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This research examines the portrayal of both male and female homosexuality in Spanish cinema between the years 1970 and 1979. In order to achieve this objective, a sample of 575 feature films produced and released over the course of the decade was selected, and a total of 74 films were chosen from this sample. The recurrence of films containing representations of both male and female homosexuality during the five years preceding and following the conclusion of the dictatorship is examined. From the perspective of narrative theory, a quantitative character analysis is conducted to ascertain traits pertaining to age, educational level, openness, family integration, socio-economic status, and personal care of the identified profiles. This analysis reveals the emergence of distinct typologies in late-Francoist cinema that diverge from those observed in the narratives produced during the early years of the Transition, particularly regarding the portrayal of both male and female homosexuality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The editorial flourishing of graphic narratives in Spain provided memoirs and fictionalisations of the civil war and the dictatorship at the core of the phenomenon. I analyse the transmission of paternal memories in the works of Miguel Ángel Gallardo and Francisco Gallardo (Un largo silencio, 1997) and Antonio Altarriba and Kim (El arte de volar, 2009). While both Gallardo and Altarriba collect and (re)produce their father's memories, I point out their distinct approaches that echo two different zeitgeists of representation. The spirit of the Spanish transition – the so-called 'Pact of Silence' – that prevails in Gallardo's patrilineal account, was revisited throughout a sort of Lacanian père-version in Altarriba's narrative. The latter perverts, in form and substance, the Transition as a patrilineal norm, constituting a transgression from the symbolic status quo, from the silence that actually prevails in both Gallardo's story and the transition itself, although without abandoning the patriarchal lineage and scope. I argue that while that patrilineal account is symbolic, celebratory and literal in Un largo silencio, such patrilineality unfolds as imaginary, inquisitive and literary in Altarriba's narrative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper aims to develop a comparative perspective that allows the reader to explore the traces of authoritarian systems in contemporary Polish and Spanish culture. The point of departure is the research of Polish scholars from the Post-Dependence Studies Centre, who examine Polish culture with postcolonial tools adapted to the post-communist context. From there, the article attempts to formulate a methodological framework – the so-called post-authoritarian subaltern studies – applicable to post-Franco and post-communist culture, particularly the presence of subaltern characters in contemporary cultural texts. In accordance with the proposed methodology, the author analyses three texts: Homo Polonicus (1992) by Marek Nowakowski, Los mares del sur by Manuel Vázquez Montalbán (1979) and Amado amo (1988) by Rosa Montero. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes a review of the transición period and first decades of the Autonomous Community of the Canary Islands, focusing on the role played by the traditional power groups of the islands of Tenerife and Gran Canaria, which have fiercely confronted each other since the beginning of the 19th century. The analysis confirms the central position occupied by these groups during the years preceding and following the birth of the Autonomous Community, innovatively approaching the set of political actions developed by these elites as a countermobilization. To this end, the article identifies and deals with four dynamics that emerged with the transition and threatened to disrupt the status quo in the islands. Then, it analyses some of the reactions deployed by the pleito insular elites, triggered mostly by the anxiety felt by these groups in the face of such dynamics. Based on this new perspective, the party Coalición Canaria is presented as the most important outcome of the countermobilization under examination, becoming an effective instrument that has had the capacity to shape the archipelago's political order, to a large extent, according to the will of those elites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El crack (1981), El crack dos (1983) and El crack cero (2019) by José Luis Garci make up a trilogy that adapts the genre of American film noir to Madrid's reality during the Transition, spanning from the months before the death of Francisco Franco until 1982. This article analyzes what we consider to be the main expressive key of the three titles: the visual continuity and complementarity between Germán Areta, the leading detective, and Madrid's views. We detected two aesthetic patterns sustained throughout the trilogy: the urban landscape shots presented in an internal dialogue with Areta's gaze and the non-narrative successions of pictures of the city, where there's no depiction of the protagonist. Both resources allow us to deploy a textual analysis of the films to illustrate how that citycharacter progression is built, typical of classic film noir but much more radical in the hands of Garci. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay analyzes the representation of institutionalized torture in 1980's Spanish cinema as it denounces police practices during the early years of Democracy. Consequently, this essay studies and examines the data on tortures practiced during the Spanish Transition based on Sophie Baby's and Ignacio Mendiola's research. It also analyzes the role torture has in a democratic government in conversation with Darius Rejali's work. Under this premise, the essay examines two films which have been celebrated due to the different topics they show on screen and the different perspectives they represent within Spanish cinema, yet both express a clear representation of state torture. These movies are: El crimen de Cuenca (1979) and La muerte de Mikel (1984). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Starting from the consideration of the problems generated by the disorderly growth of the Andalusian cities in the 1960's, this paper proposes to analyze how a change of orientation occurred during the Transition in the search for the solution of these problems in the urban field, hand in hand with the neighborhood movement and various professional groups, specially that of architects. In particular, the article considers this collaboration essential to understand the change from a remedial urban planning to a more proactive one, with a morfologist root, materialized in the generation of Local Urban Plans approved by the first democratic City Councils throughout the 1980's. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The origin of the union ESK (Ezker Sindikalaren Konbergentzia) took place in the context of the Spanish Democratic Transition in the Basque Country and Navarre, when many radical unions and political parties emerged and disappeared. Its survival may help us trace better the effectiveness of union renewal strategies. Characterized by high conflict and mobilization rates at the company level, ESK militants sought to promote direct action and horizontal organizational structures standing at the opposite end of the model promoted by the new brand CCOO (Comisiones Obreras). The origin and development of ESK cannot be understood without the parallel analysis of the communist political party EMK (Euskadiko Mugimendu Komunista). ESK turned out to be the most effective and long-lasting materialization of EMK's strategy of mass politics, and of what we conceive as a form of 'integral militancy' that is reflected in the immersion of union activists in ecologist, feminist, internationalist and anti-NATO struggles among others. EMK had a significant role in the promotion of unitary candidacies during the late 1970s and early 1980s, becoming the consolidation of a non-independentist non-centralized radical union model that continues to be referential among Basque struggles today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to observe the transformation of photojournalism along Spanish Transition through a comparative analysis between two national newspapers: El País and ABC and a regional one: La Voz de Galicia. Try to check to what extent the trend pointed by El País was followed by the rest of the newspapers. It uses a sample of relevant news and is complemented by an interview with the photojournalist from La Voz de Galicia Xosé Castro.Results show that El País, from the beginning, establishes new paradigms in photojournalism; but these are not followed by the other newspapers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Carmen Martín Gaite's adaptation of Gil Vicente's Tragicomedia de Don Duardos (c. 1522), produced in 1978 by the Centro Nacional de Iniciación del Niño y el Adolescente al Teatro (CNINAT). The CNINAT was a branch of the Dirección General de Teatro y Espectáculos and the Ministerio de Cultura. Despite only four years of activity after it was created during the Spanish Transition, the CNINAT had a considerable impact on cultural policies geared toward children's education, especially through the performing arts. Founded by stage director José María Morera, the Center became a civic engagement initiative committed to promoting theater as an experiential tool for the new generation coming of age during complex political change in their most vulnerable, formative years. Within this context, Martín Gaite's adaptation of Don Duardos represents a paradigmatic experiment for two reasons. On the one hand, the adaptation emphasizes the novelist's prolonged commitment to developing and nurturing socially engaged children's literature. On the other, it exemplifies how it was possible to recast early modern Peninsular theater as a progressive, inclusive cultural legacy that guided young audiences to new values and ideals that gradually took hold during the Transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the role of participatory cinephilia in the resistance to censorship near the end of the Franco regime in Spain (1968–1974). It takes as its case study the letters pages, or Consultorio, of "Mr Belvedere" in the commercial Barcelona-based film magazine Nuevo Fotogramas. Reconstructing as much as possible the identities and concerns of those who wrote to the magazine, the paper concentrates above all on the distinctive style and mode of address of "Mr Belvedere" and the relationship and community that he built up with suffering cinéfilos and cinéfagos deprived of films, in whole or in part, by the censor. The paper concludes that the Consultorio not only had a key function in the continued transmission of film knowledge under the dictatorship, but that Mr Belvedere's playful and ironic style was consistent with the overall disposition of Nuevo Fotogramas, whose deliberate