world avoided any objective and candid discussions of the community fearing that they might encounter severe reprisal by their own dogmatic and biased leaders. In Afghanistan, the Hazara Ismailis experienced discrimination, marginalisation and repression because of their ethnicity and religious beliefs. They endured years of political, social, cultural and economic deprivation. However, their situation improved after the downfall of the Taliban rule in late 2001. Although Ismailis, for the most part, were treated as footnotes in most historical literature, they became the main topic of historical and development literature after their spiritual leader, His Highness the Aga Khan IV and present Imam of the Ismailis worldwide, got involved in the reconstruction of Afghanistan's war-torn infrastructures. Parallel to this endeavour, the Aga Khan also abolished the hereditary system of leadership in the Ismaili community, established modern institutions and appointed a new generation of leaders to guide the community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

INTRODUCTION: More than four decades of war and tragedy have destroyed most of the public infrastructure in Afghanistan. Currently, drug use is a major public health crisis in the country and drug treatment services have extremely limited coverage. This article is a review of substance use problem and treatment situation prior to the reinstatement of Taliban. The aim of this article is to provide evidence-based recommendations for policy makers to improve substance use treatment services and to integrate some components of this sector into primary health care and to ensure sustainability of services. METHODS: A systematic search was conducted using key databases Medline, Embase, PsycINFO and Global Health. Manual search was also conducted to find further studies using Google Scholar, WHO, UNODC, relevant NGOs and Afghan government websites. RESULTS: Substance use treatment programs have significant achievements over the last recent years in Afghanistan. However, many challenges need to be addressed. Current treatment programs are mainly donor dependent, and their sustainability is not ensured. CONCLUSIONS: Substance use treatment sector has made significant progress in Afghanistan. But almost all programs have been in forms of shortterm projects funded by external donors. Communitybased approaches and expanding care to rural areas need to be prioritized as reasonable and cost-effective alternatives for the current resource-intensive programs. Further coordination mechanisms need to be established among different stakeholders to mobilize resources and engage community and local actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analyses of women's rights and gender equality in Afghanistan have historically depicted a clear binary: patriarchal and conservative men resisting aspirational women. However, such analyses have failed to account for the significant number of men in Afghanistan who have been vocal advocates for women's rights and have worked tirelessly towards building a gender-just society. To challenge stereotypical representations, this report draws on primary interview data to explore the views of Afghan male allies who are working for gender equality and feminist peace in the country. The report discusses the allies' perspectives on gender relations and their commitment towards feminist peace. The report also offers an analysis of the current situation in Afghanistan under the Taliban regime and its implications for our male allies and their work. Through their stories, the report hopes to shed light on the challenges faced by men who support women's rights in Afghanistan and challenge the narrow portrayal of Afghan men as culturally and religiously conservative and opposed to gender equality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article introduces the Symposium on the Afghanistan War. During and after the American withdrawal from Afghanistan, emotions ran high. This special issue responds to public calls for further in-depth study of the Afghanistan War. We assembled an international array of interdisciplinary scholars who address reasons the mission became a misadventure. Additional papers focus on the consequences borne by the people who served and the institutions that fought America's longest war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Western defeat in Afghanistan was due to an inadequate process of strategic reflection informed, first, by an overestimation of the attractiveness of the Western political agenda to Afghans and, second, by overconfidence in the effectiveness of its military approach. As a corollary, popular support for the Taliban was underestimated. The insurgents possessed a degree of what we term strategic cohesion—a sociopolitical and military embeddedness within society—that produced a far stronger strategic effectiveness than we could replicate in our Afghan allies. Furthermore, a military-professional mindset underestimated the degree to which political considerations permeated the battlefield. The political effect of military actions was insufficiently integrated into strategic practice. Specifically, the linchpin officer in staff planning and field operations in Western armies struggled to act as what we term strategic colonels. In both respects, the war continues to offer important lessons for Western involvement in future conflict, including with Russia and China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On October 7, 2001, 3 weeks after 9/11, U.S. forces attacked Afghanistan; bombers struck Taliban headquarters and Al Qaeda training sites. By early December, the Taliban and Al Qaeda have been defeated and had fled. However, a war that began so successfully in 2001, eventually ended ignominiously on August 30, 2021, almost exactly 20 years later, with a U.S. withdrawal and a total Taliban victory. The speed of the Taliban's triumph shocked everyone. The entire campaign, costing US$2.3 trillion and 2,488 U.S. lives, had failed—utterly. The United States had lost its longest-ever war. How is it possible to explain a defeat of that magnitude? This article seeks to address this question. Although numerous factors played a role, this article identifies three principal factors: the environment, the local politics, and the Taliban. Afghanistan is a very difficult place to conduct large-scale military operations. The West never came to terms with the local politics and consequently undermined their own efforts. Finally, although they were not militarily sophisticated, the Taliban were politically astute and very resilient. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States government's inability to view the conflict with the Taliban through the lens of the bargaining model of war was a fundamental element of its failure in Afghanistan. This problem was reinforced by a dysfunctional civil–military relations shaped by Samuel Huntington's theory of objective control, resulting in the military pursuing campaigns of attrition that fit its organizational preferences but did not advance civilian political goals. These issues are evident in three different moments during the War in Afghanistan where the U.S. failed to seize an opportunity that could have changed the result of the conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Before the occupation of Kabul by the Taliban movement in 2021, there had been some hopes that in power, it would behave very differently from how it acted when it earlier occupied Kabul from 1996 to 2001. This proved not to be the case. Always inscrutable, the movement prioritized ideology over interests, embodied a "theocratic-descending" model of authority, and was the product of a pathogenic pattern of socialization. Under such circumstances, the likelihood that it could succeed in securing legitimacy appears very low. A more likely scenario is the use of extreme coercion by the Taliban to crush any resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Though there is no constitution or founding document at present, a book written in 2022 by Abdul Hakim Haqqani, the Chief Justice of the Taliban's government, titled The Islamic Emirate and Its System (al-Imarat al-Islamiat wa-Manzumatuha) appears to be a blueprint for the newly minted Islamic Emirate (IEA). This is the first intentionally prepared written source by a senior Taliban official on the intellectual foundations of the IEA structure. The book addresses various subjects, such as the sources of Islamic legislation, independence, and the principles of politics, judiciary, and economics. It is a distillation of the intellectual foundations, and it offers new insight into the Taliban's political strategy. In this essay I present some of the central ideas of Haqqani's book and question its implications for understanding the conflicting synthesis of the Taliban's religious and cultural identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]