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How does gender shape how conservatives "do partisanship"? This paper draws on interviews with a group of conservative Americans—gun sellers—during a year of record gun sales amid a global pandemic, civil unrest, and democratic instability. In 2020, gun sellers navigated an increasingly diverse clientele, including what they understood as an increase in liberal, progressive, and leftist gun buyers. This unique influx bucked decades-long trends of partisan sorting in America and compelled gun sellers to "do partisanship" as they fielded the new gun buyers in their stores. Integrating the literatures on the gender gap in partisanship with scholarship on hegemonic masculinity, this paper examines how gun sellers mobilized masculinity as a means of expressing and engaging in partisanship. Our analysis details how interviewees (1) embrace a brand of hegemonic masculinity that champions self-preservation and preparedness, (2) define themselves against liberal politics and policies they deem emasculating, and (3) draw partisan boundaries around gun ownership that reinforce conservatives as responsible gun owners while denigrating liberals as emotional, impressionable, and incompetent. We argue that partisanship can be understood as a gendered practice that provides insight into how conservatives make political meaning in their everyday lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Firearm violence is a persistent public health crisis in the United States, with over 100,000 individuals being shot every year. This violence not only affects those directly injured but also thousands of youth who are exposed to indirect forms of firearm violence, such as witnessing gunfire or losing a family member to gun violence. Firearms are the leading cause of death among children and teens in the U.S., with youth of color disproportionately affected. Additionally, there has been an increase in adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) in the U.S., which further exacerbates the negative outcomes for children. This special issue of Youth & Society presents new research on the impacts of firearm violence on youth, including disparities, prevention efforts, and interventions. The findings highlight the need for preventive efforts that account for racial and ethnic groups, screening for suicide risk among younger adolescents, and addressing systemic factors that drive firearm violence outcomes. The research also explores the associations between firearm-related beliefs and perceived ease of firearm access with firearm exposure and police violence exposure. The studies provide insights into specific interventions and challenge presumptions about youth and their perceptions of safety. The research also identifies protective factors and pathways for mental health support and interventions for adolescents exposed to firearm violence. The implementation of firearm purchaser licensing laws has been found to be associated with lower rates of violence. Overall, this body of research contributes to the growing field of firearm violence prevention and offers opportunities for effective solutions to address this public health crisis. The impacts of firearm violence on youth are extensive and lifelong, [Extracted from the article]

Rates of youth firearm exposure and carriage are well-established, but less work has examined how exposure to police violence and firearm violence, as victim or witness, may be associated with beliefs in gun ownership for society or access to guns. This study used survey data from a multiracial sample of 276 youth living in New Orleans, Louisiana (M age = 17.76) to examine these associations. Results from binary logistic regressions confirmed a significant association between higher belief in gun ownership for safety and all violence exposures, directly and indirectly. We did not find support for an association between gun access and any violence exposures. The findings shed light on pathways to firearm violence risk and provide critical information on youth firearm attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The number of U.S. adults who own and carry a firearm for self-defense is rising. Research has established that owning or carrying a firearm increases the risk of injury and death for firearm owners and the people in their lives. This study sought to better understand this paradox by estimating associations of perceived specific and diffuse threats with firearm behaviors among U.S. adults. The authors used data from the 2023 National Firearm Attitudes and Behaviors Study, a nationally representative cross-sectional survey of U.S. adults. Binary and ordinal logistic regression estimated associations of perceived specific (fear of attack in the community, fear of someone breaking into the home) and diffuse threats (belief in a dangerous world) with firearm ownership and carriage frequency, overall and stratified by gender. Adjusted models controlled for violence exposures and demographic characteristics. The authors conducted analyses in 2024. Among all U.S. adults, the perceived specific threat of someone breaking into the home was associated with firearm ownership (AOR: 1.09 [0.98, 1.23]). Among firearm-owning adults, the diffuse threat of belief in a dangerous world was associated with firearm carriage frequency (1.11 [0.98, 1.25]). Both the associations persisted among men (AORs = 1.27 [1.05–1.52] and 1.15 [1.01–1.31], respectively), but analyses found no associations between perceived threats and firearm behaviors among women. Perceived threats are associated with firearm behaviors among U.S. men, even after accounting for the actual violence they report experiencing or witnessing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pandemic-era social and political tensions may have accelerated pre-existing trends in gun owner diversification and shifts toward protection from people as a primary reason for gun ownership. Specific ownership motivations may shape storage behaviors, use patterns, policy support, and perceptions of safety. This study's objective was to assess the importance of specific reasons for owning guns, including protection from whom and in what circumstances, among demographic subgroups of new and prior gun owners. From January 4, 2023 to February 6, 2023, the National Survey of Gun Policy was fielded among a nationally representative sample of U.S. adults (N=3,096), including gun owners (n =1,002). Respondents rated the importance of 10 potential reasons for gun ownership, including at-home protection, out-of-home protection, protection in ideologic conflict, and hunting or recreation. In 2023–2024, respondents' self-report of important and highly important reasons for gun ownership were compared across political affiliation, race, ethnicity, age, sex, location, income, education, and recency of first purchase. Majorities of gun owners from all demographic groups cited at-home protection, out-of-home protection, and hunting or recreation as very or extremely important. At least 10% of every demographic group endorsed at least 1 ideologic reason as extremely important. Newer gun owners more frequently endorsed multiple important reasons. Concurrent, strongly held motivations may produce ambivalence or resistance to public health messaging that narrowly focuses on preventing violent firearm-related injury. Permissive firearm policies may compound behavioral ambivalence, exacerbating conditions that threaten collective safety and civic expression. These conditions call for more nuanced, multidimensional, societal efforts to assure collective safety. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Among the groupings of Social Work Grand Challenges is Individual and Family Well-Being. One threat to individual and family well-being is suicide. Between 2011 and 2022 over half a million Americans committed suicide. Suicide has profound effects on family members. Recent research has found violent political rhetoric (VPR) as an aspect of the social environment is associated with violence, including mass shootings and police shootings of civilians, both threats to individual and family well-being. No studies have investigated the possible relationship between VPR and suicide rates. This study, a secondary analysis of publicly available data, addresses this absence. The dependent variable was suicide rates in the U.S. Census regions. Independent variables included census region populations, VPR, gun ownership, and temperature. Panel analysis methods with Driscoll-Kraay robust standard errors were used. Statistically significant relationships between suicide rates and VPR, changes in gun ownership, and temperature were found, with between-region differences. Violent political rhetoric appears to be associated with increasing suicide rates, and these relationships may differ between regions. Implications of these findings for future research and for social work efforts to combat the effects of VPR and potentially reduce suicide rates, especially for populations targeted by VPR, are considered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractOne limitation of the literature on gun ownership is a lack of consensus regarding how to operationalize the dependent variable. Consequently, gun measures vary widely across studies, and findings about the prevalence and predictors of gun ownership are inconsistent. In the current study, we endeavor to develop an empirically supported, standard measure of gun ownership. First, utilizing data from a national sample of the U.S. population, we analyze the relative validity of household versus personal measures of gun ownership and critically appraise the value of accounting for gun quantity and the purpose of ownership. Second, per our findings, we recommend a short set of survey questions as the standard measure of gun ownership. These questions (1) differentiate non-owners, personal gun owners, and household gun owners; (2) account for the number of firearms owned; and (3) categorize owners by motivation (protective vs. non-protective). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Firearm-related suicides among children present a significant public health concern and a tragic loss of young lives. This study explores the relationship between firearm-related suicides, gun ownership, and state-specific gun laws. This retrospective cohort study collected data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention Wide-Ranging Online Data for Epidemiologic Research on children under 18 who died by firearm-related suicides between 2009 and 2016 in all 50 states and D.C. It also utilized data from the RAND State-Level Estimates of Household Firearm Ownership. The study focused on the rate of child firearm suicide deaths per 100,000 individuals. The key variable of interest was the percentage of guns owned per household in each state. Univariable analysis was conducted to examine the association between individual gun laws and child firearm suicide mortalities, while multivariable regression, adjusting for household gun ownership and significant firearm legislation, was employed to assess connection to child firearm suicide mortality. From 2009 to 2016, 3903 children died from firearm-related suicides in the United States. In our analysis, 15 out of 44 firearm laws were found to be associated with reducing the rates of firearm suicides among children (P < 0.05). However, multivariable regression showed that higher state gun ownership rates were the primary predictor of increased child fatalities from firearms, with children in such states being 325% more likely to die when analyzing handgun laws and 337% more likely when analyzing long gun laws, as indicated by coefficients of 4.25 and 4.37, respectively. No state laws alone notably improved death rates. Gun ownership has a stronger association with child suicide rates than state-specific gun laws. Given the weight of gun ownership, future research should prioritize comprehensive public health initiatives to prevent child firearm-related suicides. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction Methods Results Conclusions Firearms account for more than half of suicide deaths in the United States (US) and both ownership and access are associated with increased risk of intentional and unintentional injury. Despite evidence linking ownership and access to suicide risk, individuals may be reticent to answer questionnaire items assessing ownership. The current study examined characteristics of individuals who do not provide a response (nonresponders) to a firearm ownership item in a community sample.Data were collected from a cross‐sectional online survey of 10,625 US adults. Univariate and multivariate analyses were conducted to examine demographic, emotional distress, and suicide risk differences across three groups (firearm owners, nonowners, and nonresponders).Nonresponders were significantly younger, more likely to be female and non‐White than firearm owners and nonowners. Nonresponders were less likely to endorse recent suicidal ideation and probable PTSD than firearm owners, but more likely to endorse probable PTSD than nonowners. Firearm owners were significantly more likely to report several correlates of suicide risk than nonowners.Nonresponders may be a unique subgroup with distinct demographic, emotional distress, and suicide risk profiles compared to both firearm owners and nonowners. Implications of these findings for future directions are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction Method Results Discussion Secure firearm storage has been proposed as a suicide prevention method within the military; however, secure storage practices are uncommon. Service members may perceive limited value in secure storage as a suicide prevention tool and threat‐related factors may influence such perceptions.A nationally representative sample of firearm‐owning military service members (n = 719) was recruited between December 3, 2021 and January 4, 2022 to complete a self‐report survey by Ipsos using their KnowledgePanel calibration approach to optimize representativeness.Threat sensitivity was associated with less perceived suicide prevention value across all within‐home storage practices as well as out‐of‐home storage. Defensive firearm ownership was associated with less perceived out‐of‐home storage value. Contrary to expectations, PTSD symptoms were associated with greater perceived suicide prevention value across all storage practices and intolerance of uncertainty was associated with greater perceived out‐of‐home storage value.Perceptions of, sensitivity to, and reactions to threat represent a complicated confluence of factors that may influence firearm views and behaviors in disparate ways. Viewing the world as dangerous and other people as a threat may limit perceived suicide prevention value for secure storage and increase the drive for firearm access. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction Methods Results Conclusions Self‐reliance, emotional control, and honor ideology may prevent help‐seeking when suicidal ideation emerges. Furthermore, these factors are associated with an increased likelihood of firearm ownership and unsecure storage, which could facilitate suicide attempts. The rurality of residence may impact these associations, as rural regions report increased independence, honor culture, and firearm prevalence. Therefore, this study examined how emotional control, self‐reliance, and honor ideology relate to firearm storage and help‐seeking for suicidal ideation, with rurality moderating these associations.Participants were 733 adults (63.6% female, 33.5% male, and 2.9% transgender/other) who reported past‐month suicidal ideation. Analyses tested associations between emotional control, self‐reliance, and honor ideology with help‐seeking for suicidal ideation and firearm storage, with rurality moderating these associations.The association of self‐reliance and decreased help‐seeking willingness for suicidal ideation was significant for those in non‐urban areas. The association of emotional control and decreased help‐seeking willingness for suicidal ideation was significant for those in urban areas. No variables predicted firearm storage.Self‐reliance and emotional control could be barriers for help‐seeking regardless of gender identity that depend on rurality. Clinicians may target emotional control/self‐reliance via strengths‐based approaches with an emphasis on when these constructs could be maladaptive, as this could promote help‐seeking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses two questions: (a) why do Americans believe that they need guns to defend themselves and their families and (b) why has the number of Americans who share this belief increased dramatically in recent decades? To address the first question, we describe a model of defensive gun ownership that assumes that Americans' perceived need of a gun for self-defense is not only determined by their perceived lifetime risk of being assaulted (PLRA), but also by some diffuse belief in a dangerous world (BDW). In attempting to identify the dangerous world feared by high BDW gun owners, we review evidence that gun ownership is often associated with racial prejudice and concerns about groups that are stereotypically associated with safety threats (e.g., Black Americans, illegal immigrants). We identified three environmental changes that might exacerbate social threat perceptions: the proliferation of intergroup threat narratives such as the great replacement theory (that White Americans will be replaced by non-White minorities), the COVID-19 pandemic, and a change in the way the American gun industry advertises their products (praising the quality of their guns to emphasize the usefulness of guns for self-defense). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a society marked by liberal gun ownership laws, and an increasingly militarized police force, how should we think about cases where a homeowner shoots a person who has mistakenly knocked on the wrong door, or where a police officer shoots someone who is unarmed? The general tendency – by shooters, courts, and many observers – is to use the framework of self‐defense. However, as I will argue, relying on the framework of self‐defense is inappropriate in these cases, because theories of self‐defensive killing are built up around a very specific type of case, namely, a random, sudden, one‐off encounter between roughly equally matched strangers. When a person who acts in self‐defense has undertaken certain preparations to kill in self‐defense – such as buying a gun, or undergoing certain kinds of training – they transform what would have been defensive violence into offensive violence. But because the self‐defense framework distinguishes only between defensive and aggressive violence, it cannot easily register the unique moral features of offensive violence. Relying on the self‐defense framework, then, produces judgments that are overly permissive of killings by gun owners and police, masking them as self‐defensive when in fact they are much more morally fraught. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Firearms now represent the leading cause of death in U.S. children. Therefore, this study aimed to determine if state-level rates of gun ownership, guns in circulation, and strictness of firearm-related laws are related to firearm-related mortality among both juveniles and overall populations. State firearm mortality rates among the juvenile and overall populations were obtained from 2010 to 2020. The number of weapons registered with the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives (ATF) and federal firearms licensees for each state were also recorded. Giffords Law Center Scorecard Rankings, a relative measure of the restrictiveness of each state's gun laws, were also collected. Unadjusted linear regressions modeled the relationships between firearm-associated mortality and ATF-registered weapons, federal firearm licensees, Giffords Center rankings, and gun ownership rates. Multivariable (adjusted) analyses were performed to control for poverty, unemployment, and poor mental health. Unadjusted analyses demonstrated that higher gun ownership rates and more lenient gun laws were associated with increased firearm-associated mortality among juveniles. Similarly, these measures as well as increased ATF-registered weapons and ATF federal firearm licensees were associated with increased firearm mortality in the overall population. In the adjusted analyses, more ATF-registered weapons, more ATF federal firearm licensees, higher gun ownership rates, and more lenient firearm laws were associated with increased firearm-related mortality in the overall population, while increased gun ownership and higher Giffords Center rankings were associated with increased firearm-associated mortality in the pediatric population. To reduce the toll of gun violence in the United States, policymakers should focus on implementing more restrictive firearm laws and reducing the prevalence of guns in their communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The spread of suicidal behavior among individuals is often described as a contagion; however, rigorous modeling of suicide as a dynamic, contagious process is minimal. Here, we develop and validate a model-inference system depicting suicide ideation and death and use it to quantify the contagion processes in the US associated with two prominent celebrity suicide events: Robin Williams during 2014 and Kate Spade and Anthony Bourdain, which occurred 3 days apart during 2018. We show that both events produced large transient increases of suicide contagion contact rates, i.e., the spread of suicidal thought and behavior, and a period of elevated suicidal ideation in the general population. Our modeling approach provides a framework for quantifying suicidal contagion and better understanding, preventing, and containing its spread. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent studies have suggested that owning a firearm for the purpose of protection and intending to acquire a firearm within the next year are associated with disrupted cognitive-affective processes that may increase firearm suicide risk. Prior studies were limited by self-report measures and would benefit from the utilization of objective indicators of cognitive functioning to clarify associations between firearm ownership and cognitive-affective states. The present study examined objective cognitive performance in a sample of U.S. adults in relation to firearm ownership variables. Based on prior studies, we hypothesized that protective owners and individuals with the intention to acquire a firearm within the next year would demonstrate reduced performance on decision-making, mental flexibility, and emotional bias tasks. A total of 112 participants (61% female, 79% white) completed objective cognitive tasks following completion of a larger survey study through ResearchMatch. Results indicated that intention to purchase a firearm within the next year was not associated with cognitive functioning but was associated with an array of heightened psychiatric symptoms. Owning a firearm for the purpose of protection was associated with decreased mental flexibility relative to non-owners, but no differences were seen for decision-making or emotional bias. These findings represent the first attempt to examine underlying objective cognitive processes related to firearm ownership, and implications for future research are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Researchers