frivolity was in itself a challenge to the regime's values and norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the creation of communes within the last years of Franco's dictatorship and Spain's transition to democracy (1968–1986). Specifically, it analyses why some self-considered counter-cultural and young people conceived the communes as an alternative to the family in a general debate about social organization. Responding to an ontological turn in history, the article shows that communes were expected to carry out a personal revolution and open a way to realise a harmonious social relationship by the practical implementation of a set of assumptions about both the world and human nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to examine the literary discourses of Basque novels that deal with the memory of the Spanish Civil War, and to compare them with the sociopolitical context in which they were published. Firstly, we offer a summary of the period from the Spanish transition to the dissolution of Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA, Euskadi and Freedom), focusing on the factors that worked either in favour of or against remembrance of the war. Then we interpret accounts of the war in Basque novels. Finally, our conclusion is that, in general terms, there is a parallelism between political and literary dynamics, although by the 1990s Basque novels were ahead of the times in seeing the need to provide a new, critical image of the Civil War; in the political field, however, that process was to take place at the beginning of the new millennium. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cecilia Bartolomé has been the most controversial and dissident movie director of Spanish Cinema during late Francoism and Transition. This article pretends to show the polemics suffered by two of her most critical films: Margarita y el lobo (1969), the end-of-course assignment of the Official Cinema School; and Después de... (1981), co-directed with her brother José Juan Bartolomé. Through the analysis of the administrative problems of these two films, a comparative analysis between both will be made to understand what content is controversial in each period and how the censorship attacks the movies of this film director not just in the dictatorial period, but also during the Transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to observe the transformation of photojournalism along Spanish Transition through a comparative analysis between two national newspapers: El País and ABC and a regional one: La Voz de Galicia. Try to check to what extent the trend pointed by El País was followed by the rest of the newspapers. It uses a sample of relevant news and is complemented by an interview with the photojournalist from La Voz de Galicia Xosé Castro. Results show that El País, from the beginning, establishes new paradigms in photojournalism; but these are not followed by the other newspapers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes an approach from the perspective of Affect Theory to the work of the Sevillian Nazario Luque, specifically to his comic Purita (1975-77), which will be contextualised within the framework of the Spanish Transition. First, I will analyse the development of underground culture and feminism, as well as their influences on the creation of an emotional community. Then, I will examine the character of Purita as an icon of her society. In this sense, the value of Nazario's work is notable; his creation exemplifies the birth and development of a new structure of feeling. Thus, we will delve into some aspects --family, society, and sexuality-- in order to articulate Nazario's vision in the sensitive period of pre-democratic Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a reflection of the imminent change from late Francoism to the Spanish transition, discourses emerged in film narratives which portrayed aspects of society practically unaddressed until then, such as the LGTBIQ+ content, the "quinqui" marginality or the 'S' cinema. Madrid and Barcelona are presented as the main settings for new discursive constructs that portray a generation which differed from the preceding Francoist modes. This research analyses and exposes the synergy between characters and urban settings by which the city acts as an emotional map of the story and a location for change in the first films of Spanish democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the protest culture of the Spanish anti-NATO movement during the first half of the 1980s. Adopting a multidisciplinary approach, it focuses on the collective practice of painting murals and graffiti (pintadas) on walls in the outskirts of Spanish cities. This was done by neighbourhood associations, together with local artists, in order to display and disseminate the widespread angst regarding entering and remaining in NATO. Murals constituted a grassroots multi-layered phenomenon that emerged through the interaction of different communicative actors, social processes and semiotic forms. The article explores three themes. Firstly, the political iconography of anti-NATO murals in Spain whilst comparing it with the aesthetics of other European peace movements. Secondly, the domestic reframing of anti-war and antinuclear icons as well as anti-American clichés, violence and the army, gender relations, Spanish national sovereignty and, more generally, the process of modernisation and westernisation that was rapidly affecting post-Francoist society. Finally, the analysis of