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This work analyzes the turnover of civil servants occupying senior management and advisory positions (called DAS 4, DAS 5, and DAS 6 in the Brazilian public bureaucracy) in the Ministry of Finance departments between 1996 and 2020. The theoretical reference is studies on the politicization of high-level state bureaucracy. The data analyzed indicates a disparity between the turnover rate of Finance Ministers (which is low) and the turnover rate of those occupying DAS positions (which is high). The article explores explanations for this difference, considering the distinctive characteristics of this ministry in relation to others: it is more insulated, the profile of its staff is more technical, and its area of activity (fiscal and economic management) affects the interests of specific groups in society, private market agents. The results indicate that political-economic crises are important factors in DAS turnover alongside presidential and ministerial turnovers. The politicization of the high-level bureaucracy of the Ministry of Finance is not as strong as pointed out in the literature but is characterized by the preservation of the minister at the expense of his team, whose members are changed in response to political crises and generated by national and international economic instabilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What was the extent of the Brazilian president's politicization space within the structure of the federal public bureaucracy from 1999 to 2021? The extent of this space is related to the importance of politicization as a strategy for controlling the bureaucracy, monitoring partners, and political accommodation, following the logic of coalition presidentialism. Thus, this article sought to measure it using a descriptive methodology based on data collected from the Federal Government's Painel Estatístico de Pessoal, encompassing positions and functions within the government throughout the period. By considering all possibilities of appointments and designations made by the president for high-level positions, this article presented an innovative approach compared to previous Brazilian Political Science studies assessing politicization in the federal government. This approach led to the conclusion that the extent of the politicization space did not substantially decrease despite the reduction in senior management and advisory positions (known in Brazil as Cargos de Direção e Assessoramento Superior - DAS), in addition to revealing a new pattern of politicization characterized by increased use of funções de confiança exclusively held by career public servants and the valorization of these servants even in DAS positions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay argues that the novel El libro vacío by Josefina Vicens represents a literary fiction rooted in the political problem of bureaucracy. El libro vacío systematically interrogates the bureaucrat’s writing, in the face of a social environment that renders it unproductive in advance. Nevertheless, instead of mobilizing a definition or a predetermined vision of bureaucracy, it appears in the novel as a critical and aesthetic terrain that allows the dis-sedimentation of distinctions and hierarchies that have been established between different forms of work (i.e., literary, bureaucratic, domestic). Finally, I argue that the bureaucrat’s incessant questioning of the status of writing in the novel has, as critics have observed, gendered consequences. However, rather than revealing the bureaucrat as feminine, the novel stages the constitutive gender instability that characterizes the representations of the bureaucrat in the Mexican mid-century. Already in the 1950s, the hypersexualized or emasculated figure of the office worker seems to operate as a conflictive signifier of Mexican modernity. But if the representations of the bureaucrat endorsed by official culture aim to fix the ambiguity of its political function through its gender, El libro vacío tarries with that ambiguity, which runs through the figure of the bureaucrat, and presents a reflection that is committed to the instability of gender as the political principle of its interrogation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Nation Project: Brazil in 2035" is a 96-page document published in 2022 by the Sagres Institute. It is a collective work that addresses 37 themes considered strategic for the country. Each theme is presented based on "critical uncertainty," "focused mini-scenario, "objectives," "guidelines," and "obstacles". The document systematizes and expresses the political thinking of sectors within the Armed Forces, the upper middle class, bureaucracy, and the market that supported the Bolsonaro government. The study raises questions about the potential effects of the implementation of the project, discussing its consequences for social rights, the environment, and marginalized populations. The project is approached from the perspective of the ethnography of bureaucratic documents and historical criticism. The argument put forth is that the middle class, situated in the bureaucracy of the State and the market and authoring this future plan, is formulating an ideology that combines neo-fascism and neoliberalism. This ideology aims to unite, pursue enemies, deepen the newest form of dependence, and exploit the Brazilian economy for the benefit of international big capital and the associated bourgeoisie. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mexican anti-corruption law has been one of the most complex, sophisticated, and robust on the globe. Distinct federal statutes and different federal institutions are responsible for overseeing and regulating public spending as well as punishing corrupt behavior on the part of public officials. Through a close analysis of what we call the anticorruption pentagon we will argue that Mexico is also an excellent example of how the design of new laws and the investment of enormous amounts of human and financial resources in new anti-corruption institutions do not necessarily improve the situation on the ground. Indeed, the Mexican case suggests that an excess institutionalization of traditional anti-corruption initiatives may in fact hurt more than help the cause. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes two railway strikes during the government of Arturo Frondizi in Argentina. The repressive strategies and their effects on unionism and railway communities are examined. The repressive measures implemented by Frondizi had an impact on union bureaucratization and the radicalization of protest. During the strikes, there were mass arrests, physical and psychological violence, and persecution by security forces. Despite the repression, railway workers and their communities resisted and challenged the government. These strikes marked a milestone in the history of unionism in Argentina. [Extracted from the article]

