Search

In recent years, industrial metropolises in China have experienced a surge in proactive planning initiatives aimed at developing high-rise industrial structures, commonly known as "Industry's Going Upstairs (IGU)." This study argues that the IGU represents a distinct form of urban verticality that is neither motivated by capitalist speculation nor sustainability prompts but rather by local states' intervention to ensure economic resilience and enhance innovation capabilities. This study presents the case of Shenzhen to demonstrate how the adoption of the IGU initiative is catalyzed by concerns over manufacturing sectors' out-migration and the effects of volatile US-China relations on the city's competitiveness. In light of these circumstances, Shenzhen has embraced the ambitious IGU initiative as a practical approach to reverse the trend of deindustrialization while sidestepping the lengthy process of industrial land redevelopment. The paper concludes by emphasizing the need for a comprehensive understanding of political-economic factors that drive urban vertical expansion and their potential consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• The article proposes an empirical analysis of Brazilian deindustrialization from a Marxian perspective. • Inter-regional input-output analysis is the quantitative instrument used to measure deindustrialization indicators. • Two critical situations indicating structural change are proposed. • The results indicate a process of deindustrialization in Brazil between 1995 and 2010. • The results show that the primary sector is gaining ground in the dynamization of Brazilian capitalism. The article brings new indicators that reinforce the thesis that the Brazilian economy went through a process of deindustrialization. Based on the guiding principle of Marx's reproduction schemes, the instrument of inter-regional input-output analysis was used as empirical method. The output multipliers obtained from the Leontief and Ghosh models were used as indicators for measuring structural changes. Critical situations that can show whether there were structural changes in the sectors of the economy, considering both the local economic activity and its relationship with the world economy, are presented. The main results confirm the existence of a deindustrialization of the Brazilian economy. However, it was found that, in absolute and relative terms, the reduction in the capacity of the Brazilian manufacturing to drive the economy oscillated between moments of greater and lesser intensity. Furthermore, strong indications that the Brazilian primary sector is becoming an enclave were found. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contributes to the research on regional deindustrialization in Brazil. This paper develops and analyzes the relative regional deindustrialization (DRR) indicator from 2002 to 2018, which sought to measure which regions would be most affected by the deindustrialization process in Brazil. The main results were: the main regions "above the national average" were PE, BA and the Midwest states (GO, MT, MS and DF); the main regions "below the national average" were: PA, RN, ES, RJ and RS; and the other states were close to the "national average". In conclusion, the results for the "national average" and "above the national average" states do not exclude regional deindustrialization, but for the regions "below the national average", they raise greater concerns about the phenomenon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Examine industrial trends in six Central American economies, and find that the industrial employment share has declined by an average of 2.5 percentage points over the past two decades. • Decline not due to a trade-driven deindustrialization but rather due to an increase in barriers that restrict the efficient flow of labor across sectors. • Policy interventions targeting these barriers could potentially lead to significant industrial expansion, but the economic impact may be marginal, with aggregate output projected to increase by 3.2 percent or less. • Boosting productivity could be a more prudent growth strategy. This paper analyses industrial trends in six Central American economies by assembling and harmonizing sectoral data from multiple sources. Industrial employment share has declined by an average of 2.5 percentage points over the past two decades. Contrary to a trade-driven deindustrialization hypothesis, which suggests that cheaper imports have replaced domestic production of industrial goods, the findings indicate that this decline is primarily driven by an increase in barriers that restrict the efficient flow of labor across sectors. The paper argues that policy interventions that target these barriers could potentially lead to significant industrial expansion. However, the economic impact of such policies may be marginal, with aggregate output projected to increase by 3.2 percent or less upon eliminating these barriers. Moreover, this approach also carries risks, as it may introduce new distortions that could further hinder economic efficiency. Perhaps a more prudent growth strategy will be to concentrate on boosting productivity, which though challenging, directly affects the output. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article takes a step in identifying a more accurate economic history of deindustrialization. Following the extension of the timeline of deindustrialization and its divorce from the 1970s, this article examines the reasons for production facility relocation our of Detroit, prior to the 1970s. Given that the process of deindustrialization occurred prior to 1970, the reasons must be reevaluated. To this end, this article examines one of the lesser investigated reasons that auto corporations moved their production facilities out of Detroit; organized labor. It shows that organized labor was one of the driving factors of production facility relocation. This article makes use of multiple collections housed in the Reuther Archives at Wayne State University in relation to organized labor, as well as union density data. This article details how and why production facilities were pushed out of Detroit in an effort to evade organized labor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study takes a closer look at the deindustrialization of the South Indian city of Bangalore with respect to its former cotton mill sector, nearly two decades after the closure of the first three composite cotton mills in the city. The study views deindustrialization from sectoral, city‐ and community‐centric perspectives. As well as identifying Bangalore as a significant site within the 'bygone mills' discourse in India, the article contributes to the less‐researched theme of deindustrialization in the global South. It provides a detailed look into the city's mill‐scapes, from their rise in the late 19th and early 20th centuries to their demise in the early 21st century, through a mix of archival evidence, spatial analysis and an interrogation of the collective memory of millworkers and their families. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Job security has always been a paramount concern for the trade union movement. This article explores the ways that unions used collective bargaining to gain a measure of job security for their members in the face of deindustrialization as unionized factories in North America began to close in large numbers after the 1970s. These new measures included advance notice, severance pay, plant closing moratoria, restrictions placed on plant movements, transfer rights, and expanding the scope of collective 'social' bargaining to cover training and adjustment. In some sectors, such as automotive, collective bargaining has also been extended into areas normally left to management. The price was often high. Eventually some unions, notably the Canadian Auto Workers (established 1985; part of Unifor after 2013), prioritized winning new capital investments and product lines for unionized plants in their negotiations, though often at the cost of jobs, wage freezes or reductions, and other concessions. By focusing upon auto sector deindustrialization in Canada since the 1980s, we draw lessons from more recent union bargaining strategies, and how they constitute an important element of worker responses to industrial job loss and manufacturing closure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Brazil and elsewhere in the world, diagnoses of deindustrialization are concentrated in aggregate manufacturing, so policies can be ineffective if deindustrialization has a sector-specific component. This study quantifies and analyses deindustrialization for the individualised manufacturing sub-sectors. To do this, unpublished series of the manufacturing sub-sectors' share in the Brazilian GDP from 1970 to 2016 were created, based on official IBGE data. The results show that the manufacturing sub-sectors have deindustrialised at different intensities and periods of aggregate manufacturing, and a subsectoral approach reveals traces ignored by the literature on the quality of deindustrialization. We conclude that the Brazilian deindustrialization is normal (and expected) for the labourintensive manufacturing sub-sectors, but premature (and undesirable) for the technologyintensive sub-sectors. Therefore, Brazilian deindustrialization has negative consequences for the country's future scientific and technological development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This photographic essay explores how obsolete smokestacks were recast as postindustrial monuments in the urban design-led "reconstruction" of Barcelona since the 1970s. Within the context of the "long goodbye" of deindustrialization, the accompanying text traces how industrial chimneys were re-signified and monumentalized. The images, result of a photographic survey of all remaining smokestacks in the city, frame these industrial obelisks within the transformation of their surrounding landscapes. They constitute a key element of an ongoing investigation melding creative practice and qualitative research, in which I argue that serial photography and participatory curatorial practice can elucidate the ambivalent experiences of deindustrialization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Deindustrialization is a major burden on workers' health in many countries, calling for theoretically informed sociological analysis. Here, we present a novel neoclassical sociological synthesis of the lived experience of deindustrialization. We conceptualize industry as a social institution whose disintegration has widespread implications for the social fabric. Combining Durkheimian and Marxian categories, we show that deindustrialization generates ruptures in economic production, which entail job and income loss, increased exploitation, social inequality, and the disruption of services. These ruptures spill over to the field of social reproduction, generating material deprivation, job strain, fatalism, increased domestic workload, anomie, community disintegration, and alienation. These ruptures in social reproduction are sources of psychosocial stress, through which deindustrialization gets embodied as ill health and dysfunctional health behavior. We substantiate this framework through the extensive qualitative thematic analysis of 82 life history interviews in Hungary's rust belt. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Deindustrialization became a pressing political issue and an object of research almost simultaneously in North America. This article inquires into the intellectual origins and radical roots of the deindustrialization thesis in Canada and the United States. Though the two countries share much in common, their distinctive formulations of the deindustrial problem in the 1970s and 1980s reflected key economic and political differences between them. Radical political economists in Canada and the United States turned to dependency theory and capital flight, respectively, in their theorization of deindustrialization. Barry Bluestone and Bennett Harrison's 1982 book, The Deindustrialization of America , in particular, is a founding text for the burgeoning field of deindustrialization studies. We can learn much from re-engaging with this early scholarship. In doing so, however, we need to bridge the continuing analytical divide between micro-level labour histories of working-class communities and macro-level studies of political economy and the international division of labour. La désindustrialisation est devenue un enjeu politique pressant et un objet de recherche presque simultanément en Amérique du Nord. Cet article interroge les origines intellectuelles et les racines radicales de la thèse de la désindustrialisation au Canada et aux États-Unis. Bien que les deux pays partagent beaucoup de points communs, leurs formulations distinctes du problème désindustriel dans les années 1970 et 1980 reflétaient des différences économiques et politiques essentielles entre eux. Les économistes politiques radicaux du Canada et des États-Unis se sont tournés vers la théorie de la dépendance et la fuite des capitaux, respectivement, dans leur théorisation de la désindustrialisation. Le livre de Barry Bluestone et Bennett Harrison de 1982, The Deindustrialization of America , en particulier, est un texte fondateur pour le domaine en plein essor des études sur la désindustrialisation. Nous pouvons apprendre beaucoup en renouant avec cette première bourse. Ce faisant, cependant, nous devons combler le fossé analytique persistant entre les histoires de travail au niveau micro des communautés ouvrières et les études au niveau macro de l'économie politique et de la division internationale du travail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tracing the history of gendered working-class responses to deindustrialization in the Montréal neighbourhood of Saint-Henri reveals that many of the local political initiatives of the 1960s and 1970s were connected to longer-term working-class efforts to navigate shifting patterns of capital accumulation extending back to the 1940s. The gendered tradition of territory-based organizing in this community encouraged women workers' shop-floor militancy and was foundational for new forms of local political advocacy around issues like health care and housing. In deindustrialization's moment, the concerns of a precariously employed, feminized working-class population spurred a crossover of industrial struggle with survival-focused reproductive labour issues, centred around a grassroots organization called the popir (Projet d'organisation populaire, d'information, et de regroupement). This pattern of gendered working-class militancy and solidarity persisted throughout the 1980s and shaped resistance to Saint-Henri's subsequent gentrification at the turn of the new millennium. Retracer l'histoire des ripostes de la classe ouvrière à la désindustrialisation dans le quartier montréalais de Saint-Henri dans une perspective genrée permet d'établir des liens entre les initiatives politiques locales des années 1960 et 1970 aux tentatives d'adaptation de la classe ouvrière au contexte changeant d'accumulation du capital qui remontent à la décennie 1940. La tradition genrée de l'organisation locale au sein de cette communauté a encouragé le militantisme des travailleuses sur le plancher des usines et est