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In January 2018, two different large-scale simulation games on the European Union's decision-making process took place in Brussels. This study aims to bring systematic empirical evidence from both EuroSim and SUNY Model EU, two active learning experiences that gather around 300 international participants. The intention is to scrutinize whether specific student attributes generate differential effects on the learning outcomes. These involve cognitive outcomes and affective outcomes. The first type refers to participant's level of knowledge and understanding about the EU policy-making dynamics. The second type reflects on participants' overall interest and motivation upon the EU. The data were obtained through a post-game survey method based on stratified sampling. The results point at affective outcomes as the most salient learning outcomes of the simulations. In relation to participants' features, the data reveal country of origin and gender as good performance-enhancers for students of non-EU origin and for the female cohort. All in all, in order to increase the usefulness of large-scale simulations, more attention needs to be given to participant selection and role attribution, as well as post-simulation debriefing or focus groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses Twitter messages sent in May 2011 to study the ability of the so-called 15-M movement, a "connective" movement, to place their demands on the media agenda and maintain control over their own discourse. The results show that the activists' discourse included many issues, although greatest attention was given to three: electoral and party systems, democracy and governance, and civil liberties. Moreover, the study reveals that the media covered all the movement's issues and that activists maintained their plural discourse throughout the protest. This article contributes to the literature on 'connective' social movements, showing that in certain circumstances these movements have the capacity to determine media coverage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses Twitter messages sent in May 2011 to study the ability of the so-called 15-M movement, a "connective" movement, to place their demands on the media agenda and maintain control over their own discourse. The results show that the activists' discourse included many issues, although greatest attention was given to three: electoral and party systems, democracy and governance, and civil liberties. Moreover, the study reveals that the media covered all the movement's issues and that activists maintained their plural discourse throughout the protest. This article contributes to the literature on 'connective' social movements, showing that in certain circumstances these movements have the capacity to determine media coverage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses media coverage of corruption scandals in Spain between 1996 and 2009. The fi rst aim is to determine to what extent the two most-read newspapers in Spain, El País and El Mundo, cover corruption scandals following different political orientations. Results illustrate highly partisan media coverage: there are important differences in how these newspapers cover corruption cases, depending on the political party involved (PP or PSOE). A second goal is to analyse whether the media influence citizens' perception of corruption as a public problem. Results show that, when the number of news stories on political corruption increases, the percentage of citizens that consider corruption as one of the most important problems in Spain also increases. Media impact on public opinion is high and occurs in the short- to mid-term. Finally, the paper analyses to what extent the perception of corruption is influenced by changes in the perception of the economic situation, by showing that this variable has low explanatory power compared to media coverage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]