This paper aims to identify the determinants of revenue underreporting and their temporal evolution from a business perspective in formal firms located in an emerging country with high inflation (Argentina). We propose a conceptual model and we estimate it empirically using a logistic regression based on pooled data 2010-2017 of the World Bank Enterprise Surveys. The findings show that revenue underreporting is a multicausal phenomenon where taxes lose importance in the light of other determinants such as: corruption, regulation and bureaucracy, quality of public and government services, detection probability, sector informality and political instability. Moreover, the outcomes recognize companies' characteristics with a greater propensity to underreport sales (smaller size, selling in domestic market, from manufacturing sector, without external financing, with male entrepreneurs). Our empirical evidence is relevant for the formulation of public policies aimed at reducing revenue underreporting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to verify if the bureaucracy and corruption factors installed in a country significantly impact its level of innovation. To this end, 99 (ninety-nine) countries that have different levels of bureaucracy are compared, which are combined with countries with high to low degrees of corruption, and it is verified how these countries behave within the world innovation ranking measured by the Global Innovation Index (GII-2020). Through the statistical comparison of averages of the innovation levels of the countries in the sample it was concluded that bureaucracy does not seem to affect a country's innovation in a major way. The other conclusion here is that there seems to be a significant inverse relationship between a country's degree of corruption and its level of innovation. In the Brazilian case, where these two factors are too high, this study has importance to be able to indicate which of these two factors should be mitigated by the public power in order to improve the country's performance in the world innovation scene. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dillemma: After assuming as the Procurement Manager of the East University of Brazil (ULB), the public manager Roberto, together with students of Public Management, has the dilemma to improve the processes of his area, trying to get a better governance to public procurement. Educational objective: The case allows to develop competences to the interpretation of the general concepts of bureaucracy, public procurement, public governance and risk management in public sector. Contextualization: The trajectory of Roberto with the students is mediated by professor Franco, in the context of Roberto's role as assistant professor in the Organization, Systems and Methods class and as student of the Public Management Graduation course of ULB. The preconceptions and challenges are presented from an inside view of the public sector. Main theme: The focus is the discussion about processes management, governance and risk management, guiding the reflections to the necessary and challenging actions in terms of their implementations in the public sector context. Audience: It is better suited to MBA or third year undergraduate students, considering classes such as Public Procurement Management and Public Governance. It is necessary that the student has previous knowledge and completed classes involving Introduction to Management and Public Management, Organization, Systems and Methods and Human Resources Management in the context of public sector. Originality/value: The real situation presented works with public procurement singularities, and allows to understand the subjacent theoretical concepts, to try to apply in practice. So what does process management and public procurement involve? What are the core concepts of governance and risk management? How to deploy?. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dictators, rebel commanders, and mafia bosses frequently delegate gruesome and immoral tasks to their subordinates. However, most individuals want to avoid such work. This analytical essay proposes an institutional logic to understand how dictatorships, insurgent organizations, and criminal gangs get their evil work done nonetheless. We argue that common features of organizations produce mundane career pressures that incentivize subordinates to zealously execute reprehensible tasks. Subordinates may come under pressure for six distinct reasons: incompetence, misconduct, origin, isolation, organizational backlog, and shrinkage. Superiors, in turn, can exploit that pressured subordinates hope to improve their prospects for advancement by loyally executing the organization's evil tasks. Empirically, we illustrate how Nazi Germany utilized each of the suggested career pressures to staff the units in charge of the Holocaust. We highlight that our logic might also apply to less extreme forms of organizational evil. Together, the essay offers a novel perspective to demystify radical behavior in state and non-state organizations with important implications for our understanding of transnational terrorist violence and underworld crimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the development of the discretionary system of bureaucratic positions in Brazil. On the one hand, the research literature relates the allocation of public offices to the coalitional presidential system. On the other hand, this literature pointed out initiatives aiming to professionalise the bureaucracy and strengthen state careers. In this context, the presidential dilemmas refer to choosing between seeking support from the coalition by appointing party members and controlling public policies by nominating individuals aligned with the president's preferences. In this article, theories of institutional change are the main theoretical framework for analysing the progression of rules on appointments to public offices and their impacts on the portraits of nominees. Through a case study of Brazil, the paper assesses the congruence between theoretical predictions and empirical evidence regarding the relationship between institutions and the distribution of public sector posts. The methodology comprises bibliographic research, documental analysis, and descriptive statistics. The documentary search concentrated on the rules regarding the presidential coordination bodies and compulsory percentages of appointed career civil servants. The results demonstrated that the laws were not effective as federal public bodies did not comply