Search

The article discusses the role that the American business owner J.H. “Jack” Haverly played in managing and developing blackface minstrel shows in the U.S. during the late 19th century and early 20th century. An overview of Haverly's advertisements and marketing efforts for the minstrel shows is provided.

Cultural meaning transfer theory and GLOBE dimensions were employed in this comparative study to examine the extent to which cultural meaning presented in advertisements reflected national cultures of the target countries. Content analysis was applied to advertisements from four countries to investigate whether the use of advertising appeals presented in these advertisements mirrored variations in cultures as described by GLOBE Society Values. Results revealed that, in line with the hypotheses, there were similarities and differences in the use of appeals, and only some of them mirrored the cultural variations. GLOBE Society Values were more likely to predict the use of appeals than GLOBE Society Practices, but not for all appeals. Advertisers can draw on national cultures for cultural meanings to be used in advertisements only to a limited extent. It may be that advertisements mold rather than mirror societal values, or that only certain cultural traits are important for advertisers. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Performance records for the professional theatres in London remain radically incomplete until 1705, when the managers of the two companies decided to pay for advertisements every day in the Daily Courant (est. 1702). Few scholars understand just how incomplete and patchy the surviving records are. For 1660-1700, of an estimated 14,067 total performances, we have title and exact date for just 949 (6.7%). From first-run norms and anecdotal evidence about success, we can infer about 1502 additional performances (another 10.7%). We have no information about 11,616 days (82.6%). Fully 79.8% (758 of 949) of performances derive from just five sources: Pepys (342), incomplete bills for royal attendance (255), Sir Henry Herbert (57), Nell Gwyn (52), and Lady Morley (52 prior to 1701). Letters, other diaries, marked copies, and miscellaneous sources supply the other one-fifth of what we know. There are huge variations from season to season. In 1667-1668 we know 120 of 496 estimated performances (24%), but in 1669-1670 we know only 7 of 328 (2%). In 1678-1679 we do not know a single definite title/date for either company. Approximate premières for more than 200 plays have to be established from what is known (if anything) of the date or approximate date of publication. The number of performances that happen to be recorded often bears little relation to what we know of either the immediate popularity or long-term success of particular plays. There is a moral here: theatre historians need to remember what is not in the surviving record of performance in London. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on changes in the sports agents market and factors that contributed to expansion of the athlete agents industry. It discusses expansion of Entertainment talent agencies to absorb athletes for representation and also states that due to difference in laws the emergence of entertainment talent agencies into athlete agent industry has caused conflict of interest and confusion. It mentions that before chapter 63 was implied, athlete agents had to suffer stricter restrictions than talent agents by California Law. It discusses acts such as the Uniform Athlete Agents Act for regulating athlete agents.