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Background The relationship between childhood residential mobility and health in the UK is not well established; however, research elsewhere suggests that frequent childhood moves may be associated with poorer health outcomes and behaviours. The aim of this paper was to compare people in the West of Scotland who were residentially stable in childhood with those who had moved in terms of a range of health measures. Methods A total of 850 respondents, followed-up for a period of 20 years, were included in this analysis. Childhood residential mobility was derived from the number of addresses lived at between birth and age 18. Multilevel regression was used to investigate the relationship between childhood residential mobility and health in late adolescence (age 18) and adulthood (age 36), accounting for socio-demographic characteristics and frequency of school moves. The authors examined physical health measures, overall health, psychological distress and health behaviours. Results Twenty per cent of respondents remained stable during childhood, 59% moved one to two times and 21% moved at least three times. For most health measures (except physical health), there was an increased risk of poor health that remained elevated for frequent movers after adjustment for socio-demographic characteristics and school moves (but was only significant for illegal drug use). Conclusions Risk of poor health was elevated in adolescence and adulthood with increased residential mobility in childhood, after adjusting for sociodemographic characteristics and school moves. This was true for overall health, psychological distress and health behaviours, but physical health measures were not associated with childhood mobility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Data from the longitudinal West of Scotland Twenty-07 STUDY: Health in the Community was used to examine whether, over a 20 year period, the self-reported health of people living in deprived areas became poorer faster compared to those living in more affluent areas. Three cohorts (born in the early 1930s, 1950s and 1970s) are included, covering 60 years of the life span. Using multilevel growth curve models, a 40% probability of reporting poor health was predicted among residents of more deprived areas at an earlier age (66) compared to those living in more affluent areas (83). Wider area differences were seen for men than for women. Our findings indicate that attempts to reduce area differences in health should start young but also continue throughout the lifespan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

BackgroundUnderstanding how common mental disorders such as anxiety and depression vary with socio-economic circumstances as people age can help to identify key intervention points. However, much research treats these conditions as a single disorder when they differ significantly in terms of their disease burden. This paper examines the socio-economic pattern of anxiety and depression separately and longitudinally to develop a better understanding of their disease burden for key social groups at different ages.MethodThe Twenty-07 Study has followed 4510 respondents from three cohorts in the West of Scotland for 20 years and 3846 respondents had valid data for these analyses. Hierarchical repeated-measures models were used to investigate the relationship between age, social class and the prevalence of anxiety and depression over time measured as scores of 8 or more out of 21 on the relevant subscale of the Hospital Anxiety and Depression Scale (HADS).ResultsSocial class differences in anxiety and depression widened with age. For anxiety there was a nonlinear decrease in prevalence with age, decreasing more slowly for those from manual classes compared to non-manual, whereas for depression there was a non-linear increase in prevalence with age, increasing more quickly for those from manual classes compared to non-manual. This relationship is robust to cohort, period and attrition effects.ConclusionsThe more burdensome disorder of depression occurs more frequently at ages where socio-economic inequalities in mental health are greatest, representing a ‘double jeopardy’ for older people from a manual class. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

STUDY OBJECTIVE: To describe the mental health of men and women with differing histories of partnership transitions. DESIGN: Data from nine waves of the British Household Panel Survey, a stratified general population sample, were used to calculate age standardised ratios and 95% confidence intervals for mean General Health Questionnaire scores for groups with different partnership transition histories. PARTICIPANTS: 2127 men and 2303 women aged under 65 who provided full interviews at every survey wave. MAIN RESULTS: Enduring first partnerships were associated with good mental health. Partnership splits were associated with poorer mental health, although the reformation of partnerships partially reversed this. Cohabiting was more beneficial to men's mental health, whereas marriage was more beneficial to women's mental health. The more recently a partnership split had occurred the greater the negative outcome for mental health. Women seemed more adversely affected by multiple partnership transitions and to take longer to recover from partnership splits than men. Single women had good mental health relative to other women but the same was not true for single men relative to other male partnership groups. CONCLUSIONS: Partnership was protective of mental health. Mental health was worse immediately after partnership splits, and the negative outcomes for health were longer lasting in women. Future work should consider other factors that may mediate, confound, or jointly determine the relation between partnership change and health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A number of studies have shown that lone parents have poorer health status than the general population. However, what is missing from the existing literature is any systematic assessment of the contribution that lone parents' relatively poor socioeconomic circumstances make to their relative health disadvantage. This paper aims to fill this gap. It employs a large national dataset based on three consecutive years of the British General Household Survey (1992/1993 to 1994/1995) to assess the relative health status of lone parents in comparison to couple parents, and to evaluate the importance of different explanations for their health differences. The results confirm that lone parents, particularly lone mothers, have poor health status relative to parents living as couples. The observed health differences mirror variations in socioeconomic circumstances. However, even when a wide range of demographic and socioeconomic circumstances are included in multivariate models, lone mothers still have significantly poorer health than couple mothers for four out of five health variables. The paper concludes by discussing alternative explanations for the health differences between lone and couple parents--such as the absence of an intimate/confiding relationship, the stress and stigma associated with becoming a lone parent and health selection--and by highlighting future options for policy and research in this area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Deprived and declining areas in Scotland have poorer health than other areas in the rest of Scotland. Using data from the Scottish Longitudinal Study, this paper examines whether differential migration over a one year period can explain these differences. Compared with migrants to and from deprived and declining areas, stable residents in those areas were generally older, less well educated and less affluent. Continued disproportionate loss of more affluent and better educated individuals could result in deprived and declining areas becoming even more deprived over time. Migrants appeared to be in better health; however, this finding was reversed on adjustment for age. It may be that while the relationship between migration and socio-economic status is immediately apparent, the relationship between migration and health could take longer to develop. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Examines the utilization rate of acute hospital services by the homeless people in London, England. Estimation of the numbers and distribution of homeless people; Prediction of the total numbers of admissions in homeless people in various district health authorities; Costs of acute unplanned admissions in homeless people in health authorities.