these visual expressions offers a bottom-up picture of the final stage of the Cold War and a better understanding of the role of Spanish civil society during the period of democratic consolidation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The historiography about the Spanish Transition to Democracy is one of the most prolific in terms of the number of recent works and publications. This article will offer an overview of the treatment that, specifically, the collective memory of the Transition has received the main interpretive approaches to it. Subsequently, a possible interpretative proposal will be offered from the introduction of the concept of nostalgias prestadas, to treat a historical process which memory and symbolic spaces has a great relevance and influence in the current history of Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: The Urban Robinson appeared in 1984. It was the first work published by Antonio Muñoz Molina. As such, it contains the key elements of the initial work of the author. Those elements are foundation for his later production. Methodology: This work analyses The Urban Robinson under the dialectic between the Enlightenment and Romanticism, which offers a perspective from which to read the years and tensions of the Spanish democratic transition as a historical period, as well as the relations between journalism (exercised in freedom again) and literature. To make this analysis, this article uses bibliography on journalism and literature, on the one hand, and, on the other, on Enlightenment and Romanticism, as well as on Postmodernism as a post-Romantic period. Discussion: The Urban Robinson is presented, in the first years of Spanish democracy, as a defence of reason and of the Enlightenment project, although it also reports its risks and excesses. Among them, the social control by the State, the market or technology, the devastation of the historical heritage of the cities, the alienation of the individual, the return of superstitions and nationalist folklorism, intellectual snobbery or the hegemony of the productivist morality. Conclusion: All these are elements typical of the romantic criticism of the Enlightenment, which find in the pages of a local progressive newspaper, in the Granada of the Transition and in Muñoz Molina's pen, a framework of genuine and singular manifestation and expression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies how independent theater in 1970s Spain challenges the hegemonic narrative of the Spanish transition to democracy as a negotiated and nonconfrontational process. Focusing on four case studies of highly successful plays, it argues that theater offered a space for dissent and for debating the process of democratization. Using archival material and oral sources, it proposes to study what Kate Elswit calls "archives of watching" from testimonies of actors and audience members in order to problematize the memories of the performances. Moreover, examples of non-textual theater studied in this article cast new light on the debates about democracy and participation in the Spanish transition to democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This review essay examines two recent studies devoted to the child in Spanish film including The Two cines con niño: Genre and the Child Protagonist in over Fifty Years of Spanish Film, 1955–2010 (2018) by Erin K. Hogan and Inhabiting the In-Between: Childhood and Cinema in Spain's Long Transition (2018) by Sarah Thomas. While both works share the notion of the Spanish cinematic child as a monstrous "other," Hogan explores the child's dialogism through ventriloquism in the making of the two cine con niño genres. Thomas, on the other hand, investigates the complex and ambiguous nature of the child in Spanish film during the Spanish Transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The national idea of the so-called Catalan Countries took off during late francoism and the transition. Its main theorist, the Valencian writer Joan Fuster, turned into a totem of the anti-Franco struggle. All the political cultures in Catalonia, the Valencian Country and the Balearic Islands debated on Fuster's national proposal. The revolutionary left did not stay out of the discussion. The whole amalgam of acronyms and organizations that were part of this political culture, were bound to debate on the topic . Nevertheless, the discussion was always lagging behind the political events as well as the intellectual debates which nationalism and the majority of the leftist movement carried out. Both, the lack of theorizing and vagueness became the general rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The analysis focuses on crime series by Manuel Vázquez Montalbán (the Pepe Carvalho series, Spain, 1974-2004) and Leonardo Padura (the Mario Conde series, Cuba, 1989-2018). Both authors chronicle historical momentum in form of detective series initiated by drastic social changes: the Spanish Transition (1975-1982) and the Special Period in Time of Peace (1991-2000) in Cuba respectively. The article attempts to track how both authors employ the notions of space, time and mobility within the genre while portraying society in transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work traces the affinities between Montserrat Roig, and Marta Sanz, to show a continuity between the patriarchal structures of Francoism and those of the Transition as illustrated in two of their novels. It reflects on the heteropatriarchal legacy of Franco's regime by analysing