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This essay aligns Steve Schwarze's notion of melodrama with Richard B. Miller's call for "empathic indignation" and Louise Knops and Guillaume Petit's notion of indignation as "affective transformation" to argue that indignation is a key component of democratic melodramas designed to address social injustice. Using the controversy over military exercises in Vieques, Puerto Rico, which resulted in the withdrawal of the U.S. Navy from the island, the essay shows how empathy and indignation within melodrama can foster meaningful social change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the works of Annie Ernaux, the alliance of desire and disobedience (which I borrow from Georges Didi-Huberman) crystallises a commitment driven by indignation and sustained, as it was in Camus's oeuvre, by a creative revolt against both the indignities endured by the dominated and the government's shameful acts towards them, as well as against the State's disengagement from public services and any instance of declinist discourse. Annie Ernaux's opposition to power transcends mere protest : reminiscent of Camus, who remains a great inspiration, a positive energy 'for' rather than merely 'against' drives her quest for truth, her belief in the exercise of freedom and her fight for dignity. Her engagement against all forms of injustice (whether it be French migration policy, the treatment of the Yellow Vests by the French authorities or the pension reform of 2023) confirms her role as a key protagonist of the re-politicization of the anti-capital movement. If Jean-Luc Mélenchon symbolises a form of counter-power, Ernaux, on the other hand, embodies the power of desire and boundless imagination. Politics and ethics come together in her stylistics (that encompasses accuracy of expression) and carry the hope of another, better life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite a political context marked by affective explicitness and an ongoing affective turn in social sciences, representation theory rarely takes affects and emotions into account. In this article, I respond to this gap by focusing on indignation, as a key affect of the crisis of representation. Building on recent constructivist theories of representation and affect theory, I unpack three affective dynamics of indignation which play a constitutive role in representation: affective imitation, affective transformation and the creation of affective publics. I conclude by raising normative questions on the role of indignation, and affect at large, in theories and practices of representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article titled "The Sweet Militancy. Critique of Indignant Reason" is a review of the book written by Andrés García Inda. The author invites us to reflect on the foundations of moral and political education in contemporary society, highlighting the importance of values such as responsibility, loyalty, and commitment. The book focuses on the emotion of indignation and its relationship with virtuous behavior and the promotion of justice and social transformation. It also criticizes baseless indignation, based on revenge and resentment, and proposes recovering gratitude, acceptance of failure, and responsibility as basic dispositions in moral education. [Extracted from the article]

The emotion of phthonos —envy, jealousy, begrudgery—was typically attacked in classical Greece as an irrational, inexcusable, and self-destructive vice. But, in a handful of passages, scholars have argued that it means something like "righteous indignation." This article focuses on these puzzling instances—dubbed "good phthonos "—and reexamines the theory that they are the lexical residue of the class struggles of democratic Athens. It offers a new interpretation of the role of phthonos in classical Athenian political discourses, reexamines philosophical definitions of jealousy from Hippias to Aristotle, and asks afresh why classical orators called on their audience to feel such a disreputable emotion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyses the role of alternative far-right media in promoting and organizing mobilization against the Global Compact for Migration – the first intergovernmentally negotiated agreement, prepared under the auspices of the United Nations, covering all dimensions of international migration in a holistic and comprehensive manner. Exploring four European alternative far-right media: PI-News in Germany, Il Primato Nazionale in Italy, the UK localization of Breitbart, and the transnational Voice of Europe, we show that these media have gone beyond (dis)informing and have actively mobilized and channeled indignation through petitioning and protest organization. While most research on far-right media practices so far has focused either on social media interactions or exclusively on 'disinformation' and 'fake news', we analyse web based alternative news media as part of а far-right social movement that has successfully used progressive left-wing protests repertoires and tactics. We argue that alternative far-right news media act as 'indignation mobilization mechanisms' that not only fuel the indignation of the public by channeling the messages of far-right politicians but also channel bottom-up indignation through online campaigns, petitions, and offline street protests. This unabashedly biased and mobilization-oriented approach is what distinguishes far-right media from mainstream media and guarantees them a loyal and dedicated supporter base. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Moral experience comes in many flavors. Some philosophers have argued that there is nothing common to the many forms moral experience can take. In this paper, I argue that close attention to the phenomenology of certain key emotions, combined with a clear distinction between essentially and accidentally moral experiences, suggests that there is a group of (essentially) moral experiences which in fact exhibits significant unity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Biases towards self-blaming emotions, such as self-contempt/disgust, were previously associated with vulnerability to major depressive disorder (MDD). Self-blaming emotions are thought to prompt specific action tendencies (e.g. "feeling like hiding"), which are likely to be more important for psychosocial functioning than the emotions themselves. Systematic investigations, however, of these action tendencies in MDD are lacking. Here, we investigated the role of blame-related action tendencies for MDD vulnerability and their relationship with blame-related emotions. 76 participants with medication-free remitted MDD and 44 healthy control (HC) participants without a history of MDD completed the value-related moral sentiment task, which measured their blame-related emotions during hypothetical social interactions and a novel task to assess their blame-related action tendencies (feeling like hiding, apologising, creating a distance from oneself, attacking oneself, creating a distance from other, attacking other, no action). As predicted, the MDD group showed a maladaptive profile of action tendencies: a higher proneness to feeling like hiding and creating a distance from themselves compared with the HC group. In contrast, feeling like apologising was less common in the MDD than the HC group. Apologising for one's wrongdoing was associated with all self-blaming emotions including shame, guilt, self-contempt/disgust and self-indignation. Hiding was associated with both shame and guilt. Our study shows that MDD vulnerability was associated with specific maladaptive action tendencies which were independent of the type of emotion, thus unveiling novel cognitive markers and neurocognitive treatment targets. • Blame-related maladaptive action tendencies were distinctive of people with MDD. • These action tendencies include feeling like hiding and creating a distance from oneself. • These action tendencies were not predicted by the type of emotion experienced. • Novel neurocognitive treatments aiming at maladaptive action tendencies are needed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As well observed by Alexandre Júnior (1998) in the preface to Rhetoric, there has been an explosion of rhetorical studies in recent decades. Therefore, many discourse researchers have dedicated themselves to rhetoric issues, often following the steps of Aristotle, who defines it as the art of persuasion, besides observing that it is the counterpart of dialectics, which is seen as argumentation nowadays. In 2007, Meyer, for whom rhetoric is the negotiation of differences between individuals, revived the classic Aristotelian opposition, pointing out that it is not possible to privilege rhetoric or dialectics. Instead, it is necessary to find alternatives to unify them, showing that both are in fact part of the same subject. Taking into account the "art of persuasion", Aristotle argues that the speaker achieves his objective, in other words, achieves persuasion, when they use virtue, prudence, and benevolence. These elements are related to emotions, defined by him as "feelings that so change men as to affect their judgements, and that are also attended by pain or pleasure" (ARISTOTLE, 1998, p. 106). Although Aristotle highlights the locus of emotions in discourse, some modern studies tend to neglect the pathos domain. Thus, we aim to discuss the role of emotion, especially indignation, in negotiating distances in comments on a feminicide crime, since these are fertile lands for expressing several emotions. In this study, we intend to observe to what extent indignation makes up an argumentative strategy, bringing the subjects that engage in symbolic exchanges on social networks even closer or pushing them away. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

COVID-19 appeared with its quarantine and forced isolation, and psi experts were quick to make their analysis and recommendations. This essay primarily claims that, for the pandemic to offer an opportunity to do things differently, it is necessary to think through a rigorous psychoanalytic critique not only of the psychologization, but also of the digitalization (the translation of the subjective and the intersubjective into the digital sphere) of the COVID-19 crisis. The triad of concepts obedience, indignation and uprising give us the opportunity to start this task. Therefore, we will examine the paradoxical relationship between obedience and criticism; then we will make a call for the indignation of imposed dignity; and, finally, we will proclaim that the uprising will not be digitized. Is at this