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Following the establishment of the Republic of Cyprus, there have been conflicts between the Turkish and Greek communities on the island. The reason for the conflicts was the assimilation against the Turkish community and the violence to realise Greek sovereignty. As a result of the Peace Operation in 1974 the Cyprus problem turned into a different phase. The United Nations was involved in the process and proposals were presented through the Secretaries General. The proposals were based on a federative state, within the framework of a bi-communal order under the same state roof. However, the efforts resulted in failure. The problem, which has been on the agenda of the international system for many years, should now be approached from different perspective. The aim of the study is to evaluate whether the two-state proposal can be successful or not due to the failure of the proposals so far. Thus, alternative will be produced to the problem that has not been solved for years. In our study, which is prepared with the qualitative research method, one of the main research methods of social sciences, the documents, minutes, reports and statements submitted by the parties to the Cyprus Problem will be analysed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present research focuses on the secondary transfer effect of contact, a relatively less researched dimension of intergroup contact, on reconciliation in the context of one of the most intractable and longest surviving interethnic conflicts in Europe, the Cyprus conflict. Currently, Cyprus is home to three groups with differential social, economic and political statuses: (1) disadvantaged low‐status Turkish immigrants, (2) simultaneously advantaged (relative to Turkish immigrants) and disadvantaged (relative to Greek Cypriots) Turkish Cypriots and (3) historically advantaged high‐status Greek Cypriots. Across two studies (Study 1 N = 270 and Study 2 N = 501), we test whether and how Turkish immigrants' contact with Turkish Cypriots shapes Turkish immigrants' support for reconciliation and willingness to live with Greek Cypriots via attitude generalisation. We also investigate whether Turkish immigrants' perceived ingroup reputation qualifies this process. Controlling for the effects of direct contact with Greek Cypriots, our results show that both quantity and quality of contact with proximal Turkish Cypriots were indirectly associated with greater support for reconciliation with them and more willingness to live with Greek Cypriots via positive attitudes towards the primary (Turkish Cypriots) and positive attitudes towards the secondary (Greek Cypriots), sequentially. Moreover, we found that the perceived higher ingroup reputation across the island positively moderated the indirect effects of primary group contact on support for reconciliation and willingness to live with Greek Cypriots. That is, more contact with the primary outgroup was positively linked to greater support for reconciliation with the distal secondary outgroup Greek Cypriots when perceptions of ingroup reputation were higher. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The article examines how the two Cypriot leaders – the Greek-Cypriot community leader Nicos Anastasiades and the Turkish-Cypriot community leader Mustafa Akinci – have used their Twitter accounts during the period leading to the intensification of the Cyprus peace process between 30 April 2015 and 31 October 2016. Design/methodology/approach: This article presents, using descriptive analysis and thematic analysis, how the two leaders have used Twitter in the negotiations' period. Findings: The analysis shows that the leaders, during the time frame examined, developed both pro-peace discourses around the Cyprus problem and para-social and vicarious intergroup contact that contributed in what Hogg (2015) defines an intergroup relational identity that is an effective form of "bridging" leadership across communities. Originality/value: The article argues that Twitter is a tool that, in the hands of political leaders in segregated public spheres caused by yet unresolved ethnic conflicts, can become a useful tool for constructing both a positive meaning around issues concerning the rival sides and transforming opposing social identities in the formation of an "extended sense of self that includes the collaboration partner" (Hogg, 2015, p. 191). Peer review: The peer-review history for this article is available at: https://publons.com/publon/10.1108/OIR-03-2022-0161 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to analyze the process starting from the history of Cyprus to the Cyprus issue and to explain the 1974 Cyprus intervention by revealing the dynamics of the issue. Cyprus represents a geography that was strategically important centuries ago. The island, which hosts many heterogeneous societies, was conquered by the Ottoman Empire in 1571. The island, which was transferred to England in 1878 thanks to the San Stefano Treaty, was left to the British in the official context with the Lausanne Treaty. However, in the course of time, the Enosis aims of Greece on Cyprus and the activities of EOKA have created unrest for the Turks on the island. The Turkish government intervened in Cyprus in 1974 so that the Turks on the island could live in peace. In the study, the process leading to the Cyprus issue was discussed in all its aspects, and then the 1974 intervention was mentioned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Mediterranean island of Cyprus, the last divided country in Europe, faced a grave risk of plunging into war in September 2011. The reason behind this danger was represented as the confrontation over the excavation of hydrocarbon reserves found in the Eastern Mediterranean Sea. The main goal of this article is to explore the extent to which peace journalism was practiced, or not, by analysing the front-page stories of the prominent Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot newspapers about this conflict. A review of peace journalism research reveals that researchers have mainly focused on war reporting. In order to address this deficit in peace journalism research, this article focuses on a case study where there was a risk for military confrontation. The combined sample drawn from six newspapers in the respective communities indicates a strong preference towards war journalism. As the analysis further shows, the newspapers from both sides failed to discuss peaceful solutions to the hydrocarbons conflict and they also failed to discuss the negative repercussions of a possible war related to the hydrocarbons conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using survey data of Northern Cyprus provided by two recent waves of Eurobarometer, we analyze whether a list of socio-demographic and economic characteristics and personal and political opinions make it more likely that a person considers the Cyprus problem as one of the most important issues at a personal or community level. While socio-demographic characteristics such as gender, age, or the education level are not determinant factors, people who are more involved in political discussions and who trust political parties are more likely to consider the Cyprus problem as an important issue. The region of residence matters as well. People residing in the Morphou region are significantly more likely to find the Cyprus problem as a key issue. Many of these residents had to migrate from the South of the island after the 1974 events or are descendants of migrants. Their concern about the Cyprus problem most likely stems from the uncertainty they face as a possible federal agreement could imply that they would have to relocate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article investigates journalism in societies that are working towards a peaceful resolution. Focusing on the ongoing peace process in Cyprus, it studies the influences and difficulties journalists experience when they report on the negotiations. The peace process in Cyprus, which has been divided since 1974 following a conflict between Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots, is continuing. Thematic analysis of the interviews conducted with 67 journalists identifies the key issues that affect journalists in Cyprus when they report on the conflict and peace negotiations. The results show that journalists experience tension between professional values and a sense of belonging and move between professional and national/ethnic identities to cope with it. The results also indicate that despite political and ideological pressures, journalists exercise agency, making attempts to challenge and alter them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides a theorisation of militarism in post-war Cyprus. Based on qualitative empirical research conducted in Cyprus in 2011, the article explores the manifestation and steadfastness of Greek-Cypriot militarism, and the development of this militarism, which appeared after the partition of the island in 1974. In particular, it proposes the ideology of defence as a way to understand post-war Greek-Cypriot militarism. It shows the embedded nature of defence in the idea of the national struggle. It aims at mapping the character of this militarism in order to provide the grounds for future discussion. Only by understanding the interconnecting discourses that made Greek-Cypriot militarism possible in post-war Cyprus, can we understand its past, present, and future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Island Cyprus is at a strategic location, one that enables energy resources in Middle East, Central Asia and Caucasians to open up to the world. It has a significant stepping stone position to have influence over Middle East. The Island is at a crucial region also for Turkey in terms of a safe travel from the South into the Mediterranean Sea, the control and strategic defense depth of territorial waters, continental shelf and air space serving to keep the marine transportation in the region under control. The Structure of the Republic of Cyprus which was originated in 1960 was a structure calling for a coexistence largely based upon the regulation of the business and wealth and the preservation of the separate entities by the Greek and Turkish in the island themselves. However this recipe was spoiled because the Greek rejected their rights and engaged in violence towards the issue. The isolation of Cyprus Turkish population from its joint determination right proposed in the constitutional law and secured via London and Zurich Agreements formed a basis for firstly the announcement of Turkish Federated State of Cyprus and then in 1983 the announcement of Turkish Cypriot State with regard to their self-determination right in the expectation of the formation of a federal state. The order has been maintained about 35 years due to the existence of Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus and its condition in the island. The controversial issue over the recent years results from the relationship of both Turkey and Cyprus with EU. One of the significant agenda topics of Turkish Foreign Policy which developed after cold war is full membership in the EU. However one of the barricades put forward by the EU for Turkey's membership is Cyprus problem. The EU uses the Cyprus problem as a trump card for the membership. By granting Greek Populated Southern Cyprus a full membership in 2004, the EU both acted improperly against the international law and dragged Cyprus problem further into a deadlock. The force policy of the EU towards Turkey gradually increased with the full EU membership of Greek Populated Southern Cyprus and the EU used the resolution of Cyprus problem as a negotiation weapon. In its approach towards Cyprus problem, the EU could not sufficiently activate its smooth power elements on the issues of identity, safety and domination of the parties, did not balance nor assume impartiality between the parties, did