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Overcoming the legacy of the past is never easy. Add in a brewing ethnic conflict in the south, and the task of supporting the institutional transition from a politicised and autocratic police force into a viable and democratic police service and you begin to understand the daunting task facing the Serbian government and its partner, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) in the months following the overthrow of the Milosevic regime in October 2000. The OSCE's role as an independent broker was essential in negotiating a path between a demoralised and outdated police force and a sceptical, untrusting public. Now some six years since the start of the police reform process, it is safe to say that the police service in Serbia today is distinctly different from the one that was inherited from the Milosevic government. Much, however, remains to be done for it to be a truly modern, representative and democratic service. This paper provides an ‘inside’ take on the OSCE's engagement with the Serbian police reform process, its institutional strengths and limitations. Through the lens of the years 2000–2004, this paper will critique the ability of the OSCE to support police and security reform processes. As such the article will assess how the OSCE and the Serbian authorities responded to the challenges facing the policing sector in the post-Milosevic Serbia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses themes relating to the principles of conditionality and partnership, together with the principle of local ownership in the Western Balkans, notably in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Serbia-Montenegro and Kosovo. Specifically assessing the emotive territorial questions facing these Western Balkan countries, the article posits that the international community should aim to promote local ownership in the will to sustainable political transition. Given the EU's focus on the Western Balkans as set out in the European Security Strategy and Thessaloniki summit (2003) and developed through the process of Stabilisation and Association, the author advocates a partnership approach that instils local ownership. It is argued that such an approach has a better chance of responding imaginatively and functionally to unresolved territorial questions. In the second section of this article the author applies the concept of partnership to the territorial challenges facing Bosnia, Serbia-Montenegro and Kosovo. Partnership, as based on the concepts of local ownership and needs-based responsiveness, as opposed to strictly codified conditionality set by Dayton, UN Resolution 1244 and the EU Stabilisation and Association process, is more likely to resolve the ongoing principal territorial political tensions in the Western Balkans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reviews the development of the EU's European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) from its inception at the Cologne European Council Summit in June 1999 until its most immediate challenge, namely, the establishment of a military mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina to take over from NATO's SFOR mission at the end of 2004. After a general survey, an analysis of the challenges and trends that confront ESDP in the coming period follows. In particular, issues relating to recognition, governance and post-nationalism are explored. 1 I wish to acknowledge the European Commission-funded "Research Training Network project" on European Security and Defence Policy, which has enabled this research to be carried out. See I also wish to thank ISIS-Europe, the University of East Anglia, the European University Institute for the use of its library and Ms Sheehy - the princess of proofreading. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At this nascent stage in EU foreign policy development, the focus must be on the near abroad, on the civil instruments at the EU's disposal, on setting the political agenda and on providing real added value in the field of civilian crisis management. The EU needs to be more forthcoming in setting out a coherent EU foreign policy agenda. Such foreign policy coherency necessitates greater synergy between internal EU foreign policy bodies. What has being missing to date is full coherency between the EU political agenda and EU civilian-based activity on the ground, as exemplified in the case of the Solana-brokered Belgrade Agreement in Serbia and Montenegro. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Mental disorders account for six of the 20 leading causes of disability worldwide with a very high prevalence of psychiatric morbidity in youth aged 15-24 years. However, healthcare professionals are faced with many challenges in the identification and treatment of mental and substance use disorders in young people (e.g. young people's unwillingness to seek help from healthcare professionals, lack of training, limited resources etc.) The challenge of youth mental health for primary care is especially evident in urban deprived areas, where rates of and risk factors for mental health problems are especially common. There is an emerging consensus that primary care is well placed to address mental and substance use disorders in young people especially in deprived urban areas. This study aims to describe healthcare professionals' experience and attitudes towards screening and early intervention for mental and substance use disorders among young people (16-25 years) in primary care in deprived urban settings in Ireland. Methods: The chosen method for this qualitative study was inductive thematic analysis which involved semi-structured interviews with 37 healthcare professionals from primary care, secondary care and community agencies at two deprived urban centres. Results: We identified three themes in respect of interventions to increase screening and treatment: (1) Identification is optimised by a range of strategies, including raising awareness, training, more systematic and formalised assessment, and youth-friendly practices (e.g. communication skills, ensuring confidentiality); (2) Treatment is enhanced by closer interagency collaboration and training for all healthcare professionals working in primary care; (3) Ongoing engagement is enhanced by motivational work with young people, setting achievable treatment goals, supporting transition between child and adult mental health services and recognising primary care's longitudinal nature as a key asset in promoting treatment engagement. Conclusions: Especially in deprived areas, primary care is central to early intervention for youth mental health. Identification, treatment and continuing engagement are likely to be enhanced by a range of strategies with young people, healthcare professionals and systems. Further research on youth mental health and primary care, including qualitative accounts of young people's experience and developing complex interventions that promote early intervention are priorities. (350 words) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]