have developed numerous individual differences measures to assess people's endorsement of honor ideology (i.e., beliefs regarding the importance of honor and reputation) with most ranging from 12-36 items in length. Despite having great utility, the length of these measures magnifies the costs associated with survey research, especially in research contexts that use large, representative samples (e.g., health surveys). The present study aimed to develop and validate single-item measures that assess participants' agreement with gender-specific honor prototypes, as well as short-form versions of the honor ideology for manhood (HIM) and honor ideology for womanhood (HIW) scales. An initial sample of participants (N = 879) completed single-item honor prototype measures, a battery of previously validated honor measures (including the HIM and HIW), and measures of constructs previously shown to be related to the dynamics of honor (e.g., aggression, firearm ownership). A second sample of participants (N = 100) completed the new measures, as well as an abbreviated battery of honor measures, to examine test-retest reliability. Results indicated that the new, brief measures were strongly correlated with both the original HIM and HIW as well as several other established honor measures. Moreover, the associations between these new measures and honor-related outcomes were nearly identical to those found with the original HIM and HIW. Our new measures also demonstrated acceptable test-retest reliability, despite being single-item scales. Overall, the present work provides preliminary support for several brief measures of honor endorsement that researchers can use when longer scales are not feasible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: The United States (US) holds the highest personal firearm ownership among industrialized nations, with implications for firearm-related deaths tied to increased per capita gun ownership and varying gun laws. This study examines the influence of gun law strength on legal firearm transactions, positing a correlation between stronger laws and reduced transactions. The analysis, focused on the stress-laden COVID-19 pandemic, evaluates handgun, long gun, and multiple gun transactions in 2020 and 2021 compared to 2018-2019. Methods: The Giffords Gun Law scorecard categorized states into the top 25 "strong" and bottom 25 "weak" gun law groups. Multivariate linear regressions assessed the association between strong gun law states and monthly National Instant Criminal Background Check System (NICS) data from 2018 to 2021. The study queried NICS for handgun, long gun, and multiple gun transactions, comparing median monthly transactions in 2018 and 2019 to 2020 and 2018-2020 to 2021. Results: When evaluating gun law strength through multivariate linear regression models, stronger gun law states had fewer monthly NICS transactions for handguns, long guns, and multiple guns in 2020 and 2021 versus all comparison years (all P <.05). However, from 2018-2019 to 2020 and 2018-2020 to 2021, median monthly NICS transactions per 100,000 people for all gun types increased (all P <.05). Conclusion: Stricter gun laws correlated with decreased firearm transactions in stronger law states, yet handgun, long gun, and multiple gun transactions increased during the pandemic years of 2020 and 2021. Therefore, strengthening firearm legislation may be protective against the proliferation of firearms, which warrants further research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In today's fast-paced society, with a demanding materialistic life, individuals are affected by psychosocial distress and a great hunger for well-being and happiness. As a result of stressful events, the rise of social media, and disconnection from traditions, humans are moving toward a more pessimistic life outlook, as evidenced in the exorbitant increase of suicide attempts. To cultivate a more optimistic attitude toward life, people resort to creative activities like music, dance, reading, gaming, etc. Very few defer to cooking as a creative activity to relieve daily stress and improve psychological well-being. Rooted in the evolutionary experience of humans, cooking is a versatile and engaging activity that requires skills and challenges to create flavorful dishes. Through the theoretical conceptualization of subjective well-being, this study seeks to show how the process of cooking can transform people's attitudes. Cooking is unquestionably an art form that demands meticulous attention. While cooking, the individual performing the task achieves a state of flow, resulting in an optimal experience by absorbing themselves in that task. This study adopts a detailed understanding of Amulya Malladi's Serving Crazy with Curry by portraying the act of cooking as an activity for well-being, happiness, personal growth, and optimal experience. Through the perspective of Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi's flow theory, this paper highlights cooking as an engaging activity that results in satisfaction, meaning and purpose, optimism, and self-determination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mass shootings (incidents with four or more people shot in a single event, not including the shooter) are becoming more frequent in the United States, posing a significant threat to public health and safety in the country. In the current study, we intended to analyze the impact of state-level prevalence of gun ownership on mass shootings—both the frequency and severity of these events. We applied the negative binomial generalized linear mixed model to investigate the association between gun ownership rate, as measured by a proxy (i.e., the proportion of suicides committed with firearms to total suicides), and population-adjusted rates of mass shooting incidents and fatalities at the state level from 2013 to 2022. Gun ownership was found to be significantly associated with the rate of mass shooting fatalities. Specifically, our model indicated that for every 1-SD increase—that is, for every 12.5% increase—in gun ownership, the rate of mass shooting fatalities increased by 34% (p value < 0.001). However, no significant association was found between gun ownership and rate of mass shooting incidents. These findings suggest that restricting gun ownership (and therefore reducing availability to guns) may not decrease the number of mass shooting events, but it may save lives when these events occur. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent research has indicated an association between both poverty and income inequality and firearm homicides. Increased minimum wages may serve as a strategy for reducing firearm violence by increasing economic security among workers earning low wages and reducing the number of families living in poverty. This study aimed to examine the association between state minimum wage and firearm homicides in the U.S. between 2000 and 2020. State minimum wage, obtained from Temple's Law Atlas and augmented by legal research, was conceptualized using the Kaitz Index. State-level homicide counts were obtained from 2000 to 2020 multiple-cause-of death mortality data from the National Vital Statistics System. Log-linear regressions were conducted to model the associations between state minimum wage and firearm homicides, stratifying by demographic groups. Analyses were conducted in 2023. A 1% point increase in a state's Kaitz Index was associated with a 1.3% (95% CI: −2.1% to −0.5%) decrease in a state's firearm homicide rate. When interacted with quartile of firearm ownership, the Kaitz Index was associated with decreases in firearm homicide in all except the lowest quartile. These findings were largely consistent across stratifications. Changing a state's minimum wage, whereby a full-time minimum wage worker's salary is closer to a state's median income, may be an option for reducing firearm homicides. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research examines the notion of defensive gun ownership using the Dualistic Model of Passion. We hypothesized that an obsessive (vs. harmonious) passion for guns would be associated with a belief in a dangerous world (BDW). We expected this relationship to intensify in threatening contexts, leading to a more expansive view on defensive gun ownership. We tested this hypothesis across three threat contexts: a gun‐control message (Study 1, N = 342), a live shooting simulation (Study 2, N = 398), and the aftermath of the Christchurch mass shootings (Study 3, N = 314). In the experimental Study 1, exposure to a gun‐control message increased the intention to purchase guns among those with an obsessive passion (OP) for guns. Study 2 revealed that BDW mediated the relationship between OP and assertive modes of protection, the desire to purchase high‐stopping‐power guns, and anti‐Black racial bias in a shooting task. Study 3 showed that knowledge of the Christchurch attack intensified the link between OP and BDW, leading to increased support for gun access, a willingness to act as a citizen‐protector, and prejudice against Muslims. Comprehending these dynamics can assist policymakers in crafting messaging campaigns for firearm regulation and public safety measures that are more effective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over 45,000 gun deaths occur annually in the United States, a country with more than 100 million gun owners and more than 350 million guns. Nevertheless, passing legislation to reduce gun violence is difficult because the issue is intensely polarized. Polls asking about general gun policies (e.g., AR-15 restrictions) demonstrate that, at least in the abstract, Americans disagree vehemently about whether civilians should be able to keep and bear arms. It is possible, however, that a hidden consensus exists in America, which has thus far escaped attention--specifically, that when the focus is on their immediate environments and daily lives, even traditionally pro-gun groups may exhibit aversion to certain types of gun ownership and storage practices. To test this, we conducted two preregistered survey experiments with a large national sample. The first was a conjoint analysis where respondents chose between neighbors (n = 33,596 choices) who randomly varied on seven attributes, including gun ownership (none, pistol, AR-15). No group of respondents, not even traditionally pro-gun groups (e.g., Republicans), exhibited a significant preference for living near gun owners, and every group was averse to AR-15-owning neighbors. The second experiment, per debates about safe-storage laws, was a picture-based factorial vignette that randomized a neighbor's gun storage practices (n = 2,098). Every group of respondents was averse to interacting with a neighbor who stored guns outside of a locked safe. Our findings demonstrate that there is widespread agreement that certain types of gun ownership and storage practices are undesirable for communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to compare resilience and suicide risk among volunteers and non-volunteers, in response to the growing increase of suicides in the world and in the Ecuadorian context. A quantitative analysis methodology was applied, descriptive in scope and with a cross-sectional design. In addition, data were collected from 288 volunteers from a non-governmental organization and 701 young people who did not volunteer, using Plutchick's Suicide Risk Scale and Wagnild and Young's Resilience Scale. The results indicated significant differences in resilience between volunteers and non-volunteers (p<.001), showing greater resilience in the first group; however, no significant differences were observed in suicidal risk (p = 0941). This would suggest that volunteering could enhance resilience in those individuals who do not participate in volunteer activities, which has important implications for the design of interventions aimed at strengthening resilience in various social settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This study utilized demographic and intrapersonal variables to identify individuals who may have falsely denied firearm ownership and determined if individuals can be divided into meaningful subgroups. Methods: Participants were United States residents (N = 3500) recruited from January to June 2020. matched to the 2010 census data for age, race, sex, income, and education level. A Zero-Inflated Negative Binomial (ZINB) regression was utilized to determine potential underreporting of firearm ownership, and a latent class analysis was utilized to determine unique subgroups of those who were identified as underreporting firearm ownership in the ZINB. Results: Participants (N = 1306) were identified as underreporting firearm ownership (excess zeros) based on a model that included demographic and intrapersonal variables. A latent class analysis indicated that among excess zeros, three unique subgroups exist. Conclusions: Determining who may be underreporting firearm ownership will allow for a more comprehensive understanding of firearm ownership in the US and more targeted safe storage messages that may reach those who own firearms and are at risk for firearm-related injury and death. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Household firearm availability is a risk factor for firearm suicide when a household member at-risk for suicide. Firearm ownership for protection and perceptions of community violence may reduce the likelihood of limiting access to firearms as a way to prevent suicide. The association between a firearm suicide risk belief and the intention to reduce firearm access as a means of preventing suicide, with fear of community violence and firearm ownership for protection as moderators, was examined. The analytic sample consisted of 388 Missouri firearm owners from a cross-sectional, statewide survey of Missouri adults. Logistic regression models were estimated. Among Missouri firearm owners, firearm suicide risk belief was positively associated with the intention of reducing firearm access for firearm owners who were not afraid of community violence and owned a firearm for non-protection reasons (e.g., hunting). Findings suggest that firearm suicide prevention efforts must be tailored to address the underlying beliefs about their violence risk among firearm owners who indicate they principally own for protection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conservative political orientation is a strong predictor of gun ownership in the United States. We explore the extent to which this relationship is mediated by two related belief systems: Christian nationalism and Right-Wing conspiratorial thinking. Drawing on nationally representative data from the sixth wave of the Baylor Religion Survey (N = 1,248), we use logistic regression and the Karlson-Holm-Breen method to analyze gun ownership, disaggregated by type of gun and reason for ownership. Christian nationalism and conspiratorial thinking underlie political effects on automatic and semi-automatic guns, handguns, and guns owned for protection, especially among non-Hispanic white respondents. Christian nationalism and conspiratorial thinking are less salient to driving political differences in long gun or recreational gun ownership. Findings elucidate the belief-based mechanisms underlying the societally important link between conservative politics and gun ownership, demonstrating how beliefs pattern who owns guns (and why) in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Our objective is to expand upon the emerging literature that examines the role of multiple forms of racism in gun ownership and gun control attitudes among non‐Latino whites. While some of these studies, using standard measures of racial