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In contemporary Australian society, where nationhood has been built upon Western values, non-Caucasian people, including those with a Japanese background, have largely been treated as "others". This attitude was particularly evident during the Second World War. When Japan joined the war in December 1941, some 97 per cent of civilians with a Japanese background living in Australia, including those who were born in Australia, were interned, and the vast majority of them were shipped to Japan after the war, even though they had no real connection to Japan. Based on my archival research, I argue that some of these "Japanese" who were thought to be others were, in fact, Australians, with strong loyalty to Australia. Official documents do not necessarily determine people's nationality, but instead a sense of belonging such as how they relate to a given society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Uniqlo, Japan's largest fashion brand, operates over 2200 stores internationally; however, it is largely pan-Asian as 92% of the stores are in Asia. Taiwan is no exception where the notion of fashion, rather than clothing, originally arrived under Japanese rule in the early twentieth century. After being independent of Japan in the mid-twentieth century, many Taiwanese still preferred Japanese rather than Western designs and trends due to the cultural similarities between Taiwan and Japan. This became further evident when Uniqlo opened its first Taiwanese store in 2010. However, Uniqlo's business model of providing simple design products of high quality can be explained by neither Laver's Law of fashion cycle nor the strategy of European fast fashion brands that offer fast cycle fashion items without guaranteeing quality. To discover motives and reasons behind the Taiwanese mindset, we have conducted 15 interviews, including two with former Uniqlo workers, at various locations in Taiwan. We then conclude that Taiwanese consumers seek quality clothes from Uniqlo, tangible features of clothing rather than symbolic elements of fashion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates how fashion and nationalism were expressed through two iconic dress styles worn by women, the qipao in Taiwan and the terno in the Philippines in the post-WWII era. We consider the positioning of women's bodies in the nation-building project and how sartorial practices reflected expectations around gendered performance in the public and private spheres. Both countries emerged from domination by major powers—Japan and the US—in the post-war era and ruling elites were keen to project an image of nation that was distinctively Asian and modern, while the first ladies of both nations championed their respective styles of national dress. In the Philippines, the terno was a fusion garment adapted over time that reflected the nation's earlier cultural links with Spain, whereas in Taiwan the qipao marked women's bodies as Chinese in the public sphere as Chinese nationalists consolidated their political control over the country. We argue that the relative success and longevity of the terno in the Philippines is due to a lengthy, organic process of internal cultural authentication prior to its take-up by former First Lady Imelda Marcos, as opposed to the top-down imposition of the qipao on Taiwanese women's bodies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japan’s whaling in the Southern Ocean has been a contentious issue in Australia, typified by a systematic and widely supported anti-whaling campaign. This resistance came to a head on 15 January 2008 with the advent of two events; the boarding of a whaling ship by protestors, and the ruling of the Australian Federal Court that Japan’s whaling breached Australian Law. Our comparative discourse analysis of Australian and Japanese media reportage of these events illustrates how each country has constructed alternative realities reflective of their respective pro or anti-whaling agendas. The constructs in each discourse are distinct; the former full of heroes and villains, the latter filled with scientific researchers. Not only does this underscore the depth of the ideological divide, but it raises the issue of journalistic objectivity and the role that journalism plays in influencing public affairs. We suggest that journalists need to think carefully about the consequences of their (mis)-representations and either acknowledge their partisanship and be held to account, or strive for more balance in reporting events. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]