the importance of the role of sentimentality when subverting the distance that goes from representation to self-representation of women's bodies and subjectivities within a cultural (literary) canon that remains ostensibly masculine. This comparison between both authors brings to light the way in which they problematize their own internalization of a patriarchal male gaze, and how they mobilize strategies to counter the social discourses that have led to that internalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taking the historical convergence between the Spanish Political Transition and the acceleration of the secularization process as a background, this paper examines the keys to understand the deactivation of the so called «religious question» from a socio-historical perspective and through the analysis of a collection of various historical materials (archives, statistics, oral sources, etc.). Thus, the article examines the consolidation of a «centrism», also in the socio-religious sphere, during the beginning of the construction of democracy in Spain, based on the potential relationship between Transition and secularization, and the reactivation of low-intensity culture wars, which were inserted in a democratic context from that moment on. Around these two axes we will present the characteristics and dilemmas of religious presence in a nonconfessional and increasingly secularized Spanish framework, in which not only was consensus on the religious question possible, but dissent was increasingly naturalised by democratic mechanisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the agricultural unionism of reformist trend that rose up during the Spanish Transition through the specific example of the Asociación Empresarial Provincial Agraria (AEPA), a farmer union created in Valladolid in 1977. First, we are going to realise a brief approach to the general context of the Spanish agricultural unionism in the second half of the seventies. Then, we will focus our attention on the analysis of the background, creation, and first development of AEPA. For this, we use the provincial press and documentation of the Civil Government. The main objective is to show that the reformist conservative agricultural groups also were responsible for the unionisation that emerged in the Spanish countryside during the Transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1981 and 1982 the government of Leopoldo Calvo-Sotelo developed a policy aimed at harmonizing and homogenizing the nascent "state of autonomies". Once the Statutes of Catalonia and the Basque Country were approved, it was a question of setting up a new model of territorial organization of the Spanish State. To this end, he sought the support of the PSOE and was opposed by the Basque and Catalan nationalists. This paper addresses this crucial and understudied period of recent history from original documentation from the Calvo-Sotelo Archive. The sources show the internal debates by the UCD government and help to clarify what the decision-making process was on a matter of such historical significance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article poses the possibility of achieving a better knowledge of the History of International Relationships between Spain and China. To achieve this, it has been analysed the period of the History corresponding to the Spanish Transition, a period that coincided with the political reform in China, conducted by Deng Xiaoping, and with the international opening of both countries after years isolated from the first line of the global politics. With primary sources like memoirs of the protagonists and witnesses to historical events and news in the press, we can know that 1978-1982 was a period in which Spain and China had a significant development in their bilateral relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article is the result of the analysis of a survey conducted among 79 first-year High School students about the Spanish transition. Through this research, we want to assess, with a quantitative methodology, the knowledge and ideas that the surveyed students have about this historical period after the completion of Secondary Education. A survey was conducted with a variety of questions, among which are included some interrelated to check possible contradictions in the answers. The survey covers different issues: from historical figures to more global actors such as different organizations or social mobilizations. This study reveals that surveyed students think that the transition was a violent period, although there are also some contradictions in their knowledge of this period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies women's participation in the struggle against the dictatorship in Spain (from 1960 to 1975). Drawing on life stories of women activists from el Marco de Jerez, it examines their repertoires of actions, their frames, and the lack of recognition from both academic and political spheres. A Gramscian approach and the perspective of hegemonic masculinity contribute to explain how women organized, how represented their collective action, and why their memories have been silenced. The theoretical approach has helped to identify relations of hegemony within feminist studies and political movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1974 and 1977, the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (Partido Socialista Obrero Español) (PSOE) went from a weak and fragmented organization to become the second most voted