point, of course, that psychoanalytic critique must open up to a political project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of emotions in Antiquity has burst in the last decades. In its development, the Aristotelian systematization of affections (πάθη) ("Book II" of his Rhetoric) has received special attention. In this context, it has been noticed that the emotion of 'indignation', as it is defined by the Stagirite (a painful feeling produced by the perception of undeserved prosperity, Rhetoric 1387a8-9) would not have been named by the Greeks as he did it (τὸ νεμεσᾶν). The objection is founded, above all, on the testimonies of forensic speeches (4th century BC). Our proposal incorporates the testimony of Aristophanic comedy into the discussion, since indignation has been considered by many (Cooper, Golden, Rosenbloom, among others) the typical emotion of comedy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Alter and Zurn's framework identifies 'frequent companions' to backlash politics including emotive elements. This article addresses those emotive elements. In particular, it defines and unpacks the complex emotion of indignation, an emotion that sets off a dynamic process leading to mutual contempt between political groups. The article shows how indignation and its dynamic processes have helped unleash backlash politics in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on the notion of indignation and revolt, based on the analyzes of Freud and Lacan de Hamlet, by Shakespeare, this essay discusses the relationship between social disinsertion and the infraction of adolescents in conflict with the law. The Essay goes back to the concept of adolescence and symbolic disorientation to analyze how these subjects are impelled to act through revolt, even if their act may lead them to the worst. Through the José case, the essay shows some possible way out for criminal adolescents that is not reduced to neither neurotic paralysis nor non-dialectable act. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the role of emotions in the context of a controversial debate surrounding criminal legislation in Brazil. While several thinkers have criticized deliberation for requiring purely rational discourse, we argue that emotion is a central component in the reasoning process. Whereas existing research on the link between justification and emotion has been theoretical, this article offers a novel analytical framework, based on correlational and content analyses, to examine how anger, indignation, fear and compassion underlay reasoned claims. This study is based on data from a morally charged debate in Brazil's National Congress about setting the criminal responsibility age. Findings reveal that (i) emotions are not randomly distributed, but strongly correlate with the direction of argumentation; (ii) intentional objects, while not involving straightforward cognition, inform perspectives of reasoning; and (iii) these relationships appear unaffected by forum designs. This study helps to understand both personal and social levels of emotional concerns; has methodological implications for surveying emotional dynamics as a socially driven phenomenon; and offers general insights about how the imbrication of reason-giving and emotions is effectively achieved, further away from simplistic notions of rationality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay responds to four critics of Friends and Other Strangers: Studies in Religion, Ethics and Culture: Diana Fritz Cates, Eric Gregory, Ross Moret, and Atalia Omer. Focusing on the book's organizing concepts of intimacy and alterity, engagement with empirical sources, discussion of Augustine's thought, and attention to moral psychology and political morality, these interlocutors take up various strands in the book's argument and extend them into metaethical, normative, and metadisciplinary domains. The author organizes his response under three rubrics: Metaethics and Personal Relationships; Political Morality; and Multidisciplinary Horizons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tahar Ben Jelloun’s Partir (2006) shines a spotlight upon a society plagued by poverty and corruption, where ‘burning’ refers both to the act of migrants setting sail across the sea, and to that of torching their identity documents to avoid repatriation. The intertwined fates of protagonists Azel and Miguel in their respective homelands of Morocco and Spain capture the dual nature of refuge and endangerment in the concept of hospitality, embodied within their national affiliations and in their fraught same-sex relationship. I follow the course of these voyagers into the unknown, arguing that Ben Jelloun upsets both political and sexual borders to reveal an omnipresent yearning for a better future, born from the flames of indignation. I situate Partir within the context of ongoing struggles around migration, reading it as a quest to achieve the cosmopolitan ideals of ethics and hospitality, but of a hospitality that is less focused on guest versus host and is aligned closer with conviviality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study looks closely at the treatment of the Korean War (1950-1953) in Indignation, by Philip Roth (2008), and Home, by Toni Morrison (2012), and reads in those works a re-evaluation of the American experience in Korea in light of the conditions and concerns of the post-9/11 era. In their portrayal of the forgotten Korean War, Roth and Morrison challenge redeployment of 1950s Cold War-style frames and rhetoric by the Bush-Cheney administration in the context of the "War on Terror" and state violence at home and abroad. In other words, the two novels reveal the way the violence and repression harbored in American society during the 1950s spill over onto foreign societies and, having been amplified on foreign battlefields, are brought back home--not only a historical observation, but a productive response to 9/11. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article approaches the social indignation issue with others suffering based on psychosocial perspective. Inspired by previous study that suggests that high aggressiveness intensity in discrimination acts can provoke indignation, we developed reflections that bring close theoretical works aspects of psychoanalyst Christoph Dejours and sociologist Norbert Elias. Dejours' thought allows understanding how, in psychic level, adaptive tolerance reactions to suffering can progressively built strategy to switch off social responsibility in its production. It shows, through analysis performed in working world, and adhesion to certain social representations contributes to defence mechanisms suffering of others in society today. Such process, according to Dejours, leads to a kind of reaction domestication of social indignation. Starting from a historical point of view, Elias defends the idea of progressive control of emotions. It highlights historical moulding of social and psychic structures on formation of social configuration that informs interaction models, which expressions present, at times, specific emotional pattern. We consider, in this study, the possibility that certain emotional configurations today, with attenuation of indignation reaction, can be recognized as a new emotional pattern, especially against non-ostensive suffering forms. Being able to integrate one of the possible ways of the process civilized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The domain of interest represented by the paintings and other artforms of Dobribán Emil, is defined mainly by the so called Landart stream. This short introspection presents some works opened to public on the exhibition entitled Mondo Cane (2016). His works, in general, can be characterized as a fine tuned outcry against our destructive society, which disregards entirely our mother nature. The analysis of works presented here, represent a sum of memory based associations, generated by ideas that stimulates us to cultivate our spiritual world - in the restrictiveness of understanding - towards beautiful and right goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses the role of resentment in The Theory of Moral Sentiments and its connection with the process of mutual sympathy which the impartial spectator assumes fully the resentment of the victim, to consider that his passion is governed by the principles of property and justice. It is argued that the resentment not only fulfills a central role in the theory of punishment of Adam Smith, in that it allows you to remunerate, dissuade and rehabilitate the perpetrator, but it also contributes to the contemporary discussion about forgiveness and reconciliation, as it calls the possibility to overcome resentment and restore the social relationship between the aggressor and the victim. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work, which is mainly based on a Western view and which takes into account the reality in Spain, is a reflection about the role Philosophy nowadays has. Taking both Philosophy for Children and Philosophy for Peace as its references, this study understands the Philosophical thinking as necessary to produce the indignation that will make the organization of social movements possible, provoking at the same time the opportunity to imagine peaceful alternatives for human suffering and the natural one. The analysis of indignation is done through Peter Frederick Strawson's theory in connection with Honneth's research about recognition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The analytical elements to study social movements have fallen short in understanding the movements that have erupted in the second decade of the century. There have been some theories that confirm that this issue continues to appear open to debate. The main analytical lines from which approaches have been tried to movements of indignant are reviewed. We propose a conceptual set to investigate the movements from below. We call the attention of the Zapatista movement as founding the new dynamic in which we find the search demoeleutheria and highlight its performance around the tragedy of Ayotzinapa. We propose as a clue to try to discern the configuration of emancipatory movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The goal of this research was to examine the association between victims' Dark Triad personality and their social motivation to not forgive (unforgiveness) or forgive transgressors after an interpersonal conflict. The moderating role of transgressors' apology as well as the mediational role of victims' indignation to explain the moderated relation was also tested. Unforgiving responses (operationalized as revenge and avoidance) were predicted to be stronger, and forgiving responses, weaker, among those exhibiting characteristics consistent with the Dark Triad. We also predicted a counterintuitive, but theoretically consistent, stronger positive relation between the Dark Triad and unforgiving responses when victims received an apology. In addition, we predicted that indignation would explain this moderated relation. Two studies using an adult community and an undergraduate sample, respectively, confirmed the moderation hypothesis (Studies 1 and 2) but not the mediated moderation hypothesis (Study 2). • The dark triad (DT) relates negatively to victims' unforgiveness. • This relation is moderated by transgressors' apologies. • Counterintuitively, apologies exacerbate unforgiveness when higher on the DT. • Indignation did not mediate the moderated relation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In January 2010, hundreds of illegal migrants took to the streets of Rosarno in Italy for a violent protest against the acts of racism which they had routinely suffered. A collective subject, considered invisible, dared to revolt. These migrants are an anomaly in the social, legal, and political senses. Their revolt is an example of rebellions who constitute a litmus test for the discourse of citizenship; it reveals itself as a form of political subjectivity and highlights the corporeality of the conflict. Understanding the revolt also troubles the boundary between body discourses and traditional political theory. In this paper, I analyse the revolt through categories of contemporary political theory such as the ‘bare life’ of Giorgio Agamben, and the ‘disagreement’ of Jacques Rancière. I show how these categories only partially help to interpret the phenomenon of this uprising. However, the Spinozist concept ofindignatiois a more useful intellectual tool to interpret and understand the phenomenon of the revolt of Rosarno. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Starting from highlighting some specific moments in Arendt's works critically dealing with sentimentality matters, we will focus on a specific aspect: the place of indignation when narrating, telling, and constructing the history of a community and, at the same time, opening a public space. This is characterized by Arendt as an elementary space, where others appear to me and I appear before them. (Arendt, Human Condition 221), originating the political aspect. This view allows us to rebuild the possible relationship between indignation and politics in this German author's views. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a discussion of the role that emotions may play in the justification of punishment. On the expressivist account of punishment, punishment has the purpose of expressing appropriate emotional reactions to wrongdoing, such as indignation, resentment or guilt. I will argue that this expressivist approach fails as these emotions can be expressed other than through the infliction of punishment. Another argument for hard treatment put forward by expressivists states that punitive sanctions are necessary in order for the law to be valid. But this justification of punishment, too, is unconvincing. There are no good reasons to assume that we have to resort to punitive measures in order to vindicate the law. I will then raise the more general worry whether there is any intelligible link at all between moral emotions such as indignation, resentment or guilt and retributive behaviour. I will finally conclude with some sceptical remarks on the moral worth of retribution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

If I do you a good turn, you may respond with gratitude and express that gratitude by saying 'Thank you.' Similarly, if I insult you, you may react with resentment which you express by shouting, 'Screw you!' or something of the sort. Broadly put, when confronted with another's morally significant conduct, we are inclined to respond with a reactive attitude and to express that reactive attitude in speech. A number of familiar speech acts have a call-and-response structure. Questions, demands and hails are all call-types, and each seeks a defining response. Questions seek answers, demands seek compliance, and a hail, for example, 'Hi Coleen' seeks a 'Hi' in return. Many theorists claim that expressions of the reactive attitudes also have this structure. Yet, this insight raises a number of questions. There are, after all, many familiar call-types, not only questions, demands and hails, but also requests, invitations, recommendations and entreaties. Given this, it is natural to wonder whether the expressed reactive attitudes are a sui generis call-type or whether they can be properly assimilated to one of the better-known forms. Further, we might wonder about the response component. It is utterly familiar that the response suited to a demand is compliance, and that the response sought by a question is an answer, but what response do the expressed reactive attitudes seek? The answer to this question is not similarly ready to hand. In this paper, I provide a recognition-based theory of the call-and-response structure of the expressed reactive attitudes. On my account, both the positive and negative expressed reactive attitudes are modes of recognition that