with the rules. Furthermore, the quantity of career civil servants in discretionary public offices was already high before the establishment of compulsory percentages. The role of coordination bodies varied across the different administrations. Despite the centralisation of presidential power, evidence points out that public managers are partially free to choose their staff and only sometimes comply with the legal requirements. Thus, the conclusions reinforce the need to include informal institutions in further analysis. Besides promoting a contextual description of Brazil, the paper contributes to theory-testing and theory-building on the relationship between institutions and the distribution of public offices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper discusses the evolution of Peter Evans’ thought about the theoretical conditions in which the State can act in order to promote the development of a country. In a first moment of his thinking, Evans builds the concept of “inserted autonomy”, which is the basis for his analysis of the development of countries, focused on capital accumulation and industrial transformation. Evans later recognizes the need to expand this discussion to broader social groups. The approach used by the author, although similar, is built on a different theoretical body, which involves a new conceptualization of development. In this second stage, Evans approaches the idea of deliberative democracy as the mainstay of development, conceptualizing the 21st century developmental state model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through an ethnographic study of the policy of reparation to victims in Colombia, this article examines the processes of the production of expert knowledge along different scales and disputes of humanitarian bureaucracies in Colombia. These emerge from the institutional deployment of development and peacebuilding paradigms, at least since 1982, with the creation of the National Rehabilitation Plan (PNR), the Social Solidarity Network (RSS) in 1994, the Presidential Agency for Social Action and International Cooperation in 2002, and the Department of Social Prosperity (DPS) in 2011. With the subjugation of some paramilitary groups in 2006 (Justice and Peace Law), the Victims and Land Restitution Law in 2011, and the peace agreements with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia - People’s Army (FARC-EP) guerrillas in 2016, transitional institutions associated with truth, justice, and reparation proliferated, and with them, specific bureaucracies and expertise. Thus, the article specifically examines the technical and political tensions between different professional and ideological configurations associated with the implementation of reparations policy and how these disputes are essential to understanding the moral and ideological dimensions of humanitarianism and development in Colombia. It also studies the role of cooperation agencies in inter-institutional strengthening as a specific dimension of the formation of the Colombian State. These articulations configure a moral economy of humanitarianism characterized by institutional experimentalism and the formulation of social projects, expectations, plans, and ideas that never reach the status of having been realized. This strips such policies of any transformative or emancipatory potential. Thus, from an ethnographic perspective, the article provides an account of the techno-political tensions of humanitarian bureaucracies at the middle scales of regional, national, and global institutional structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

State officials in Weber’s rational-bureaucratic ideal type execute the business of the state rationally and dispassionately. Yet, in practice, the professional lives of bureaucrats are often deeply imbued with emotions. Drawing on fieldwork conducted over 2 years in India, this article examines the relationship between emotions and organizational structure in the Indian Railways, one of the world’s largest state bureaucracies. From fear and helplessness to jealousy and pride, I argue that the varied and powerful emotional experiences of Indian Railway officers stem partly from structural factors within the bureaucracy itself, particularly its organizational structure. Feelings of powerless and a sense that ‘bureaucrats are beggars’ can be traced to the fragmented organizational structure of the Indian Railways, which sharply constrains the authority of individual officers. A pervasive ‘fear of being questioned’ is fueled by the frequent ‘weaponization’ of anti-corruption tools and intricate rules to carry out personal vendettas. Ultimately, this article shows how efforts to produce a more Weberian, rationally organized bureaucracy can end up generating the very emotions they aim to limit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the instability of facts surrounding former sugarcane workers in Nicaragua with Chronic Kidney Disease of Non-Traditional Causes (CKDnt). CKDnt is a progressive disease that has been linked, albeit inconclusively, to working conditions in sugarcane plantations and other extreme environments. It emerged in the early twenty-first century, at a time when the social and political value of agricultural labor in Nicaragua and across the Americas was shifting due to the rise of new regimes of corporate responsibility and neoliberalized systems of state care. Partly as a result of a lack of conclusive knowledge about what causes the disease, former workers receive uneven medical and social benefits from both sugarcane corporations and the Nicaraguan social security system, the Instituto Nacional de Seguridad Social (INSS). This article traces the parallel emergence of Nicaragua’s agro-economy and the INSS during the twentieth century, and it draws on ethnographic research with ex-workers to understand how the making of facts about work and the making of facts about health shape each other. The article argues that the disposability of labor is not an inherent feature of monocrop capitalism; rather, disposability emerges as corporations and state authorities work strategically to manage the inherent porosity of the boundaries between plantations and their socio-political surroundings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The crisis of disappearances in Mexico worsened in 2007, when then-President Felipe Calderon launched the war on drugs. Since then, more than 80,000 people have been reported as missing. In this panorama of violence and uncertainty, a bureaucratic apparatus tries to manage the search and mourning of families still awaiting the return of their loved ones. The following pages deal mainly with the way in which the binder -that is, the case file containing the official investigation carried out by the authorities-plays a central role in the search process. Through the voices of thirteen mothers whose daughters and sons have been disappeared, the binder is framed as a person-object, which represents a material embodiment of the victim. Through this perspective, which goes beyond the rational limits imposed by the state, this paper is based on the negative methodology proposed by the anthropologist Yael Navaro. Thus, one of the conclusions shows how through objects the disappeared persons continue to participate in the everyday life of their loved ones, as well as in the claims for justice. Finally, it is important to note that all the names of people and places have been modified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Review of the collective book directed by Bernabé Aldeguer Cerdá y Gema Pastor Albaladejo, Democracy, government and contemporary public administration. Madrid. Tecnos 2020. 