Background Previous studies have shown that making multiple residential moves in childhood leads to an increased risk of emotional and behavioural problems in early adulthood and to poorer self-reported health in midlife. Such studies tend to focus on one or two health variables, measured at one time point. This study examines health status in early adulthood and midlife across a wider range of measures. Aim To compare subjects who were residentially stable in childhood with those who had moved more often in terms of a wide range of health measurements at 18 and 36. Methods Analysis of the 1970s cohort of the West of Scotland Twenty-07 Study. In total, 850 respondents who participated in waves 1 (1987/88), 2 (1990/92) and 5 (2007/8) of the study, and whose childhood residential history was available, were included in regression analyses. Residential stability was derived from the number of addresses at which the respondent had lived between birth and age 15 and 18. We considered directly measured health variables (BMI, waist-hip ratio and lung function), self-reported health, psychological wellbeing (GHQ12) and self-reported health behaviours (smoking, drinking and trying drugs). Results Twenty percent of respondents remained residentially stable during childhood, 59% had moved 1-2 times and 21% had moved at least 3 times. Directly measured health variables were not associated with number of residential moves made at 18 or 36. Odds of scoring at least 3 on the GHQ12 questionnaire were significantly increased at age 18 for those moving 1-2 times (OR 2.01 (1.36–2.96)) and those moving 3 times or more (OR 2.04 (1.3, 3.22)) compared to those who remained stable. Similarly, odds of reporting a long-standing illness at 18 were increased for 1-2 moves (OR 1.88 (1.11, 3.18)) and at least 3 moves (OR=2.03 (1.11, 3.69)). Odds were elevated, but not significant, at 36 for these health variables. Odds of trying drugs and smoking at 18 were significantly increased but only for those moving at least 3 times. Although elevated, odds for these health behaviours were not significant at 36. Conclusions Increased mobility during childhood is independently associated with adverse health status. At 18, the relationships between residential mobility and self-reported health outcomes, psychological wellbeing and some health behaviours were significant; however, by 36 findings were no longer significant. Directly measured health variables, at 18 and 36, do not appear to be associated with childhood mobility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background Previous studies have shown that making multiple residential moves in childhood leads to an increased risk of emotional and behavioural problems in early adulthood and to poorer self-reported health in midlife. Such studies tend to focus on one or two health variables, measured at one time point. This study examines health status in early adulthood and midlife across a wider range of measures. Aim To compare subjects who were residentially stable in childhood with those who had moved more often in terms of a wide range of health measurements at 18 and 36. Methods Analysis of the 1970s cohort of the West of Scotland Twenty-07 Study. In total, 850 respondents who participated in waves 1 (1987/88), 2 (1990/92) and 5 (2007/8) of the study, and whose childhood residential history was available, were included in regression analyses. Residential stability was derived from the number of addresses at which the respondent had lived between birth and age 15 and 18. We considered directly measured health variables (BMI, waist-hip ratio and lung function), self-reported health, psychological wellbeing (GHQ12) and self-reported health behaviours (smoking, drinking and trying drugs). Results Twenty percent of respondents remained residentially stable during childhood, 59% had moved 1-2 times and 21% had moved at least 3 times. Directly measured health variables were not associated with number of residential moves made at 18 or 36. Odds of scoring at least 3 on the GHQ12 questionnaire were significantly increased at age 18 for those moving 1-2 times (OR 2.01 (1.36–2.96)) and those moving 3 times or more (OR 2.04 (1.3, 3.22)) compared to those who remained stable. Similarly, odds of reporting a long-standing illness at 18 were increased for 1-2 moves (OR 1.88 (1.11, 3.18)) and at least 3 moves (OR=2.03 (1.11, 3.69)). Odds were elevated, but not significant, at 36 for these health variables. Odds of trying drugs and smoking at 18 were significantly increased but only for those moving at least 3 times. Although elevated, odds for these health behaviours were not significant at 36. Conclusions Increased mobility during childhood is independently associated with adverse health status. At 18, the relationships between residential mobility and self-reported health outcomes, psychological wellbeing and some health behaviours were significant; however, by 36 findings were no longer significant. Directly measured health variables, at 18 and 36, do not appear to be associated with childhood mobility. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]