not produce bi-communal projects and pushed the resolution of the problem off on to Turkey. Turkey has always stood behind Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. The Cyprus problem is an issue concerning Turkey's security and reliability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The bi-communal Cyprus Broadcasting Corporation (CYBC) casts its shadow to an important period of Cyprus’s modern history. Almost immediately after the establishment of the new republic, the two communities (the Greek and the Turkish-Cypriot) focused their attention towards media services and particularly the CYBC on which both sides tried to impose their own agendas. As expected, the two conflicting agendas and approaches disrupted, in practise, the smooth cooperation between the two communities in CYBC. Almost 50 years since the failure of this bi-communal endeavour, CYBC’s case study offers us a fundamental lesson. Firstly, it is clear that for such an endeavour, a constructive and focused dialog amongst all parts involved in the process is required. Additionally, CYBC’s short history demonstrates that in a multicultural environment the establishment of a public broadcasting corporation is not a purely technical or political matter, but one with broader social and cultural dimensions. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article discusses the role of the European Union (EU) in the Cyprus problem before and after accession in 2004. It is argued that, before 2004, Brussels provided limited incentives to the Greek Cypriots to contribute to resolution but, on the other hand, triggered a pro-solution/ EU trend amongst the Turkish Cypriots. On the contrary, in the post-accession era, the EU's aptitude to contribute to a solution has further decreased: Greek Cypriots remain with inadequate EU-induced motivation to pursue resolution, while the pro-solution/ EU feelings of the Turkish Cypriots have receded, also due to Brussels' failure to fulfill their expectations. While most of the literature on Cyprus has focused on the pre-accession period, the article offers a much needed insight into the EU's role before and after Cyprus' EU entry. The article draws on a variety of data, including a series of elite interviews conducted in Belgium and Cyprus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the Second World War British Strategic requirements increased the importance of Cyprus in the eyes of the British policy makers. However, there was a growing demand of Greek Cypriots for the unification of the island with Greece. Turkish opposition to this request brought new strategic difficulties for the British. The confrontation of NATO allies over Cyprus disturbed the West. Thus Cyprus would begin to occupy more space in British policymakers' agendas. In this context, the affects of strategic conceptions and defense policies of Britain for the region and the world on the Cyprus problem will be the main focus of this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Supported by the EU and the international community, the extraordinary effort of the UN to mediate a settlement of the Cyprus problem before the integration of Cyprus into the EU ended in failure. The two historical highlights that marked the failure of the peace process were the top level talks at The Hague in March 2003 and the Cyprus referendum in April 2004. The purpose of this paper is to explore the role that the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot leadership played in derailing the peace effort during these two defining moments in the evolution of the Cyprus problem. The analysis focuses on the polarizing ethno-centric nationalism of the then Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot leaders. But it does so by contrasting the respective nationalism of the leaders to the Europeanizing and peace-enhancing trends that were emerging in Cypriot civil society and Greco-Turkish relations during the crucial period leading to the Hague talks and the Cyprus referendum. From this perspective, the role of the Cypriot leaders during the negotiation process is assessed against the backdrop of Turkey's changed policy on Cyprus and the deepening interethnic rapprochement between the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities, especially following the lifting of restriction to free movement across the green line in April 2003. The investigation attempts to explore how the stubborn sustenance and strategic reactivation of the legacy of adversarial nationalism, as well as the perpetuation of the mono-ethnic concept of statehood by the Cypriot leaders rendered them practically unwilling and ideologically incapable of recognizing and seizing the greatest historical opportunity for peace in Cyprus in half a century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Report of the House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee on Cyprus principally addressed itself to two questions. How might the British Government relieve the economic isolation of the Turkish Cypriots and what steps might be taken to bring about a solution of the Cyprus problem? With regard to the first question the Committee recommended the expansion of intra-island trade, freeing trade and travel with Northern Cyprus, including direct passenger flights and the release of promised financial aid. On the solution of the Cyprus problem the Committee recommended inter alia, the demilitarization of the island, the return of more Turkish immigrants to Turkey, external financial help to solve the property and other problems, and what might be done to persuade the Greek Cypriots to vote for a settlement along the lines of the Annan Plan. This article examines the Committee's recommendations in a number of areas in the light of recent research on the Cyprus issue and, finally, questions the Committee's conclusion that a confederal, or two-state, solution would not be the best answer to the intractable Cyprus problem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]