Search

Previous research has demonstrated that conservative individuals (relative to liberal individuals) were less likely to adhere to COVID‐19 guidelines (e.g., social distancing). We argue that because adherence to COVID‐19 guidelines was largely characterized as "politically correct" behavior, individuals opposed to political correctness (PC) norms would follow COVID‐19 guidelines less, controlling for political conservatism and other relevant demographic variables. In two correlational studies and one preregistered experiment, we tested whether opposition to political correctness (OPC) predicts less adherence to COVID‐19 guidelines. Study 1 showed that OPC correlates negatively with mask‐wearing and social distancing, controlling for conservatism, gender, age, and religious identity. Study 2 replicated and extended these effects, demonstrating that seeing mask‐wearing as a common good (i.e., as a beneficial COVID‐19 mitigation strategy) mediated the relationship between OPC and mask‐wearing, social distancing, handwashing, and vaccination intentions. Study 3 experimentally manipulated feelings toward PC. Inconsistent with our preregistered hypothesis but consistent with previous research, participants induced to have positive feelings toward PC adhered to COVID‐19 guidelines the most and had the most positive feelings toward wearing masks. We discuss how moralization of health guidelines can predict individuals' likelihood of adhering to these guidelines. We also discuss how best to persuade individuals who see adherence to health guidelines as "politically correct," as well as future research directions to address this concern. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research has examined how Jews, Muslims, atheists, and agnostics react to feelings of social identity threat (i.e., the perception that one's group is devalued or stigmatized). However, no research so far has compared reactions between religious minorities (RMs; Jews and Muslims) and nonreligious individuals (NRs; atheists and agnostics) in general. Concealment of identity appears to be lower among RMs than among NRs, although this possibility has not been directly tested. A pilot study was conducted to assess differences in identity concealment between RMs and NRs under social identity threat. Nonreligious individuals were more likely than Jews and Muslims to conceal their religious identity to avoid social identity threat. Furthermore, concealment was related to having less group identity (lower identity centrality). The main study replicated this effect with a larger sample. Implications for managing social identity threat among these groups and directions for future research are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Negative attitudes toward the nonreligious persist in America. This may compel some nonreligious individuals to conceal their identity to manage feelings of social identity threat. In one correlational study and one experiment, we found evidence of social identity threat and concealment behavior among nonreligious Americans. Our first study showed that Southern nonreligious individuals reported higher levels of stigma consciousness and self-reported concealment of nonreligious identity, which in turn predicted lower likelihood of self-identifying as "atheist" in public settings than in private settings. Our second study successfully manipulated feelings of social identity threat by showing that atheists who read an article about negative stereotypes of their group subsequently exhibited higher concealment scores than did atheists who read one of two control articles. Implications for how nonreligious individuals negotiate social identity threat and future directions for nonreligion research are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous studies have shown that disgust sensitivity (DS), right-wing authoritarianism (RWA), religious fundamentalism (RF), and belief in a just world (BJW) are associated with social conservatism and religious questioning (QUEST) is associated with social liberalism. The current study was designed determine whether these personality traits would predict who the student planned to vote for in the 2016 U.S. Presidential primary. Consistent with previous research, DS, RWA, RF, and BJW were positively correlated with social conservatism and QUEST was negatively correlated. Students who were highest on RWA, RF, and lowest on QUEST were most likely to vote for one of the Republican candidates. In contrast, students who were at the opposite end of the scales were most likely to vote for Bernie Sanders, with Hillary Clinton supporters in the middle. There were no differences in DS and few differences in BJW with regard to preferred candidate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]