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This study examines the perceptual trade-off between knowledge of a language’s statistical regularities and reliance on the acoustic signal during L2 spoken word recognition. We test how early learners track and make use of segmental and suprasegmental cues and their relative frequencies during non-native word recognition. English learners of Mandarin were taught an artificial tonal language in which a tone’s informativeness for word identification varied according to neighborhood density. The stimuli mimicked Mandarin’s uneven distribution of syllable+tone combinations by varying syllable frequency and the probability of particular tones co-occurring with a particular syllable. Use of statistical regularities was measured by four-alternative forced-choice judgments and by eye fixations to target and competitor symbols. Half of the participants were trained on one speaker, that is, low speaker variability while the other half were trained on four speakers. After four days of learning, the results confirmed that tones are processed according to their informativeness. Eye movements to the newly learned symbols demonstrated that L2 learners use tonal probabilities at an early stage of word recognition, regardless of speaker variability. The amount of variability in the signal, however, influenced the time course of recovery from incorrect anticipatory looks: participants exposed to low speaker variability recovered from incorrect probability-based predictions of tone more rapidly than participants exposed to greater variability. These results motivate two conclusions: early L2 learners track the distribution of segmental and suprasegmental co-occurrences and make predictions accordingly during spoken word recognition; and when the acoustic input is more variable because of multi-speaker input, listeners rely more on their knowledge of tone-syllable co-occurrence frequency distributions and less on the incoming acoustic signal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background Past reports on the speech production of individuals with Williams syndrome (WS) suggest that their prosody is anomalous and may lead to challenges in spoken communication. While existing prosodic assessments confirm that individuals with WS fail to use prosodic emphasis to express contrast, those reports typically lack detailed phonetic analysis of speech data. The present study examines the acoustic properties of speech prosody, aiming for the future development of targeted speech interventions. Aims The study examines the three primary acoustic correlates of prosodic emphasis (duration, intensity, F0) and determines whether individuals with WS have difficulty in producing all or a particular set of the three prosodic cues. Methods & Procedures Speech produced by 12 individuals with WS and 12 chronological age (CA)-matched typically developing individuals were recorded. A sequential picture-naming task elicited production of target phrases in three contexts: (1) no contrast: gorilla with a racket → rabbit with a balloon; (2) contrast on the animal: fox with a balloon → rabbit with a balloon; and (3) contrast on the object: rabbit with a ball → rabbit with a balloon. The three acoustic correlates of prosodic prominence (duration, intensity and F0) were compared across the three referential contexts. Outcomes & Results The two groups exhibited striking similarities in their use of word duration and intensity for expressing contrast. Both groups showed the reduction and enhancement of final lengthening, and the enhancement and reduction of intensity difference for the animal contrast and for the object contrast conditions, respectively. The two groups differed in their use of F0: the CA group produced higher F0 for the animal than for the object regardless of the context, and this difference was enhanced when the animal noun was contrastive. In contrast, the WS group produced higher F0 for the object than for the animal when the object was contrastive. Conclusions & Implications The present data contradict previous assessment results that report a lack of prosodic skills to mark contrast in individuals with WS. The methodological differences that may account for this variability are discussed. The present data suggest that individuals with WS produce appropriate prosodic cues to express contrast, although their use of pitch may be somewhat atypical. Additional data and future speech comprehension studies will determine whether pitch modulation can be targeted for speech intervention in individuals with WS. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research on Mandarin spoken word recognition suggests that when processing lexical tone native listeners tune to various acoustic properties of the incoming signal such as f 0 height, contour and change. These studies overlook the uneven distribution of tone across the Mandarin lexicon; given a particular string of segments, native listeners may be more likely to anticipate a certain tone due to prior experience with the language. The present study used the gating paradigm to investigate how much of the acoustic signal is needed for listeners to trigger such probability-based tone processing. Duration-blocked gates were generated from twelve low frequency and twelve high frequency mono-syllabic morphemes, with each syllable carrying either the most or least probable tone based on spoken corpora. Results from 22 mono-dialectal Mandarin speakers indicate that listeners immediately begin making use of tonal probability information after hearing only the onset and 40 ms of the vowel, primarily when hearing infrequent syllables. These findings demonstrate that the processing of suprasegmental information can be initiated with previously learned distributional knowledge until sufficient acoustic cues inform the listener of an incoming word. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An eye-tracking study investigated how the interaction between syllable frequency and syllable-specific tonal probability guides online lexical access in speakers of mutually unintelligible Chinese dialects with three disparate tonal systems. Mono-dialectal Mandarin speakers, bi-dialectal Shanghai-Mandarin speakers and bi-dialectal Cantonese-Mandarin speakers searched for target Mandarin syllable-tone combinations while their eye movements and mouse clicks were recorded. The results showed dialectal differences in online eye fixation patterns but not in offline mouse responses. For all groups, mouse clicks were fastest for infrequent syllables with most probable tones and slowest for infrequent syllables with least probable tones. In online eye movement responses, only mono-dialectal Mandarin speakers showed an interaction between syllable frequency and tonal probability. Mono-dialectal Mandarin speakers' fixations were fastest for infrequent syllables with probable tones and slowest for infrequent syllables with improbable tones. Mono-dialectal speakers also showed a greater amount of competition from the more probable segmental competitor when hearing improbable tones. Bi-dialectal speakers showed different timing in their integration of tonal probabilities. These findings suggest that highly bilingual speakers track and use Mandarin tonal probabilities, but their sensitivity to L2 tonal information may lag behind monolinguals for online word recognition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Two eye-tracking experiments tested how pitch prominence on a prenominal adjective affects contrast resolution in Japanese adult and 6-year old listeners. Participants located two animals in succession on displays with multiple colored animals. In Experiment 1, adults’ fixations to the contrastive target (pink cat→GREEN cat) were facilitated by a pitch expansion on the adjective while infelicitous pitch expansion (purple rabbit→ORANGE monkey) led to a garden-path effect, i.e., frequent fixations to the incorrect target (orange rabbit). In 6-year olds, only the facilitation effect surfaced. Hypothesizing that the interval between the two questions may not have given enough time for children to overcome their tendency to perseverate on the first target, Experiment 2 used longer intervals and confirmed a garden-path effect in 6-year olds. These results demonstrate that Japanese 6-year olds can make use of contrast-marking pitch prominence when time allows an establishment of proper discourse representation. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: Three eye-tracking experiments investigated the role of pitch accents during online discourse comprehension. Participants faced a grid with ornaments, and followed prerecorded instructions such as “Next, hang the blue ball” to decorate holiday trees. Experiment 1 demonstrated a processing advantage for felicitous as compared to infelicitous uses of L+H* on the adjective noun pair (e.g., blue ball followed by GREEN ball vs. green BALL). Experiment 2 confirmed that L+H* on a contrastive adjective led to ‘anticipatory’ fixations, and demonstrated a “garden path” effect for infelicitous L+H* in sequences with no discourse contrast (e.g., blue angel followed by GREEN ball resulted in erroneous fixations to the cell of angels). Experiment 3 examined listeners’ sensitivity to coherence between pitch accents assigned to discourse markers such as ‘And then,’ and those assigned to the target object noun phrase. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

This study examines the putative benefits of explicit phonetic instruction, high variability phonetic training, and their effects on adult nonnative speakers' Mandarin tone productions. Monolingual first language (L1) English speakers (n = 80), intermediate second language (L2) Mandarin learners (n = 40), and L1 Mandarin speakers (n = 40) took part in a multiday Mandarin‐like artificial language learning task. Participants were asked to repeat a syllable–tone combination immediately after hearing it. Half of all participants were exposed to speech from 1 talker (low variability) while the other half heard speech from 4 talkers (high variability). Half of the L1 English participants were given daily explicit instruction on Mandarin tone contours, while the other half were not. Tone accuracy was measured by L1 Mandarin raters (n = 104) who classified productions according to their perceived tonal category. Explicit instruction of tone contours facilitated L1 English participants' production of rising and falling tone contours. High variability input alone had no main effect on participants' productions but interacted with explicit instruction to improve participants' productions of high‐level tone contours. These results motivate an L2 tone production training approach that consists of explicit tone instruction followed by gradual exposure to more variable speech. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The perception of prosodic prominence is thought to be influenced by multiple competing factors. Three experiments tested the effects of phonological salience, discourse context and listener’s knowledge about the discourse on prosodic prominence judgements, using short adjective–noun phrases extracted from a corpus of spontaneous speech. These phrases had either a prominent L + H* 0 or a less prominent H* !H* pitch accent contour. The phrases were presented in a discourse context which either supported or did not support a contrastive interpretation of the adjective. Effects of the contrastive context to increase the perception of prominence only emerged for the phrases with the phonologically prominent L + H* 0 pitch accent sequence. Additionally, the magnitude of the contrast effect was correlated with the listener’s awareness of the discourse context, suggesting an ample interplay between linguistic context, pragmatic context, and phonology in prominence perception. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]