408 pp. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the perspectives of Arendt and Tocqueville in relation to the importance of the classical elements in the political analysis of the United States. Keeping this postulate in mind, we will proceed to visualize to what extent the dissolution of the classical meanings portrayed by Tocqueville in democracy in America, allow us to infer a deep dissension with respect to Arendt's interpretation in these matters, showing how the progressive character of democracy North American society inspired in the French thinker the description of a new type of democratic despotism. Likewise, the contrast of these interpretations will allow us to finally address the contemporary environment of the United States based on Wolin's "post-democracy" category, an instance that restores the actuality of Tocqueville's political thought in relation to democratic despotism without any risk of anachronism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work analyzes the administrative capacity of the independent public entity National Mining Agency (ANM), which is responsible for regulating the Brazilian mineral policy. Documentary and qualitative bibliographic research were carried out. Different organizational indicators were collected from the consultation of official management reports, audits of accountability agencies, and reports from Parliamentary Committees. Under a scenario in which administrative capacities should be strengthened (2003-2020), the results counterintuitively demonstrated a continuous organizational weakness of the independent public entity. It is evident a situation that combines restriction of available bureaucrats, reduction in the discretionary budget, a deficit in patrimonial and mobile infrastructure, and outdated technological systems. Low autonomy in the allocation of resources was identified as one of the mechanisms that explain these weaknesses. These conditions (lack of resources and autonomy) contribute to poor public performance in the regulation of mining processes and in mining inspection and control activities, resulting in taxes loss, risks of new disasters, and the expansion of illegal mining. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2010, the need to professionalize the mayor's profile has been debated in Colombia, a proposal that arises based on the low performance levels of many municipal administrations. However, during the development of this research it was possible to demonstrate that there is no direct relationship between the levels of professionalization of local mayors and their overall performance; additionally, it was shown that there are a number attributes that are decisive in the performance of a municipal mayor. Therefore, from a mixed research, carried out during 2017 and 2018, the level of performance was evaluated from a longitudinal series, based on information available on former mayors of the Colombian capitals for the last three constitutional periods (2007-2015), which made it possible to find the factors with the greatest impact on their performance, which allowed guiding an institutional adjustment, after three decades of having adopted in Colombia the popular election of mayors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the framework of the capitalist economic system, social work mediates between the forces of conflicting socio-economic interests. This paper studies the aforementioned mechanisms of mediation, understood as the public institutions and practices that social work professionals use to ensure social order among the disadvantaged population, and which end up limiting social work to welfare-oriented practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Policy-making is a complex process involving stimuli and conditioning. Understanding the sources of information bureaucrats and public organizations use is essential to characterize policy-making and discuss the opportunities and limits of Evidence-Based Public Policies (EBPP) in the Brazilian context. The different sources of information available to bureaucrats in the country are investigated, such as the state's internal and external sources and scientific and experiential sources. This paper presents the results of a survey with 2,180 officials of the direct federal administration conducted at the end of 2019. The findings indicate variation in the types of information bureaucrats mobilized depending on policy area and the type of policy work they perform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work aims to identify the most relevant approaches that the link between state bureaucracy and politics can take within the space opened by Weber's classic intervention. I seek to contribute to the construction of a cartography that locates the changing discursive hegemonies in the academic field. First, I analyze the Weberian formulation that alludes to a complementary tension between administrative cadre and political practice. Afterwards, I identify six distinct, but non-exhaustive, theoretical strategies or directions: one that conceives of bureaucracy as a space crossed by internal political tensions that condition its role in relation to politics; one that defines bureaucracy as a force that intervenes guided by its own interests; one which sees in technocracy a new politically dominant class or elite; one that maintains that politicians and bureaucrats are interdependent actors; and a perspective that delimits bureaucrats as strategic managers with political capabilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With this research, we seek to make some reflections on the historical context of bureaucracy and the consequences that this phenomenon can cause in jurisdictional provision. For this, an evolutionary contextualization will be made so