au fondement de nouvelles formes d'organisations locales de défense des droits autour d'enjeux comme l'accès aux soins de santé et au logement. Dans un moment de désindustrialisation, les préoccupations d'une population ouvrière précaire et majoritairement féminisée ont donné l'élan au croisement entre les luttes industrielles et les enjeux de survie liés au travail reproductif, concentré au sein d'une organisation de base nommé le popir (Projet d'organisation populaire, d'information et de regroupement). Ce schéma de militantisme et de solidarité mené par une classe ouvrière genrée a persisté jusque dans les années 1980 et a servi de modèle à la résistance contre l'embourgeoisement de Saint-Henri au tournant du millénaire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This shareholder activism was a significant departure from the traditional tools that unions used to represent workers, particularly collective bargaining, and legislative and political action. The number of workers covered by union-negotiated pensions is a fraction of what it once was; indeed, many plans are barely staying afloat as their populations age and they are not replenished by contributions from younger workers. For instance, a union seeking wage increases for workers at a large hospital might court public support by arguing that such improvements will benefit all workers in that community. [Extracted from the article]

On 15 August 1983, 9,500 workers from the Montréal locals of the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union went on strike for the first time in 43 years. The strike became known as "la grève de la fierté" and made clear that the women working in the city's garment factories were taking a stand against the layoffs and closures prompted by industrial restructuring and deindustrialization. However, the strike's success was limited, revealing the extent to which the structural inequities in the garment industry had calcified along gendered, classed, and ethnic lines. The union executive had grown increasingly distant from its rank-and-file, and it was immigrant women workers who were left to organize against the flurry of closures and the corresponding decline in their working conditions. The campaign leading up to the 1983 strike, organized by the Comité d'action des travailleurs du vêtement, articulated a series of demands for the improvement of workplace health and safety conditions, better benefits, and more representative union leadership. With original archival research and oral history interviews, I argue that the 1983 "grève de la fierté" illustrates how the historically entrenched gendered structure of labour relations shaped the pathways of deindustrialization in Montréal's garment industry. Le 15 août 1983, 9 500 travailleuses des sections locales montréalaises de l'Union internationale des ouvrières du vêtement pour dames se sont mis en grève pour la première fois en 43 ans. Cette grève, connue sous le nom de « grève de la fierté », montre que les femmes travaillant dans les usines de confection de la ville prennent position contre les licenciements et les fermetures provoqués par la restructuration industrielle et la désindustrialisation. Cependant, le succès de la grève a été limité, révélant à quel point les inégalités structurelles dans l'industrie de la confection s'étaient calcifiées selon les critères de genre, de classe et d'ethnie. La direction du syndicat s'était éloignée de plus en plus de sa base, et ce sont les travailleuses immigrées qui ont dû s'organiser pour lutter contre les fermetures et la dégradation correspondante de leurs conditions de travail. La campagne qui a mené à la grève de 1983, organisée par le Comité d'action des travailleurs du vêtement, a formulé une série de demandes pour l'amélioration des conditions de santé et de sécurité au travail, de meilleurs avantages sociaux et une direction syndicale plus représentative. À l'aide d'une recherche archivistique originale et d'entrevues d'histoire orale, je soutiens que la « grève de la fierté » de 1983 illustre comment la structure genrée des relations de travail a façonné les voies de la désindustrialisation dans l'industrie du vêtement de Montréal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Deindustrialization may emerge in both developed and developing countries. One dimension of the industrialization trend is regional deindustrialization in a country. • Analyzes inter-state deindustrialization trends in the U.S. by dividing states into three income level groups (high, middle, and low). • Determines the turning points of inter-state deindustrialization in the U.S. and the difference in the rate of deindustrialization. • Conducts both time-series and panel data methodology. • Results show that the phenomenon of premature deindustrialization, which is historically observed in developing countries at a very lower GDP per capita income levels than developed countries, might exist at the regional level even in a developed country. The phenomenon of deindustrialization may emerge in both developed and developing countries. Besides deindustrialization is observable in different regions of a country. This study analyzes inter-state deindustrialization trends in the United States (the U.S.) from 1977 to 2017 by dividing states into three income level groups (high, middle, and low). Instead of specifying the factors, we determine the turning points of inter-state deindustrialization and the difference in the rate of deindustrialization by applying both time-series and panel data methodology. The results suggest that the deindustrialization hypothesis is valid in 38 out of 50 states, DC, and the U.S. at the country level. Furthermore, our results show that deindustrialization curves in lower-income states reach a turning point at lower per capita income levels and at an earlier time-span compared to higher-income state groups. Our findings indicate that premature/early deindustrialization, which is commonly stated for developing countries in the literature is also valid for different regions in a developed country, the U.S. in our case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the possible role of US trade liberalization in explaining Puerto Rico's deindustrialization. In order to address this issue, time series techniques were used. The results of the Granger Causality Test suggest that the imports made by the US from Mexico, Canada, Ireland, and Costa Rica do not explain Puerto Rico's deindustrialization. Therefore, no causal relationship was found between the imports made by the US from its NAFTA partners and the countries where the corporations that benefited from Section 936 relocated with the deindustrialization of Puerto Rico. Besides, the impulse response exercise suggests that in the first period, deindustrialization explains its variability by 100%, and in the final period, it explains 95.47%. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the causes of structural change in Brazil, through the rise and the fall of the manufacturing industry, and the consequences for total factor productivity and manufacturing labour productivity, from 1947 to 2021. Our results show that the industrialization of the Brazilian productive structure is positively associated with expansions in infrastructure investments and with the pursuit of a competitive real exchange rate, that is, with policies oriented towards economic development. Our findings also indicate that such variables exert a direct influence on total factor productivity and manufacturing labour productivity and an indirect influence through their impacts on the Brazilian productive structure. Our conclusions suggest that an important cause of the Brazilian premature deindustrialization, and then of its poor performance in terms of total factor productivity and manufacturing labour productivity, is the adoption of policies not oriented towards economic development adopted since the neoliberal reforms of the 1980s and 1990s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Far from simply being a 'bookend' of the industrial age, deindustrialization is an integral part of capitalist development and thus has a long history. In the North American context, the early scholarship on deindustrialization emerged from the efforts to resist plant closures as they were happening. More recently, the field of deindustrialization studies has been reinvigorated by authors who have shifted the centre of gravity from the US Rust Belt to Europe and increasingly to other parts of the world. This introduction traces the emergence and recent transformations in the field of deindustrialization studies. It also introduces this themed issue on the politics of deindustrialization, which tells the stories of shuttered mines, mills, and factories within the wider restructuring of the international division of labour in the late twentieth century. The articles, written from a range of disciplinary perspectives, extend outward to how workers, their unions, state actors, and the general public responded to the challenge of deindustrialization. The authors are all affiliated with the 'Deindustrialization and the Politics of Our Time' (DePOT) research project (deindustrialization.org), which brings together many of the world's leading deindustrialization scholars to put the field in transnational perspective. By extending the range of comparisons and scales of analysis, this special-themed issue invites us to broaden our understanding of deindustrialization, both thematically and methodologically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses the various articles published within the issue on topics like deindustrialization, working class studies, and capitalism.

Recent historiographical trends have ensured the continued relevance of the strike at the Mansfield Mills' hosiery factory in Loughborough in 1972. How this dispute, one of three in the East Midlands in two years dubbed 'race strikes' by the press, gained notoriety and were interpreted as an exemplar of British working-class racism requires re-evaluation. The article uses sources underutilized in previous studies, including the archive of the National Union of Hosiery and Knitwear Workers (NUHKW), to better understand the industry, the traditions of the hosiery craft, and how its processes of training and promotion differed from other industries that experienced 'race strikes'. This article relocates the dispute within the processes of deindustrialization, demographic and social change, workplace culture, and the importance of press reportage in shaping interpretations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Iron Ore Company of Canada announced the closure of its mine in Schefferville, Quebec, on 2 November 1982, throwing the town's future in doubt. Its slow agony made headlines across Canada for weeks, months, and even years. This article considers how the politics of deindustrialization got bound up in the national project of the settler-colonial state and the political ambitions of politicians, given that the company was led by Brian Mulroney, who became Canada's prime minister soon thereafter. Due to its perceived symbolic importance, a Quebec parliamentary commission of inquiry was named to inquire into the fate of the town, offering us the opportunity to consider the ways in which race and settler colonialism structured the process and how white residents and politicians as well as Indigenous leaders understood the significance of what was going on. The mine's closure had devastating economic consequences for the Innu and Naskapi communities, as well as the white residents, but it also marked a recentring for Indigenous people displaced from the socio-economic and political periphery to the centre of what remained behind in deindustrialization's aftermath. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This joint-authored essay concludes the thematic issue 'Marking Race'. Drawing on the authors' individual essays and reviewing the wider literatures in the field of race and immigration, imperialism and decolonization, social democracy and the welfare state, and deindustrialization, the essay makes a series of proposals about what an analytical focus on race adds to our understanding of modern British history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research aims to analyze the manufacturing industry of the northern border of Mexico to identify its development trends in the period of 1999 to 2019. It is hypothesized that its performance has been of high specialization, which makes the presence of deindustrialization as a pattern of structural change difficult. To reach the objective and test the hypothesis, a structural change index, a specialization coefficient and a model with panel data was calculated to analyze the determinants of the specialization coefficient. The results suggest that there is no process of deindustrialization on the northern border, due to the high specialization in manufacturing that is explained by variables that favor manufacturing such as the gdp of the United States, the real exchange rate, investment and the employed population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although coalmining and Scotland (and indeed the Scottish coal industry) have long been core case studies utilized by historians of deindustrialization, Ewan Gibbs' I Coal Country: The meaning and memory of deindustrialization in postwar Scotland i pushes our understanding of deindustrialization in a bold new direction making it both an exciting and ambitious contribution to this growing literature. In his exploration of the nature of Scottish nationalism as it developed in the Scottish coalfields over the long-term, Gibbs cautious against interpretating the politics of deindustrialization as exclusively - or necessarily - a '"Rust Belt" rebellion' (p. 226) that takes a right-wing populist form; the Scottish coalfields show that a more progressive manifestation of the politics of deindustrialization is possible. Overall, I Coal Country i persuasively makes the case for deindustrialization as a long-term process that should have important ramifications beyond the confines of its own case study. [Extracted from the article]

The participation of manufacturing in the GVA of many advanced economies is continuously decreasing. The purpose of this work is to contribute to the dialogue around the drivers of such trend. In order to do so, we use input-output analysis for decomposing the variation in the manufacturing share as the sum of the effects of the variation of various possible drivers of deindustrialization: prices, domestic demand, technology and external trade; and we calculate these effects through a dynamic-hierarchical structural decomposition analysis. As a result of the analysis, we identify certain regularities: (a) variations in prices and domestic demand are the two most important factors explaining deindustrialization; (b) a process of substituting domestic production by imports also contributes to deindustrialization; (c) exports make a positive contribution to the participation of manufactures in the GVA but, after the 2008 crisis, this contribution does not offset the negative contribution of substitution by imports. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite frequent associations, deindustrialization features rarely in studies of organized crime, and organized crime is at best a spectral presence in studies of deindustrialization. By developing an original application of Linkon's concept of the "half‐life," we present an empirical case for the symbiotic relationship between former sites of industry and the emergence of criminal markets. Based on a detailed case‐study in the west of Scotland, an area long associated with both industry and crime, the paper interrogates the environmental, social, and cultural after‐effects of deindustrialization at a community level. Drawing on 55 interviews with residents and service‐providers in Tunbrooke, an urban community where an enduring criminal market grew in the ruins of industry, the paper elaborates the complex landscapes of identity, vulnerability, and harm that are embedded in the symbiosis of crime and deindustrialization. Building on recent scholarship, the paper argues that organized crime in Tunbrooke is best understood as an instance of "residual culture" grafted onto a fragmented, volatile criminal marketplace where the stable props of territorial identity are unsettled. The analysis allows for an extension of both the study of deindustrialization and organized crime, appreciating the "enduring legacies" of closure on young people, communal identity, and social relations in the twenty‐first century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• There is no evidence supporting invariant tendencies in deindustrialisation. • Sectoral technological opportunities and learning regimes matter. • A diversified employment structure fosters catching-up. • Globalization accelerates deindustrialization and hinders development opportunities for most. Contrary to the notion of a natural tendency in deindustrialization, this paper, performing a cross-country long-term analysis, documents the existence of a variety of patterns of deindustrialization. Looking at industrial sectors and their technological characteristics, categorised on the ground of the Pavitt (1984) taxonomy, we do find a markedly uneven process of deindustrialization with Science Based and Specialised Suppliers not presenting any inverted U-shaped pattern, neither in employment nor in value added. The heterogeneity holds both for the four Pavitt aggregates and under further disaggregation at industry level. We then study whether the uneven sectoral composition had an impact on the timing of deindustrialization. Overall, our analysis supports the notion that "microchips" are not "potato chips" in their influence on the patterns of long-term economic development of different countries. Moreover, during the phase of globalization the probability for low-income countries to be stuck to produce "potato chips" has increased and that of transition toward the production of "microchips" has been reducing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the industrial crisis of the 1920s and the Great Depression in the 1930s, consecutive provincial governments in Nova Scotia turned their efforts toward state-led economic development. After the election of Robert Stanfield and the Tories in 1956, a wholesale industrial planning model was unveiled. Indeed, Stanfieldian economic policy in Nova Scotia was predicated upon the belief that direct state-led interventionism was necessary to offset regional inequity. State corporate entities, such as Industrial Estates Limited, and renewed interest in a state-driven industrial relations paradigm were central in the province's efforts to revitalize its flagging economy and offset predicted decline in the Cape Breton coal and steel industries. This article examines the fate of the Clairtone Sound Corporation, one of Nova Scotia's "new industries" that emerged out of these state-led development efforts. A case study of this Stellarton-based firm reveals how structural processes of deindustrialization produced crisis even within sectors that were completely distinct from the province's cornerstone industries of coal and steel. This case includes a reflection on the class composition of the modernist state in Nova Scotia and represents a convergence of the historiographical focus on state-led industrial development in the Maritimes and recent literature found within deindustrialization studies. À la suite de la crise industrielle des années 1920 et de la Grande Dépression des années 1930, les gouvernements provinciaux successifs de la Nouvelle-Écosse ont orienté leurs efforts vers un développement économique dirigé par l›État. Après l›élection de Robert Stanfield et des conservateurs en 1956, un modèle de planification industrielle en gros a été dévoilé. En effet, la politique économique « stanfieldienne » en Nouvelle-Écosse reposait sur la conviction que l›interventionnisme direct dirigé par l›État était nécessaire pour compenser les inégalités régionales. Les sociétés d›État, comme Industrial Estates Limited, et le regain d›intérêt pour un paradigme de relations industrielles dirigé par l›État ont joué un rôle central dans les efforts de la province pour revitaliser son économie chancelante et compenser le déclin prévu des industries du charbon et de l›acier du Cap-Breton. Cet article examine le sort de la Clairtone Sound Corporation, l›une des « nouvelles industries » de la Nouvelle-Écosse qui a émergé de ces efforts de développement menés par l›État. Une étude de cas de cette entreprise basée à Stellarton révèle comment les processus structurels de désindustrialisation ont produit une crise même dans des secteurs complètement distincts des industries phares du charbon et de l›acier de la province. Ce cas comprend une réflexion sur la composition de classe de l›État moderniste en Nouvelle-Écosse et représente une convergence de l›accent historiographique sur le développement industriel dirigé par l›État dans les Maritimes et de la documentation récente trouvée dans les études sur la désindustrialisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of the text is to identify how the deindustrialization process occurs in Brazil and its causes. In the methodological field, the analysis proceeded from bibliographical research of an explanatory and analytical nature with emphasis on the historical process, with a view to understanding this process. It found, in general, in historical times, that deindustrialization assumes different connotations, but at its core, it points to the persistent reduction in the share of industrial employment in the total employment of a country or region in the manufacturing industry. It also points to a situation in which both industrial employment and industry added value are reduced in relation to total employment in GDP. It also found that with the arrival of neoliberalism, a period supported by a policy of weakening the State, privatizations, low investment rates in the educational sector and an economy focused only on exports, it has been hindering the industrial growth of Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article draws on research into three female-led occupations that occurred across central Scotland in 1981 and 1982. The actions at Lee Jeans, Lovable Bra and Plessey Capacitors were each in response to closure and relocation and, crucially in the context of this time period, were at least partly successful in opposing full closure. The piece considers the uses and limitations of mobilization theories in accounting for the collective action that emerged at the plants. Rejecting the individualistic frameworks that place extensive importance on injustice, it is suggested that the immediate impacts of manufacturing decline through the process of deindustrialization were a crucial factor in sustaining the action. Through an analysis of the statements made by the workers, their leaders and supporters at the time, along with an examination of oral-history interview narratives, the argument develops that these disputes were not localized actions at one site against one plant closure. By placing the factories and the workers within the social and economic contexts in which they took action, the research indicated that the process of collective action was dynamic and motivations were inevitably multiple, but that the detrimental impacts of deindustrialization – particularly as they related to the future of the localities – was crucial. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the impact of industrial decline on popular constructions of selfhood and place during the 1970s through a case study of the Bilston Steel Works in the West Midlands, which closed in May 1979. Following recent work exploring deindustrialization as a process of transformation, rather than simply a discreet event that is reacted to after the moment of closure, the article makes use of the contemporary accounts of local television and print media to uncover the immediacy of deindustrialization as a disruptive force. While studies of deindustrialization have long identified nostalgia as a characteristic, identity-defining trope of retrospective testimonies, the approach taken in this article suggests that the nostalgic reworking of identity was already a prominent feature of everyday language in late 1970s Bilston. Long-term processes of regional economic restructuring had already begun to recast the personal politics of place. The Bilston Steel Works was the last bastion of the once dominant steel industry in the West Midlands, a feature that Bilston's steelworkers celebrated as a mark of uniqueness and pride at both an individual and community level. A consequence of the closure of the steelworks was its far-reaching social and cultural impact, with the implications for self and place complexly intertwined. The article argues that notions of community and belonging did not necessarily wane but were rather reconstructed and adapted to make sense of, and begin the process of navigating through, industrial decline. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Deindustrialization was one of the most disruptive social transformations of the twentieth century. Why did democratic capitalist regimes permit and survive this process, while state socialist regimes did not? Drawing on historical evidence from the United Kingdom, Poland, and the United States, this article advances two mechanisms as explanation: first, enabled by the polity-economy distinction characteristic of capitalism, the belief that "there is no alternative" (TINA) could appear credible in the West but not the East. Second, the Western turn toward market-led deindustrialization reduced the economic costs of deindustrialization and, more important, deprived unrest in the West of focal points for protest, lowering political costs too. Strengthening the case for these two mechanisms, I rule out four alternative explanations: generic inefficiency in planned economies, differential elite views on the necessity of structural change, immediate acquiescence by Western electorates or unions, and a uniquely successful return to high growth rates in the West. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• We study the aggregate consequences of a declining manufacturing employment share. • Our sample covers 20 selected OECD countries over the 1990–2014 period. • We consider policies to attenuate negative employment and growth impacts. • Lowering business regulations is a useful policy to reduce negative consequences. • Job market training in conjunction with low business regulations is preferred. The paper provides new evidence on policy options to deal with the impact of deindustrialization, as defined in terms of a drop in manufacturing employment, for a panel of 20 early OECD countries on annual data from 1990 to 2014. We explore how key economic indicators, among them per capita GDP growth and various unemployment rates, have responded to deindustrialization. Our main contribution is to explore the role of economic flexibility and some key labor market interventions in shaping the impact of deindustrialization on these indicators. We find that lowering the cost to start a new business is a particularly useful policy to combat rising unemployment and losses in GDP growth in this context. But we also show that economic flexibility alone is not sufficient to achieve good macroeconomic outcomes. Job market training in conjunction with flexibility appears to be the preferred policy choice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globalization and automation have contributed to deindustrialization and the loss of millions of manufacturing jobs, yielding important electoral implications across advanced democracies. Coupling insights from economic voting and social identity theory, we consider how different groups in society may construe manufacturing job losses in contrasting ways. We argue that deindustrialization threatens dominant group status, leading some white voters in affected localities to favor candidates they believe will address economic distress and defend racial hierarchy. Examining three US presidential elections, we find white voters were more likely to vote for Republican challengers where manufacturing layoffs were high, whereas Black voters in hard-hit localities were more likely to vote for Democrats. In survey data, white respondents, in contrast to people of color, associated local manufacturing job losses with obstacles to individual upward mobility and with broader American economic decline. Group-based identities help explain divergent political reactions to common economic shocks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Users of Brazilian National Accounts often use the overestimated sectoral share due to the financial dummy not being eliminated from sectoral GDP. This affects the level, peak, and shape of the deindustrialization series. Changes in the National Accounts system have also caused structural breaks in time series, making it difficult to assess the effect of trade opening on deindustrialization. This study created series of sectoral shares in GDP from 1947 to 2019 to circumvent the financial dummy and discontinuities in the longterm series. The new series is more adherent to economic cycles, captures the effect of trade opening, and contests the over-industrialization thesis, allowing a better understanding of the deindustrialization process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper aims to identify the main issues of the Câmpulung Muscel area and to offer the proper solutions for economic recovery. In the paper, were studied the physical-geographical, demographic, economic and technical, social and ecological indicators at different periods of time, by comparison, which establish the level of development. The regeneration of the area, focused on stimulating economic, agricultural and tourism activities, as well as the development of basic infrastructure to increase living standards and improve individual health, must be set as objectives of a sustainable development strategy, which must be implemented as soon as possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the deindustrialization experience in New England, using Fitchburg, Massachusetts, as a case study to explore the dynamics of industrial decline. Topics include the gradual erosion of industrial activity in multiple phases, the competition between municipalities within New England for capital investments and jobs, and the significance of intra-regional movement of businesses, shedding light on the complexities of the deindustrialization process.