for party. At a time when international solidarity among socialist parties was common, and when the globalization process was becoming increasingly apparent, transnational influences and support played a crucial role in the PSOE's remarkable political growth. Nevertheless, most scholars define the Spanish transition to democracy and its internal developments, which include the PSOE's rise, as a successful self-made product. Only Pilar Ortuño, and more recently Juan Carlos Pereira, have conducted in-depth research into international influences as a key factor in this process. The objective of this article is twofold: to assess the role of the British Labour Movement in the development of the PSOE and its syndicate, the Workers' General Union (Unión General de Trabajadores) (UGT), and to determine to what extent the Labour Movement was responsible for the impressive political growth of the PSOE. In this sense, this article seeks to move beyond and expand on the studies of Ortuño and Pereira by including the role of the British Labour Government in the PSOE's political rise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this research, two unpublished documents of 1975, which revolve around the composition of the officer corps of the Spanish Army and its position on the political situation that would arise after the death of General Franco are analyzed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During Spanish Transition, there're a huge expansion and diversification of differents cinematographic genres, also in politics one. Considering the fact that the gouverment try to give the impression of political consesus, we'll analyze films produced from 1976 to 1982, discovering through it if cinema's image is more critical with the political state, their politicians and the facts wich are producing, or, on the contrary, they look for a conciliatory cinema, uniform. We take advantage of Carlos F. Heredero corpus, focusing in the category defined as History representation, including documentarys and fiction films, concentrating in two esencial movies: Después de... (1981) by Bartolome's brothers and El Oro del PCE o La fiesta de la democracia (1978) directed by Andrés Linares. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based upon the assumption that television has a strong impact in the vision that we have about the pass, along the next pages we analyse the recent history representations present in Spain's tv-fiction and cinematographic productions too. As we establish relationships between both audio-visual productions, we propose to investigate about the construction of Transition's mythos and analyse if there is a television model in the mode of representing the recent history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although it was one of the great movie blockbusters of the time, Joan the Mad... once in a while (José Ramón Larraz, 1983), received harsh criticism from the specialized public, who saw in the film a painful way of making movies. Characters, ambience, script, interpretations, etc., nothing escaped the pen of the critics, who vented their criticism on it. Even so, the public connected perfectly with it, not in vain, the Court of the Catholic Kings came to make the distant Spanish transition their own. Through the following research, we want to value this important contribution of Spanish cinema, as a document that perfectly reflects the political, social, cultural and artistic life of the Spanish Transition, offering a compendium that allows us to understand the thoroughness and intellectuality of the script in all its complexity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Beltenebros by Muñoz Molina has been read as a political novel concerned with the fall of communism in Europe and with the decline of socialism during the Spanish Transition. By way of a deconstructivist analysis of the historical elements in this novel, this article offers a very different reading of Beltenebros - it is here explained as a story about the modernisation of Spain in the 1960s and a rebuke of the communist Spanish Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1976 and 1982, Spain lived an intense political and media context in the process of transition to democracy. During this period, video-politics broke out and it influenced the way politics were conducted and the leadership of politicians. Throughout those years, two presidents led the process of change: Adolfo Suárez and Leopoldo Calvo-Sotelo. Two different leaders: in their way of "doing politics" and in the way in which they used television to connect with society. This paper offers an analysis of, firstly, how both politicians understood their relationship with public television (TVE) and, secondly, what formats they used and the discourse of the television broadcasts that they starred in. To answer these questions, we conducted a thorough review of the existing literature on the topic, the published testimonies of protagonists, the Calvo-Sotelo archive, a content analysis of Televisión Española's archives and the press published during Transition. The findings of this study clearly indicate that TVE marked the evolution of both presidents who, from the beginning, put in place different strategies to match their work from the Executive using public television. On the other hand, the shadow of Suarez and the way in which he had used television during the Transition, did not abandon Calvo-Sotelo whose decisions of media leadership were always aimed at countering the weight of the