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This paper explores the accumulation of Indian astronomical knowledge within Chinese Buddhist scriptures and its dissemination across Chinese society through a comparative study of the Modengjia jing (Ch1 of the ZKA) and the Xiuyao jing (XYJ). The period from the Ch1 of ZKA to the XYJ was a time when Buddhism was in the midst of developing and maturing within China. The Ch1 of the ZKA is regarded as the first Buddhist scripture including a complete account of Indian nakṣatra astrology and translated from Sanskrit parallel text, rather than a native work codified by Buddhists in Ancient China. The XYJ is not a translation but rather an authoritative handbook of Indian astrological knowledge taught by Amoghavajra. A detailed comparison of the contents of the two texts shows that the knowledge contained within Ch1 of the ZKA belongs to the Vedic era and that the XYJ belongs to the post-Vedic era. Beginning with the Ch1 of the ZKA and ending with the XYJ, Buddhist astronomical knowledge steadily grew. Yang Jingfeng's revision and explanation of the first fascicle of the Sutra reflects Ancient Chinese intellectuals' acceptance, digestion, and recreation of Buddhist astronomical knowledge. His abandonment of the "Calculation of weekdays" reflects the influence of the Chinese mathematical and astronomical tradition and the calendar tradition upon his perspective; perhaps this is one of the reasons why China has accepted the weekday within daily life up to the modern era. Every civilization, in learning to assimilate other cultures, has a choice between foreignization and domestication, within which a tension is reflected. Learning from foreign cultures is about keeping up with the most advanced civilizations in the world and advancing with the times, while maintaining one's own cultural identity and cultural characteristics is necessary for one's own civilization; these two notions are complementary and should not be neglected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In an era marked by the advent of advanced printing technology during the Northern Song period, the tradition of transcribing the Buddhist canon endured rather than promptly fading away. This persistence is particularly noteworthy in the 10th to early 12th centuries when handwritten copies of the canon coexisted with the emerging prevalence of block-printed versions. Notably, the monasteries in the Jiangnan 江南 region remained prolific producers of handwritten copies. This article adopts a socio-political perspective to elucidate the coexistence of handwritten and block-printed copies. It delves into the dynamics of canon replication within a specific temporal and geographical context, unveiling a broader tableau of handwritten copies in the printing era. This exploration necessitates an examination of the intricate interplay between the state, the canon, and Jiangnan society. This study contends that the state's printing policies before the Xining 熙寧 period (1068–1077), which rigorously regulated the production and dissemination of canonical texts, constituted a pivotal factor in sustaining the tradition of handwritten copies. Furthermore, it identifies a sustained societal demand for possessing the canon for constructing the zhuanlun zang 轉輪藏 (revolving wheel storage cabinet), which was most pronounced in the Jiangnan region. This persistent societal need fortified the enthusiasm for transcribing the canon within Jiangnan monastic communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article delves into the literature sources and historical origins of the initial section of the Qisha Canon, a renowned block-printed Chinese Buddhist Canon carved in the greater Hangzhou region during the Song and Yuan dynasties. The existing first twelve volumes, preserved in Japan, exhibit distinct features characterized by notable stylistic script, textual content, and layout. These features indicate their direct lineage from handwritten Buddhist canons of the Northern Song Dynasty rather than from previously printed versions. The utilization of handwritten sources as the foundation for engraving, despite the availability of established printed editions, demonstrates an underappreciated complex relationship between manuscripts and printed canons of the period. Throughout the engraving process of the twelve volumes, the majority of contributors were found to be local commoners, with minimal participation from Buddhist followers. The fluidity of the fundraising locations underscores the inherent instability of such projects. Initially commencing in Liaoqin's hometown in Huzhou, the project was subsequently transferred to the imperial city of Lin'an prefecture (modern Hangzhou), which shared a border with Huzhou. Ultimately, it found its new location in Pingjiang Prefecture (modern Suzhou). Moreover, this research presents a comprehensive analysis of 195 colophons, delving into the prices, locations, and backgrounds of the characters mentioned. This meticulous examination offers a vivid depiction of the religious and social landscape of the period and provides valuable insights into the recording conventions employed in these colophons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chinese translations of Buddhist sūtras and Chinese Buddhist literature demonstrate how stūpas became acknowledged in medieval China and how clerics and laypeople perceived and worshiped them. Early Buddhist sūtras mentioned stūpas, which symbolize the presence of the Buddha and the truth of the dharma. Buddhist canonical texts attach great significance to the stūpa cult, providing instructions regarding who was entitled to have them, what they should look like in connection with the occupants' Buddhist identities, and how people should worship them. However, the canonical limitations on stūpa burial for ordinary monks and prohibitions of non-Buddhist stūpas changed progressively in medieval China. Stūpas appeared to be erected for ordinary monks and the laity in the Tang dynasty. This paper aims to outline the Buddhist scriptural tradition of the stūpa cult and its changes in the Chinese Buddhist Canon, which serves as the doctrinal basis for understanding the significance of funerary stūpas and the primordial archetype for the formation of a widely accepted Buddhist funeral ritual in Tang China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]