Deindustrialization is a complex and multifaceted series of processes and transitions, reflecting the equally complicated web of social relationships and interdependencies that constitute(d) an industrial society. Contemporary scholars have looked beyond just the economic impact of industrial loss, to the cultural, temporal and spatial legacies and impacts wrought by the mass closures of the 1980s, as well as the continuing presence of an industrial identity in struggles over representation and regeneration. However, deindustrialization has a history that precedes the volatility and culmination of that period, and has impacted upon a more geographically diverse range of former industrial locations than are commonly represented. The narratives that surround some sites are complicated by their displacement in time, place and discourse; they lack the political capital of an 'industrial' identity through this disassociation. In this article I aim to go beyond what we might consider the industrial 'heartlands' of the UK to a place that has felt the impact of deindustrialization, but which falls outside of the usual representations of the UK's industrial past. I explore how the industrial identity and memory of a place can be naturalized and selectively reworked for the needs of the hour, the very meaning of 'industrial' altered in the process. I argue that for sites unable to access or utilize the imagery of modern, heavy industry for community or promotional aims, deindustrialization becomes a process of rewriting an historic identity – one that sheds new light on industrial loss in diverse situations, and at an ever‐increasing distance from closure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the chapters, which are roughly chronological, Jacoby's method is to recount a dizzying number of shareholder campaigns by leading U.S. labor unions, including the largest umbrella organization, the afl cio. In the age of finance capital, a truly labor-friendly, mass- shareholder movement never came close to fruition. But Jacoby does note that, as unions attempted to wield power as shareholders, they did nothing to push back against the trend toward shareholder primacy itself. [Extracted from the article]

The region of Lorraine is often seen as paradigmatic of the social problems arising from deindustrialization in France. Noir novels set in the region offer rich re-imaginings of the landscapes of deindustrialization, both geographical and social. This article examines what noir aesthetics do to these landscapes, studying a corpus of novels from four writers. In the first section, the article looks at how the novels engage with deindustrialization through ruins and natural environments. In the second section, the article examines how Dominique Manotti's Lorraine Connection critiques the policies of reindustrialization implemented in the region since the late 1980s. The article concludes with an analysis of how noir genre conventions allow the novels to critique the cruel optimism of reindustrialization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Petrosani Depression, considered to be the most important exponent of the hard coal mining industry in Romania, represents today an area characterized by serious social and economic problems. The economy of this region still depends strongly on the mining industry, which makes the other sectors underdeveloped. The failure of the restructuring process from the Petrosani Depression generated a series of serious consequences such as the reduction of the employed population, to which is added the difficulty of finding a new job, either due to the low supply of jobs compared to the demand, or due to the technical specialization of mining employees, which limited their employment opportunities in other economic sectors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article aims to analyze the process of deindustrialization in Brazil, but from the regional perspective, more specifically, to analyze the impact of the Dutch disease on the processing industry of the states. In this sense, an attempt will be made to conceptualise the term deindustrialization that can be applied at the regional level. To analyze the impact of the Dutch disease, the method of panel data analysis was adopted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A strand of empirical research on deindustrialization seeks to quantify the relative importance of the economic forces behind deindustrialization, and especially of the internal and external factors, i.e. those linked to globalization and trade. The results of this literature are highly fragile, arguably because the commonly used indicators of trade are not well defined to capture the contribution of globalization to deindustrialization. While this empirical study does not necessarily contradict the widespread belief that the internal factors are quantitatively more important in accounting for deindustrialization in the OECD taken as a whole, our empirical results – based on panel data for 15 OECD advanced countries from 1970 to 2006 – nevertheless show that global exchanges have the potential to affect significantly and substantially a country’s sectoral patterns of employment. They also suggest that the contribution of globalization, and especially of growing North-South integration, to deindustrialization in advanced countries may be revised upwards when resorting to better-suited indicators of trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the enduring significance of craft in the careers of Kent Royal Dockyard craftworkers and their sons and grandsons after deindustrialization. The closure of this naval shipbuilding and repair yard together with the subsequent move to post‐industrial employment did not end men's engagement with their craft practices. Instead, this developed into a 'craft outlook' defined by a motivation for performing actualizing labour that interwove paid and non‐paid work. Men's careers did not become individualized projects of self as collaborative intergenerational practices gave a long‐term narrative to their careers and lives. Therefore, three contributions are proposed to the literature on working‐class male careers and craft. First, an analytical framework is advanced that empirically distinguishes a 'craft outlook' from traditional manual trade employment. Second, a craft outlook reflected 'whole life careers' that were constructed from both paid and non‐paid work. Third, the concept of 'human imprint' is developed to recognize the generational affirmation produced by the transmission of craft practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent research by economists has shown that deindustrialization is more severe in Sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America than it ever was in the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). Nevertheless, most research on deindustrialization is focused on the former centres of Fordist manufacturing in the industrial heartlands of the North Atlantic. In short, there is a mismatch between where deindustrialization is researched and where it is occurring, and the objective of this paper is to shift the geographical focus of research on deindustrialization to the Global South. Case studies from Argentina, India, Tanzania and Turkey demonstrate the variegated nature of deindustrialization beyond the North Atlantic. In the process, it is demonstrated that cities in the Global South can inform wider theoretical discussions on the impacts of deindustrialization at the urban scale. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The frustration in Latin America with neoliberal economic reforms has reawakened a number of debates, especially about inequality (Palma, 2019a) and productivity growth --in 2018, the region's average productivity was just 8% higher than in 1980, equivalent to an annual average growth rate of just 0.2%--. Meanwhile, in the previous cycle, from 1950 to 1980, productivity levels more than doubled, with an annual growth rate of 2.8%. One of these debates is related to the problem of deindustrialization --in particular, the question of whether it is "premature" or if it includes a component of "Dutch disease"--. This paper analyses the role of manufacturing in economic growth, and shows the dynamics of that deindustrialization in high-income as well as middle-income countries. It concludes that the success of emerging Asia is rooted in its ideological pragmatism, which led it in the 1980s and early 1990s to use reforms as a mechanism for strengthening and accelerating their already ambitious processes of industrialization --not for carrying out a "non-creative destruction" of their manufacturing, as happened in almost all of Latin America--. This in spite of the fact that many of the industrialization processes in emerging Asia suffered, in its time, from similar problems to those experienced by Latin American industrialization, if not worse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study contributes to the debate on the premature deindustrialization of developing countries by analysing the contribution of services to aggregate productivity and output growth within a Kaldorian framework. The article revisits Kaldor's Growth Laws and empirically tests them for a number of economic activities, including four service branches across 29 developing economies in Asia, Latin America and sub‐Saharan Africa over three decades (1975–2005). Panel data estimations are complemented by a shift‐share decomposition of labour productivity growth. The findings support the Kaldorian argument for both manufacturing and business services' contribution to aggregate productivity growth. Conversely, other services slow down aggregate productivity and output growth. The authors suggest qualifying and repositioning the debate on premature deindustrialization within a broader reflection on the opportunities for development linked to structural change. The analysis claims that these opportunities might include not only manufacturing sectors, but also business services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reflects on the role of art in the memory activism surrounding deindustrialization in the Ruhr region of Germany by focusing on an institution promoting contemporary art: Urbane Künste Ruhr (UKR). It will ask how UKR is bringing together the past, present and future of the Ruhr region through its various activities. In particular, it will focus on UKR's 2021 exhibition as an example of how the transformation of the Ruhr is imagined through artistic intervention. Art, in many of the activities of UKR, has made important interventions in debates about how to organize the future of the city in light of its past. UKR, the article argues, has been actively engaged in contributing to the democratization of public debates about how people in the region want to live their lives in light of a problematic industrial past and a more sustainable future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scotland's political divergence from England is a key theme in late twentieth century British history. Typically seen in terms of the post-1979 Thatcher effect, this in fact developed over a longer timeframe, rooted in industrial changes revealed by analysis of the Linwood car plant in Renfrewshire. Conservatism and Unionism was an eminent political force in Scotland in the 1940s and 1950s. But in all general elections from 1959 onwards the vote share of Conservative and Unionist candidates was lower in Scotland than in England. From the late 1960s onwards there were also ambitions for constitutional change. This article breaks new conceptual and empirical ground by relating these important markers of political divergence to popular understanding among Scottish workers of deindustrialization. A Thompsonian moral economy framework is deployed. Expectations were elevated by industrial restructuring from the 1950s, with workers exchanging jobs in the staples for a better future in assembly goods. Labour governments earned a reputation in Scotland as better managers of this process than Conservative governments. The 1979 general election showed that Labourism was growing in popularity in Scotland just as its appeal faded in England. At Linwood moral economy expectations were compromised, chiefly by intermittent redundancy and recurrent threat of closure, which was averted in 1975 by Labour government intervention. When the plant was shut in 1981 criticisms of UK political-constitutional structures and Conservativism were intensified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• This paper examines the dynamics of deindustrialization in developed countries during the 1970–2015 period, investigating the patterns and factors underlying manufacturing employment growth in 12 developed economies. • The paper shows that deindustrialization is a persistent pattern that experienced a significant structural change in the post-1990 period, in which the acceleration of globalization with the rise of North-South trade appeared to have a significant effect. • Industries with higher relative labour productivity are significantly more resistant to deindustrialization, particularly in the post-1990 period, and this effect is stronger for low-tech industries. • Deindustrialization tends to be more severe in countries with larger populations and a deficit-prone trade balance, and these links have become more pronounced in the post-1990 period. This paper examines the dynamics of deindustrialization in developed countries during the 1970–2015 period, investigating the patterns and factors underlying manufacturing employment growth in 12 developed economies. The study discloses seven key findings with valuable policy insights. In particular, the paper shows that deindustrialization is a persistent pattern that experienced a significant structural change in the post-1990 period, in which the acceleration of globalization with the rise of North-South trade appeared to have a significant effect. Furthermore, industries with higher relative labour productivity are significantly more resistant to deindustrialization, particularly in the post-1990 period, and this effect is stronger for low-tech industries. In addition, deindustrialization tends to be more severe in countries with larger populations and a deficit-prone trade balance, and these links have become more pronounced in the post-1990 period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]