resentment, speculate about the color‐coded nature of crime and whether this partially motivates gun ownership, here we specifically consider whether cognitive and apathetic types of racism along with explicit racism are associated with gun ownership and attitudes. In doing so, we advance the literature by using novel measures of racism and focus on generalized racial attitudes, not just anti‐black views. We use data from the Guns in American Life Survey, an online survey using a national sample of adult respondents, and apply regression techniques to assess whether general racial attitudes, including fear of non‐whites, are associated with gun ownership and gun control attitudes net of control variables. The multivariate results suggest that racism, including fear of other races, is not associated with gun ownership. However, cognitive and apathetic indicators of racism influence gun control attitudes for at least some whites. The implications are that racism in various forms needs to be considered in all studies involving gun‐related issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we use data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health and latent class analysis to assess the extent to which individuals integrate guns into broader health lifestyles. We also examine how these new health lifestyles differ for men and women. While men integrate guns with a variety of risk‐taking behaviors, including smoking, heavy drinking, risky sexual behavior, and fast‐food consumption, women do not. Our results are consistent with a gendered theory of gun ownership and health lifestyles. On the one hand, some men may use guns and other risky health behaviors to project hegemonic masculinity. On the other hand, some women may avoid guns and other elements of risky lifestyles to signify normative femininity. It is important for sociologists and public health scholars to focus more on how and why men are more likely to integrate guns into generally unhealthy lifestyles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gun violence in the USA is a documented public health crisis. Publicly accessible data from Twitter posts can be used to rapidly capture and describe the public's recent conversations about guns. Because these gun-related conversations change rapidly, it is important to provide regularly updated information on them. Twitter posts containing gun-related terms were obtained from January 1, 2022 to June 30, 2022. To understand topics of gun-related tweets (N = 449,492), topic modeling was performed with Top2Vec. Gun ownership control, concern about gun safety and its impact on children and schools, and the Second Amendment were major areas of the gun-related discourse on Twitter. Several identified topics in this study were a consequence of the study period, including "Discourse on Capitol Riots," and "Wartime and Military Use of Guns," with the latter topic containing conversations about the Russia-Ukraine War. Conversations around the influence of the National Rifle Association (NRA) on gun policies and pro-gun ownership perspectives were also part of the public discourse. The intersection between alcohol, substance use, and gun use was infrequently observed. Findings suggest that gun-related conversations in social media such as Twitter can inform public health researchers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent decades, U.S. gun rights lobbying groups, politicians, courts, and market actors have sought to responsibilize U.S. consumers to use firearms to address the societal problem of crime. These efforts center an interpretation of the constitutional right to keep and bear arms guaranteed by the Second Amendment as an entitlement for individuals to practice armed self-defense. Using interview and online discussion data, this research investigates consumers' responses to responsibilization for this morally fraught set of behaviors, and the role of consumers' various understandings of the right to bear arms in these responses. Findings show that consumers consider multiple, specific armed protection scenarios and accept responsibilization in only a portion of these scenarios while rejecting it for the remainder. Acceptance is determined by their appraisals of the morality of consumer responsibilization subprocesses. Consumers' understanding of the constitutional right serves as a heuristic in these appraisals, with some understandings leading consumers to accept responsibilization across a much larger proportion of scenarios than others. Contributions include illustrating response to consumer responsibilization as a proportionality; illuminating consumers' active role in appraising responsibilizing efforts; and demonstrating how some consumers come to understand a responsibilized behavior as a moral entitlement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the court case Range v. Attorney General in which the Third Circuit held that there were no historical analogues to stripping a nonviolent offender of his Second Amendment rights. It describes the case filed by Brian Range alleging that his Second Amendment rights were violated when he was banned from owning firearms after his conviction for making a false statement to obtain food stamp assistance. It examines the application of the history-and-tradition test in the case.

Objective: This article considers the influence of female legislators on gun legislation across U.S. states. Females have behavioral differences with males and likely different exposure to gun‐related violence. Method: Using data from 1991 to 2020, we estimate the drivers of gun legislation across U.S. states. The dependent variables are alternately the total number of gun laws enacted and 5‐year differences in gun laws. Results: We find that female legislators in state houses significantly increase the supply of gun laws. Female senators, on the other hand, were no different from their male counterparts. In other results, states with greater population density had more gun laws, while economic prosperity, race, and the elderly population did not generally have significant effects. Finally, when special interest aspects, involving gun ownership, mass shooting episodes, and states with single‐party control of the legislative and executive branches are considered, mass shootings and single‐party control increase laws, while gun owners have the opposite effect. These findings show significance when 5‐year differences in gun laws are used. Conclusions: Our findings suggest that when it comes to gun legislation and female legislator representation, it matters which chamber of the legislature females are elected to. Furthermore, different interest groups can significantly bear upon gun legislation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Supreme Court 's grant of certiorari to review United States v. Rahimi presents the Court with an important opportunity to clarify its 2022 ruling in New York State Rifle & Pistol Association v. Bruen. In Rahimi, the Fifth Circuit expanded Bruen's historical approach to the Second Amendment when it struck down a 1994 federal law, 18 U.S.C. § 922(g)(8), which allowed a court to disarm a person subject to a domestic violence civil protective order. This essay argues that Rahimi offers insight into one of Bruen's potential flaws, and suggests an alternative analysis of Rahimi that helps to remedy this problem more broadly without undermining Bruen itself. Bruen accepted and perpetuated the results of cost-benefit analyses of the Second Amendment performed by ancient legislatures, leaving no opportunity for interest-balancing by modern lawmakers. In deciding Rahimi pursuant to Bruen, the Fifth Circuit focused its inquiry on what eighteenth century legislatures had done with regard to perpetrators of domestic violence, and found no analogue sufficient to support § 922(g)(8). At the time of