that, in the end, it is possible to have clear the means of bureaucratic management previously applied and the current adopted in the country. The objective of this research is to assess whether the bureaucratic model applied in the Brazilian jurisdictional administration impacts the fundamental principle of access to justice. In this context, it will be verified whether the tools available for the management of jurisdictional bureaucracy are meeting expectations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research addresses non-bank finance in subnational entities, questioning the financing mechanisms for productive activities deployed by vulnerable segments in the 2015-2021 period. Specifically, we analyse the cases of IADEP in the province of Neuquén, IDEP in Tucumán and Fuerza Solidaria in the province of Buenos Aires, a comparison of which has allowed us to build interpretations on the patterns observed in non-bank finance. The methodological approach employed is qualitative, using primary and secondary sources of information. Among the findings, we highlight the construction of a new subject of government emerging from the intersection between demands and offers, through which it is possible to glimpse the productive structure and the agendas of subnational government, in such a way that the relationships established between those who have access to different non-bank mechanisms and those who hold their government are central to the approach proposed here. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the disparity of the intelligence services' historical development during the 20th century, a comparative approach reveals that most of today's democratic political regimes' intelligence communities maintain apparent similarities in their structure and operation, a product of the Weberian-type bureaucratic organization model's institutionalization. This article seeks to understand the intelligence services' organizational aspects from bureaucratic rationality to explore the criticisms of this model and evaluate its relationship with dysfunctions in the specific field of intelligence services. The results show that these distortions affect both the functionality and the legitimacy of these organizations, revealing the need to seek structural changes beyond the current model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on the implementation of a forest conservation program in indigenous communities analyze how the indigenous population understands the state as an environmental ruling institution and how they perform as users of public policy. The results of this ethnographic study suggest that the implementation of this scheme of economic incentives for conservation generates a weak connection of the state as an environmental institution but reinforces the role of the state as a provider of development opportunities. With this scheme, the indigenous population has constructed alternative interpretations of forest conservation as an asset to attract future development opportunities and of economic incentives as rewards and tips. The main state effect of the program is the bureaucratisation of communities to adapt then to the state ideal of installing an audit culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2009, the Colombian Constitutional Court issued ruling Auto 004, declaring 34 indigenous groups as being at risk of extermination due to the internal armed conflict and ordered the Colombian government, led by the Interior Ministry, to protect them. Since then, although the critical situation persists, the government has proven its compliance with the Court's order through a documentation process. The purpose of this article is to examine the role of documentation in mediating legal protection in a violent context. Based on yearlong participant observation at the Colombian Interior Ministry, the study approaches the production of the government's documentary response as an artifact. It addresses its formulation and context within the institutional setting, the discussions regarding what to include and what to exclude, and the decisions that shape its content. It highlights how the assembled document enchants, by skillfully combining the aesthetics and technical aspects. It illustrates how numbers that portray compliance are constructed and displayed in the document, while concealing the failure to make the changes that were ordered: a phenomenon termed here as complying incompliantly. The paper's originality lies in deconstructing the powerful governmental sophism of money invested as compliance with an obligation, through ethnographic attention to the document. Likewise, the analysis is part of the challenge dealt with by studies of the gap between law and reality, by suggesting that the problem lies not in a gap between well-intended law and the violent reality that overflows it but rather in the way this "gap" is filled by complex documenting processes. As such, the paper contributes to the anthropological studies on law, documentation and accountability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We aim to analyze the restructuring of bureaucracy linked to social policy, observing readjustments in the National Administration of Social Security (ANSES) to carry out programs such as Hacemos Futuro (we make the future). The methodology is qualitative and the fieldwork (2015 to 2019) has combined a macro-institutional perspective with micro-local practices. We maintain that the ANSES bureaucracy becomes the State visible face due to its territorial deployment and its operational and computer capacity that allows it to neutralize the modality of program management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public Administration has rooted bureaucratic organization in its procedures as its main strategy. This bureaucracy is considered to be one of the main obstacles to its full development, however, it should not be considered totally harmful to the system as it plays a decisive role in controlling the administrative machine. It is one of the hallmarks of the contemporary world and in this paradox, there is a debate about the effectiveness of using bureaucracy as a means to obtain efficiency. Efficiency as a constitutional principle has two interpretations, where the first is linked to the public agent's mode of action and the second directly related to the structural, organizational and disciplinary way of Public Administration whose purpose is to achieve the best results. With regard to Public Administration models, it was agreed to call the old administration the model whose bureaucracy is most present, based on the premise that the production of public service can be through the interests of bureaucracy. Subsequently, the second model