Suárez's legacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Transition, a part of the emerging press, in this case the comic weeklies El Papus (1977) and El Jueves (1973-1987), used humor as an informative and innovative weapon to promote, with remarkable social repercussion, a sarcastic view of Spanish social and political drift. This paper pretends to analyze what was the concrete editorial position of both publications in front of the essential political events of the Transition during these years and the constituent legislation itself (June 1977- December 1978). The text reviews the political position and analyzes how both magazines faced the emerging party system, in addition to consider whether they came to constitute the first manifestation of dissidence, of what is known as political "disenchantment", an early indication of discrediting the new political system which has occupied little attention in studies of that time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The cinema carried out by José Luis Garci in its first stage (Asignatura pendiente, 1977; Solos en la madrugada, 1978; y, Las verdes praderas, 1979) is a faithful reflection of the new Spanish society that the Transition was building, a cinema linked to the moment that was being lived whose purpose was to portray people and events that were happening almost simultaneously. In the specific case of Solos en la madrugada, the radio becomes the main protagonist, approaching through it the panorama of a Spain that for many years, lived under the protection of news, competitions, serials, sports programs ... they invaded their waves daily. A look at the uses and customs of the average Spaniard, who had found in this type of speech a balm to the reality of a country that was gradually dying, both socially and politically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1982 the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) came to power and put into place an ambitious cultural policy that had a considerable effect on the film industry. In 1983 the so-called "Miró Decree" was enacted. It offered generous measures to promote film production and establish a solid framework for the industry. At the same time, regional governments issued laws to boost the cinema. Both initiatives enabled debut directors to make more committed and personal films. Our work analyses the impact of this legislation on the films that addressed the dramatic theme of ETA terrorism; films that could be made thanks to committed support from central and regional governments. It also looks into how these projects were accepted by Spanish society. The films share common elements such as the way the directors distance themselves from displaying a heroic image of terrorists or a one-dimensional point of view on the Spanish police, while passing judgement on the social and economical crisis that coincided with the beginning of the Transition to democracy. Only four out of the twelve films shot during those six years did well at the box office, tripling their official costs. The rest did not elicit much audience interest, although they paved the way for a new generation of film directors and also established to some extent firmer foundations for the film industry, as was the goal of the Decree. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction. This paper presents the relevance and singularity of the free radios movement in Spain during the Spanish Transition. We aim to define what a free radio is, as well as its evolution and development from its beginnings in 1976 up to 1983 by analyzing the most representative radio stations. Methodology. We consulted bibliographic and hemerographic sources (El País, Abc and La Vanguardia), as well as documents and publications associated to the free radios movement. We also conducted interviews to the founders of historical free radio stations. Findings and conclusions. Free radios were a heterogeneous communicative phenomenon and parallel to mainstream media: they were participative, activist and non-profit, among some attributes. We offer a census of all radio stations broadcasting through these years, emphasizing on the pioneering initiatives of Catalonia, Basque Country, Navarre and Madrid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research aims to analyze the events that took place at the head of the Second Military Region, the city of Seville, during the coup d' etat of 23 -F. Its importance lies in breaking the traditional idea of this event, which has always been considered limited to three protagonists -Lieutenant General Jaime Milans del Bosch and Ussía, Mayor General Alfonso Armada Comyn and Lieutenant Colonel of the Civil Guard Antonio Tejero Molina, and two locations: Madrid and the territory of the Third Military Region, with head in Valencia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Juan Carlos I is the object of his first political caricature, already as king of Spain, barely half a year later his coronation as monarch. Drawn by the illustrator Enrique Ortega (Vitoria, 1949) for Cambio 16, this communication presents unpublished material on this illustration revealing its inner history and political repercussion. Additionally, it aims to make visible and recover the figure of Enrique Ortega as graphic creator with a first biographical semblance. A fact that is researched here for the first time and that places him as one of the key illustrators to redraw the Spanish transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the political identity