ratification, no calculation had been made to suggest that the societal interests in curbing domestic violence outweighed the interest of gun ownership. This is largely because lawmakers, and society in general, did not recognize domestic violence or the rights of women as categories of social interest, much less as targets of ameliorative legislative or judicial action. It would be nonsensical, therefore, to go backwards in history and rely upon cost-benefit calculations done by a legislature incapable of fully appreciating the challenges faced or values held by modern society. And yet Bruen, as read by the Rahimi court, would bind modern society to that perspective. To resolve the conundrum, this essay suggests three approaches to addressing the Rahimi issue while still remaining consistent with the Bruen regime. The most specific solution in Rahimi would be to clarify that persons who have perpetrated domestic violence and are subject to a qualifying civil protective order, even before being convicted of a crime, fall outside the community of "law-abiding citizens" whose gun rights are protected. A broader solution to the analytical problem would be for the Court to adjust the relevant historical period to which it looks for analogues whenever a societal failure of the founding period-such as deeply rooted discrimination and exclusion--rendered early legislatures incapable of striking a meaningful balance between the competing interests at issue. Or, relatedly, the Court could permit explicit means-end scrutiny, in the form of intermediate or strict scrutiny, to be applied to modern regulations that are designed to further a societal interest that was grossly undervalued in the ratification era, particularly due to entrenched systems of discrimination or exclusion. These adjustments to the historical approach advanced by Bruen would preserve the legislature's responsibility of meaningfully considering and balancing gun rights with competing social interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aimed to identify the prevalence and correlates of firearm ownership in a large, contemporary, nationally representative sample of U.S. military veterans. Data were analyzed from the 2022 National Health and Resilience in Veterans Study (N=2,326; mean age=60.2 years). Weighted independent-sample t -tests and chi-square analyses were conducted to compare veterans who did with those who did not report firearm ownership on sociodemographic, military, and psychiatric variables. A multivariable logistic regression analysis using backward elimination was conducted to identify the characteristics independently associated with firearm ownership, and a relative importance analysis was conducted to quantify the relative variance in firearm ownership that was explained by each of the statistically significant main effects. Of the total 2,326 veterans, 1,217 (weighted 50.9%, 95% CI=48.0%, 53.9%) reported owning any firearms. Male sex, conservative political ideology, living in rural area, home ownership, cumulative trauma burden, and lifetime history of alcohol use disorder were most strongly associated with firearm ownership. This study provides an updated characterization of the prevalence and correlates of firearm ownership among the U.S. veterans. Results of this nationally representative study suggest that firearm ownership in this group may be higher than previously reported and underscore the importance of targeted suicide prevention efforts promoting firearm safety among vulnerable segments of this population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Guatemala has one of the highest firearm homicide rates and gun ownership per capita in the world. This paper discusses the extent to which it stands as a case to add to the routine activity hypothesis versus the fear hypothesis. Using a negative binomial regression model, this study tested the relationship between firearm possession and homicide rates in its municipalities in 2018. A new dataset at the municipal level on firearm possession and ownership for 2018 was obtained from DIGECAM. The data were obtained from the National Civil Police and the 2018 Population and Housing Census. The authors found empirical evidence stating that the absence of security, justice institutions, and regional subculture of violence leads the population to use firearms due to fear or perceived risk of self-protection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Levels of gun ownership and lethal violence in the U.S. far surpass those in any other developed country, and yet, there is little known about the origins of these trends owing to a lack of historical data on the prevalence of gun ownership. To fill this gap, this study extends an existing proxy for household gun ownership rates—firearm suicides divided by suicides—from 1949 to 2020, including new coverage for the 1949 to 1972 period. A novel approach was developed to validate the firearm suicides divided by suicides proxy for household gun ownership rates during a period that lacks firearm ownership measures conventionally used to validate firearm proxies. Historical data were compiled that should be strongly associated with gun ownership trends to test the strength and consistency of the relationship with the percentage of all suicides committed with a firearm between 1949 and 2020. The firearm suicides divided by suicides proxy increased by 45% between 1949 and 1990, the latter representing the U.S.'s peak year for the firearm suicides divided by suicides proxy. Over half of that increase occurred between 1949 and 1972, the period that previously lacked systematic data on gun prevalence rates. Firearm suicides divided by suicides can be used as a proxy for the prevalence of guns among U.S. households at the state level between 1949 and 1972. Unlike most gun prevalence measures that are representative at the national or regional level, this proxy represents household gun ownership trends at the state level and is not reliant on self-reported data that are prone to social desirability bias. This extended proxy represents the longest-ranging data set of state-level gun ownership rates to date. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research aimed to: Identify level of attitude towards use of mechanized agriculture in Sharkia Governorate, determine significant correlation between attitude level of towards use of mechanized agriculture and independent variables, determine the degree of relative contribution of the independent variables in explaining the total variation in attitude level towards use of mechanized agriculture, determine the significant differences between respondent farmers in attitude towards use of mechanized agriculture and its axes according to location of agricultural mechanization station, identify problems that hinder use of mechanized agriculture, and identify suggtion to solve them. The research was based on the social survey method on a sample of 362farmers in Shalshalamon and Manzil Hayyan in Sharkia Governorate. Data were collected by a personal interview questionnaire during February to March 2023. Data were analyzed by: frequencies, percentage, relative weight, Cronbach's alpha coefficient, Pearson's correlation coefficient, step wise coefficient, ANOVA, L.S.D. Results showed that more than half of the farmers had a neutral attitude towards use of agricultural mechanization by 56.1%, towards investment in field of agricultural mechanization by 56.9%, and towards use of mechanization in some agricultural operations by 66%. Results showed that four independent variables contributed significantly together to explain the total variation in farmers' attitude towards use of mechanized agriculture by 18.9%, these variables Were: age by 9.1%, ownership of agricultural machineryby5.1%, the prepare to risk by 3.5%, ownership of agricultural land by 1.2%. This showed a statistically significant difference between farmers in the attitude towards use of mechanized agriculture and its axes according to location of agricultural mechanization station. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: In the United States (US), mass shootings could be regarded as a public health issue due to their ubiquitous and public nature. Social-ecological models, commonly used to explain health behaviours, can contribute to the understanding of potential determinants of mass shootings based on current evidence. Aim: To conduct a systematic review on factors associated with the perpetration of mass shooting events and casualties (injuries or fatalities) at mass shooting events. Materials and Methods: The author searched the literature on PubMed using the term "mass shooting". Inclusion criteria included titles containing the words "shoot*," "firearm*," or "gun*," having an abstract or full text, and the study being either primary research or secondary data analysis on the perpetration or casualties of mass shootings. Results: The author reviewed 36 articles, nearly all of which focused on mass shootings in US. For the perpetration of mass shootings, gun ownership and access were present at all levels of the social-ecological model. Other factors for perpetration included mental illness, relationship issues, and permissive firearm laws. Mass shooting casualties were associated with the use of high-powered firearms at the intrapersonal level and permissive firearm laws at the policy level. Conclusion: Firearms-related factors were associated with both the perpetration and casualties of mass shootings at various levels of the social-ecological model. However, caveats, including a limited time frame of the review, limited sources of publications, and subjectivity in building the social-ecological model, should be considered in the interpretation of the study findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background and aim: Cognitive behavioural coping strategies are closely correlated with depression and suicide risk. The aim of this study is to explore the particular features of cognitive-behavioural coping strategies and their impact on depression levels and suicidal ideation. Methods: The study included a total of 131 participants, of whom 65 had a clinical diagnosis of depression and 66 were controls. Psychometric tools were administered to both groups: Montgomery-Asberg Depression Scale (MADRS), Depression Anxiety Stress Scale (DASS21R), Strategic approach to coping scale (SACS), Columbia Suicide Severity Rating Scale (C-SSRS), in order to assess the differences between depressive and non-depressive individuals in relation to cognitive behavioural coping strategies. Results and conclusion: Results based on statistical analysis of scores obtained on various psychometric scales showed significant differences between depressed and non-depressed patients. Also, cognitive-behavioural strategies could represent predictors that can be used in the prevention of suicide risk. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: The present study sought to better understand the characteristics of those who own firearms in the Black community; and to understand how Black firearm owners differ from nonfirearm owning Black individuals on a variety of variables related to safety, threat concerns, and suicide risk. Methods: Two samples were utilized in this study. The first was a subsample of those who identified as Black from a nationally representative sample (N = 502) seeking to understand firearm ownership within the United States. The second used a subsample of those who identified as Black (N = 1086) from a representative sample from New Jersey, Minnesota, and Mississippi. Variables related to safety and threat concerns were included in the second sample. Results: In both samples, multiple demographic variables, such as being a woman and having higher education, predicted firearm ownership. In the second sample, experiences of everyday discrimination and crime experiences were associated with firearm ownership. Additionally, Black firearm owners reported significantly more suicidal ideation than Black nonfirearm owners. Conclusion: The findings demonstrate the unique characteristics and experiences of Black firearm owners and show that firearm ownership is associated with increased suicide risk factors for Black adults. Findings should be used to advocate for the creation of more culturally relevant suicide prevention and firearm means safety strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Veteran total and firearm suicide rates are higher compared to the general population. Among the general population, total and firearm suicide rates are higher in US states deemed cultures of honor compared to non‐honor states, likely because honor states have higher firearm ownership rates and fewer firearm laws. Considering that veterans tend to live in states with fewer firearm laws and that veteran population rates predict both statewide total and firearm suicide rates, it is possible that the elevated suicide rates seen in honor states in part due to those states having a greater presence of veterans compared to non‐honor states. Method: Publicly available databases were used to obtain total and firearm suicide rates (per 100 k) for veterans and non‐veterans, as well as our covariates (e.g., rurality). Results: Veteran population proportions were higher in honor states than non‐honor states. Veteran and non‐veteran total and firearm suicide rates were higher in honor states compared to non‐honor states. Statewide differences in all four suicide rates were indirectly explained by honor states having higher firearm ownership than non‐honor states. Conclusions: These findings add to a growing body of literature showing that enacting firearm regulations may be a viable public health approach for preventing suicide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the reciprocal county-level relationship between the number of concealed carry weapon (CCW) licenses issued and homicides between 2010 and 2019 in a sample of eleven states. We utilize a random intercept cross-lagged panel model (RI-CLPM) approach accounting for reciprocal effects over time between homicide and concealed carry licenses, providing a robust methodological approach to the study of concealed carry and homicide. The results of the RI-CLPM found that increases in the number of CCWs in 2010–2017 were statistically associated with increases in total gun homicide in 2011–2018. Reciprocally, we found some limited evidence that increases in gun homicide were associated with changes in the number of CCWs issued in subsequent years during the early part of our study period. Far from concealed carry making people safer, our model finds acute safety risks associated with expansion of legal firearm carrying. As the right to carry firearms expands in many states, we emphasize the importance of responsible gun ownership practices, and draw attention to the need to implement preventive laws that keep guns out of the hands of people with prior violent histories and from places where violence risk is amplified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States combine high rates of firearm homicides with high gun prevalence. In the past, a significant positive association was found between the two. This study revisits the gun prevalence-gun homicide debate using more elaborate estimates of gun ownership for the 50 States. Longitudinal data (1999–2016) were analysed with Bayesian multilevel Gamma-Poisson models. The results demonstrated a very small positive association that diminished after adjusting for crime rates. Findings suggest that the association either attenuated in more recent years, or previous studies had overestimated this association. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]