seek for their target to give expression to her recognition of having been appropriately recognized. In the negative case, the target does this by feeling and expressing guilt or remorse, and in the positive case, by feeling and expressing self-approbation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay argues that black Americans writing from outside or at the margins of the democratic polity shed important light on the nature of human dignity and on the political emotion that offers—to oneself and to others—the surest proof of the existence of such dignity: indignation. I focus in particular on four insights of this body of black American political thought: that the presumption of dignity is the basis on which citizenship is conferred, while its denial is the justification by which citizenship is withheld; that dignity’s existence within a person is vouchsafed most effectively by indignation, a flash of emotion that arises in response to the insult of its denial; that even though dignity feels woven into one’s innermost being, it is always vulnerable to social denial and therefore stands in need of social confirmation; that indignation can and should be transformed into a self-opposing disposition that resists complacency and seeks continual reconfiguration, or enlargement, of the demos and of its democratic theory. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The approaches of transitional justice aim to restore the natural conditions of State institutions, the way of truth, justice and reparation. At recent times, the Colombian legal system incorporated two special and complementary models of this approach of justice (i .e. the Law of Victims and Restitution of Lands and the Law of Justice and Peace). Starting from a succinct analysis of two aforementioned models of transitional justice, I suggest that the occurrence of the armed conflict and the existence of victims demonstrate the practical weakness of the political State and the fragility of the democratic core. It is defined by defending the thesis that the aforementioned models of transitional justice solve the problem partially (material areas of repair), but that they themselves must be accompanied by the civil society through the creation of a degree of awareness of the conflict (symbolic spaces of repair) inspired by the moral sense of outrage, as being the only means of reconciliation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: It has been hypothesized that the experience of different moral sentiments such as guilt and indignation is underpinned by activation in temporal and fronto-mesolimbic regions and that functional integration between these regions is necessary for the differentiated experience of these moral sentiments. A recent fMRI study revealed that the right superior anterior temporal lobe (ATL) was activated irrespective of the context of moral feelings (guilt or indignation). This region has been associated with context-independent conceptual social knowledge which allows us to make fine-grained differentiations between qualities of social behaviours (e.g. “critical” and “faultfinding”). This knowledge is required to make emotional evaluations of social behaviour. In contrast to the context-independent activation of the ATL, there were context-dependent activations within different fronto-mesolimbic regions for guilt and indignation. However, it is unknown whether functional integration occurs between these regions and whether regional patterns of integration are distinctive for the experience of different moral sentiments. Here, we used fMRI and psychophysiological interaction analysis, an established measure of functional integration to investigate this issue. We found selective functional integration between the right superior ATL and a subgenual cingulate region during the experience of guilt and between the right superior ATL and the lateral orbitofrontal cortex for indignation. Our data provide the first evidence for functional integration of conceptual social knowledge representations in the right superior ATL with representations of different feeling contexts in fronto-mesolimbic regions. We speculate that this functional architecture allows for the conceptually differentiated experience of moral sentiments in healthy individuals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent literature on social norms has stressed the centrality of emotions in explaining punishment and norm enforcement. This article discusses four negative emotions (righteous anger, indignation, contempt, and disgust) and examines their relationship to punitive behavior. I argue that righteous anger and indignation are both punitive emotions strictly speaking, but induce punishments of different intensity and have distinct elicitors. Contempt and disgust, for their part, cannot be straightforwardly considered punitive emotions, although they often blend with a colder form of indignation to favor low-cost, indirect, and collective forms of punishment such as mockery, exclusion, and ostracism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An abstract is presented for the article "Following the traces of social movements at the beginning of the second decade of the Twenty-first century," by Carlos Alonso Reynoso and Jorge Alonso Sánchez. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]