of Podemos which, along with other political forces, has transformed the party system in Spain. Podemos emerged as a party that rejected the left-right axis, defining itself in terms of a polarity between those "from above" and those "from below". In contrast to other studies, it is here considered that political identity cannot be determined solely in relation to such a dichotomy, but it can be antagonistic, as conceptualized by Laclau, or agonistic, as seen by Mouffe's. Antagonism implies a relation of enmity with the political order and, therefore, a contestation of the latter, whereas agonism involves an adversarial relation with the political order and, hence, its regeneration. Taking this distinction as key to understanding Podemos's political identity, this article presents a discursive analysis of the "purple party", from its origins up to October 2016. The aim is to examine, using criteria based on form rather than contents, whether Podemos sees the existing political order as an insurmountable obstacle to the success of its demands or, rather, a fertile ground to achieve them. In the concluding remarks, it is argued that around January 2015 the initial antagonistic relationship became an agonistic one. The increasing adjustment of the Podemos discourse to the existing political order should not be seen as a moderation but, rather, as a process of negotiation with sedimented meaning. And this is not incompatible with the quest for a new hegemony. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Spain's current economic and social crisis has involved a profound reappraisal of the country's history, institutions, and official narratives, especially after the emergence of the 15M orindignadosmovement in 2011. A crucial example of this shift has been the widespread criticism of Spain's “Transition to Democracy” orTransición, widely considered Spain's “foundational” narrative. In this article, a series of examples from the musical field—including essays, songs, and public uses of music—are studied and contextualized in order to analyze different interpretations and critiques of theTransicióndeveloped by artists, intellectuals, and politicians who took part in the 15M or have been influenced by its “climate” (Fernández Savater). In these examples, two complementary trends are identified: on the one hand, an intention to reclaim part of theTransición'scollective mood through its musical symbols; on the other, a rejection of its political legacy, as expressed in criticisms of its musical canon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the development of music bands fronted by women during the Spanish democratic Transition -a period characterized by the emergence of youth cultures- and how these bands were to a large extent stimulated by the effervescence of what came to be known as the punk movement. The aesthetics of punk is inspired by the artistic avant-garde of the early twentieth century, and it can also be read as a process of mimetic representation of certain iconic "fallen stars". This study aims to explore how this legitimation takes place and how the visual culture itself and its diffusion through certain means of communication fosters a change in the visual perception, with the incorporation into postmodernity of certain marginal dis- courses that emerge out of the very process of sociocultural liberalization that was taking place in Spain at the time. However, the iconographic elements used by the urban subcultures and adopted by female punks in Spain gain strength not only by their visual impact but also by the attitude that they convey. The role of women within this type of mediated subversion will be decisive in a country where identity policies have not yet been legitimized and where a new social context is being articulated, laying the foundations of the feminist attitude. From this point of view, the rebellious attitude adopted by the punk movement will not only imply a strategy of disruption in face of the then-prevailing conventions in the systems of visual repre- sentation, but it will also imply a radical change in the formation of feminist discourse as the basis of integration in contemporary society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the psychiatric content of the novel Los Renglones Torcidos de Dios [The Twisted Lines of God] (1979), by Torcuato Luca de Tena, so as to assess in what way this was capable of reflecting the reality of care in 1970s Spain, within a context of deep cultural changes concerning the concept of madness. The novel reflects a conservative position of resistance and criticizes new developments (psychoanalysis, the anti-psychiatric movement) brought about by a new 'psy culture' in Spain during its transition to democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The essay analyzes TV production El asesinato de Carrero Blanco (Miguel Bardem, 2009) in order to explore historical deconstruction on Spanish Transition. Contrary to film Operación Ogro (Gillo Pontecorvo, 1979) the script, focused on Francoism "grey eminence" intimate aspects, add humanism to the character. Not the closest adviser and first Chief Executive to Franco, but the Navy officer and writer, a fervent Catholic, affective husband and family man who valued loyalty to Spanish Caudillo beyond any State ambition. The result is a sort of biopic that emphasizes Carrero social memory as the early terrorism Government victim, more than the former Regime executioner among audiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]