emerged, called the new public management, in order to remedy the deficiencies arising from the conventional model, where the search is for productivity. Considering that the Public Administration aims at providing services and services to the whole society, the paradigm of bureaucracy associated with efficiency as well as the ways of seeing truth and efficiency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El presente artículo examina el contexto cultural burocrático en el que Juan López de Velasco realiza el expurgo de la Propaladia, el Lazarillo y las Obras de Cristóbal de Castillejo. Se pretende comprende el nexo entre humanismo y burocracia, enfocándose especialmente en la participación de López de Velasco en la cultural del libro en su momento histórico. El objetivo global del estudio investiga la relación entre administración de estado, saber y cultura en época de Felipe II. Se indaga acerca de esta relación concentrándose en las diversas actividades de López de Velasco con respecto al libro, particularmente su censura, su elaboración y su lugar en bibliotecas. Se analizan tres instancias en las que interviene López de Velasco: la adquisición de libros para la biblioteca de Juan de Ovando; la reorganización de la biblioteca de Mateo Vázquez de Leca; y la censura de libros en el Consejo de Indias. El artículo aporta datos concretos con respecto a la interrelación entre administración de estado y actividad erudita humanista. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The bureaucracy has been designed to organize modern, urban and industrial life. Justified by efficiency, primacy of order and liquidity, the bureaucracy enters human life, interfering and altering everyday life and the school daily life. Through different entrances, bureaucracy intervenes and settles in the school, triggering control and regulation. The article discusses bureaucracy in the school curriculum. Cartography was used as a methodological guide in the creative movement of production of study material, which critically went through the consumption of alphanumeric codes present in the National Common Curricular Base to find them in didactic material, in continuing education and in conversations between teachers. The study points out that alphanumeric codes, understood as a symbol system, are destined for obsolescence, since they do not come from practiced curriculum in schools, and because they are meaningless. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this article is to determine how the classification of crimes against public administration supports the correct functioning of the organizational infrastructure, which allows the straight and normal functioning of the public administration activity, subject to the system of values established in the Constitution and, ultimately, the proper exercise of administrative authority, sanctioning the conduct of authorities, officials and individuals who vitiate its effectiveness, or compliance with the purposes it has constitutionally assigned, to the extent that these crimes are considered as an axis of corruption that generates in politicians a struggle for particular ambitions and interests, increases the state bureaucracy and generates deficient public services, while at the same time creating an immoral culture, making use of public resources for their own benefit, being necessary in that sense, analyze what refers to the system of crimes against public administration from the perspective of criteria and models of legislative treatment, as well as from the legal nature of such crimes, since only then can we come to understand even the tendencies towards punishment or impunity of them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In remembrance of the centennial of Max Weber's death, the following article is structured around three main sections. The first part starts with his main methodological assumptions and ideas on the sociology as science, which is followed by Weber's reasoning on the modernization of western society as a final result of the social development and affirmation of rational action in the key relations of social life. The last section concludes with an analysis of the public bureaucracy and the effectiveness of democratic government within a mass society, as well as Weber's distinction between science, politics and ethics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Statistics and Peronism are in a combinatory way a key point to observe the technical autonomy from both state and politics as an explanatory variable, so it is possible to understand official's political actions. The 50th anniversary of the creation of the National Institute of Statistics and Census (1968-2018) is a first-rate chance of rethinking the ways in which official data have contributed to the conformation of national state in Argentina during the 20th Century. Hence, this paper reconstructs the case of a centralised statistical bureaucracy that produced the necessary information to make a planning for the "Nueva Argentina." Thus, this presents the both bureaucratic and institutional trajectories of three government agents who managed national census bodies: Accountant Juan Miguel Vaccaro (1944-1945), Engineer Enrique Catarineu Grau (1946-1949) and Lawyer José María Rivera (1950-1955). The paper wants to study three different management styles as a way of thinking statistical agencies in Argentina, between 1944 and 1955, analysing the relationships between specialised bureaucracy and their military and political mentors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Accountability policies are meant to improve educational quality; yet, too often, they interfere with quality instruction, including bilingual instruction. Drawing on 18 months of ethnographic work in a multigrade Indigenous preschool in the Yucatan Peninsula in Mexico, I describe how Elisa, the teacher, principal and janitor, navigated demanding administrative tasks while implementing different governmental programs, placing on her a significant bureaucratic burden. Also, this led her to shift her attention from a culture of teaching-learning accountability to a culture of bureaucratic accountability. This study shows that early childhood education in Indigenous communities in Mexico depends on the astuteness and preparedness of frontline workers, such as teachers and school supervisors, as they keenly navigate the culture of bureaucratic accountability that governmental policies impose, while trying not to sacrifice an accountability to their own responsibility to the learners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research that is presented aims to analyze the impact of transnational actors in the alterations of the Brazilian anticorruption state bureaucracy through the guidelines established by the National Strategy to Combat Corruption and Money Laundering (ENCCLA). The assessment of the actions of the ENCCLA, in the period from 2010 to 2020, signals the impact of transnational actors in the bureaucratization of national anticorruption instruments, highlighting a mutation in rationality administrative and influencing executive, legislative and judicial behaviors to prevent and combat corruption. For the development of this research, the inductive method was used. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/context: Gender mainstreaming policies have been adopted by local governments to advance gender equality as well as women's rights. Existing research addresses several dimensions of this policy. However, a crucial dimension is its governance structure. In this article, we address the governance of gender mainstreaming policies under the governments of the Frente Amplio in Montevideo (Uruguay) and the Socialist Party in Rosario (Argentina), two left-wing parties with gender agendas. Methodology: The research is based on an analysis of policy trajectories over a decade and a half of implementation, comparing Montevideo and Rosario. By focusing on the governance structures of these policies, the paper examines legal, institutional and participatory instruments. The two cases are selected for their support to gender policies uninterruptedly for three decades, as well as for their recognition as successful experiences in Latin America. Conclusions: A significant contrast is identified between the two local administrations, despite their similarities. In general terms, the governance of gender mainstreaming in Montevideo tended to be broader and more democratic, while in Rosario it was partial and with a reduced multi-stakeholder participation. The explanations of these differences are linked to the characteristics of the local processes of decentralization and management reforms promoted by both governments. Originality: The originality of the article is given by an explanatory framework drawing upon broader discussions of the social sciences regarding decentralization and policy management, and extending it to account for the different governance structures of gender mainstreaming. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Various studies of the implementation of the policies that make up the Brazil Quilombola Program (PBQ) demonstrate that the communities' access to the resources and benefits of these policies is extremely restricted. They also highlight the difficulty of communication between the Program's policy makers and their target communities. Other studies highlight the lack of knowledge of quilombola community members about the policies of the PBQ, what makes it difficult to claim the rights guaranteed by the program. Faced with this scenario, this article analyzes whether the policies related to the PBQ were implemented in two quilombola communities in the state of Alagoas and what was the role of the bureaucrats in these processes. Through field research and interviews with bureaucrats and managers of the departments responsible for implementing the program in the municipalities, we mapped out which policies within the axes that make up the PBQ were implemented, and analyzed the role of these bureaucrats in the operationalization and readjustment of these policies, as well as the population's perception of these policies. It was concluded that these bureaucrats have an inexpressive role in the operationalization and improvement of these policies when and if they are implemented, and that the population of these settlements is unaware of the benefits to which they are entitled within the axes of the PBQ. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Este artículo surge del trabajo en el día a día con las familias multiproblemáticas desde los servicios sociales. Cuando la intervención tiene lugar en la institución, uno de los retos es reflexionar sobre algunos embrollos que se encuentra el profesional en la intervención con estas familias. Se describen cinco embrollos en los que puede verse envuelto el profesional ejemplificados con casos prácticos así como la resolución de cada uno de ellos. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How many are the top and middle-level Brazilian federal bureaucracy appointees, and to which party are they affiliated? Are there differences among presidential mandates regarding the number of these professionals and their party affiliation? This study seeks to answer these questions, by building a new database that gathers the number of party-affiliated public officials that were appointed to Cargos de Direção e Assessoramento Superior (DAS) (position of director and high level consultant). Descriptive analysis found that the proportion of party-affiliated among appointees increased during the Workers' Party (PT) governments and higher among appointed professionals that were not civil servant. The power-sharing among parties - mainly between the party of the president and the others - varies significantly according to the government. The partisan control over appointees is milder in middle-level and stronger at top-level positions. However, a minority of appointees are party members, even among the top-level bureaucracy. Therefore, we suggest that the political networks go beyond the party affiliations. To understand these networks it is necessary to reassess the role of party politics in shaping the executive agenda and enable reinterpretation of how presidents build and manage the government coalition and the support to their agenda in the legislative arena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contributes to the discussion on public administration in Brazil. It examines the differences between the four functions of the state (basic functions, welfare, infrastructure and development, and emerging functions), based on the positions and careers of public servants. The data were collected in 2014 using a survey with public managers from different agencies of the Brazilian federal administration. The results point to distinctions regarding the roles played by middle managers, considering their distribution by state functions, profile, and activities. In a historical perspective, although there are basic functions that constitute the state, the creation of new careers and the recruitment of staff in the bureaucracy resulted in unequal development of the different state functions, generating imbalance and asymmetries. Also, emerging functions are generating new, more flexible, and dynamic ways for managers to work, which have renewed the Brazilian bureaucracy, albeit in a limited and heterogeneous way. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El artículo analiza las iniciativas orientadas al agro que se llevaron a cabo en una zona marginal de la región pampeana (Argentina) a inicios de los años cincuenta, en el marco de la "vuelta al campo" implementada por Juan Domingo Perón. La temática se aborda en clave regional para iluminar un aspecto poco explorado: el problema agroecológico que afectaba a una extensa zona del centro del país. Al focalizar en La Pampa, llamada entonces Eva Perón, se explicarán resultados y limitaciones del accionar estatal en una provincia nueva, carente de andamiaje industrial complejo, de estructura burocrática consolidada y de técnicos con expertise para definir política agropecuaria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between politics and technique: legal practice in the Brazilian Federal Supreme Court. The purpose of this article is to examine the decisions and relations in the Brazilian Federal Supreme Court utilizing the local concepts of technique, law and politics. More than analyzing the decisions of the Supreme Court taking as a starting point the possibility of interference of political interests external to law, the goal of this article is to reflect on the ways that politics are made in the realm of law on the basis of a concept of legal practice seized in the composition of the court, the management of processes and the relationships between ministers and their offices. In this sense, decisions, relationships and processes are taken as objects that modulate the direction of truth and establish the possibilities of transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes Max Weber's conference titled "Politics as vocation", emphasizing the relationship established between politics and technique. It argues that in such work Weber explains the functioning of statehood and politics related to an originary expropriation process, structuring Modernity, wich also origined Capitalism. Therefore, the proposal of dealing with rationalization's effects and with German interwar period tensions adopts a paradox: Weber appeals to the leader's grace, but at the same time he leaves it to the rule of technique, by engraving it into the legal order through the concept of plebiscite. In other words, turning charisma into a mechanism against increasing bureaucracy, Weber resignifies his revolutionary nature into counter-revolutionary and therefore, confined to technique rationality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Race has shaped the development of the Bolivian state and its institutions albeit with important transformations in the social and political meaning of race. This paper discusses the racialization of the central state bureaucracy in Bolivia along these two dimensions: the distribution of bureaucratic resources and the assumptions and meanings that underpin bureaucratic hierarchy and spaces. It first discusses the relationship between the modern state and the concept of race, and conceptualizes the ethnoracial bureaucracy as a material and symbolic structure. Next, it examines the composition of the public administration sector overall and across the bureaucratic hierarchy in 2001, before the MAS-IPSP's rise to power. Last, it surveys the narratives of race and nation that Creole and white-mestizo state elites historically mobilized in demarcating the boundaries of state power around whiteness. In contemporary Bolivia, the production of alternative official narratives of race and nation seeks to blur the boundary between indigeneity and statecraft (re)produced since the early republican period, and to legitimize the changing ethnoracial composition of the bureaucracy. The durability of the project is not guaranteed as the sediment of history and competing political projects weighs heavy on this process of transformation and negotiation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to discuss the capacities of the Brazilian State, particularly the Federal Executive Branch, to produce efficient infrastructure policies that deliver the expected benefits and also obtain support (or consent) from impacted social groups. We argue that the professionalization and technical knowledge of the federal government's public bureaucracy are constrained by low levels of autonomy and intragovernmental cohesion. Likewise, the relationship between the federal bureaucracy and local civil society, subnational governments and accountability agencies are precarious. This situation represents a barrier to the efficiency and legitimacy of state action in the sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historians and contemporaries alike have criticized Chilean public administration during the Parliamentary period due to the emergence of clientelism in the selection of public workers. Notwithstanding, a great part of these impressions are not based on evidence. This article analyzes the development of administrative careers in public services between 1884 and 1920, specifically studying the hiring and promotion processes. It concludes that, despite the nonexistence of a bureaucratic framework for career management, in practice there was a de facto civil service system which permitted long administrative careers within public administration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examine whether the promise of the Council‐Manager style of governance achieves the mix of electoral and professional representation that reformers originally envisioned. To explore this question, we analyze the political behavior of all 100 county managers in North Carolina—a position in the bureaucratic structure that requires professional expertise, but one that is subject to partisan oversight. We find two striking patterns. First, when a single party dominates an elected board of commissioners, they appear to prefer co‐partisans as county managers. Second, we find that county managers are more likely to register as politically unaffiliated when they work in a competitive county. Our evidence implies that both partisan boards and county managers are incorporating politics as a part of their decision processes, suggesting that the Council‐Manager form of government is far from apolitical. Related Articles: French, Edward P. 2003. “ Municipal Government: Does Structure Make a Difference in Small Cities and Towns?” Politics & Policy 31 ( 4): 694‐ 725. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2003.tb00168.x/full Wallis, Joe, Tor Brodtkorb, Brian Dollery, and Muiris MacCarthaigh. 2017. “ Commissions and Local Government Reform: Expressed Leadership Identities of Commissioners in Inquiries Proposing Municipal Mergers in Northern Ireland and New South Wales.” Politics & Policy 45 ( 2): 285‐ 308. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/polp.12199/full Reid, Traciel V., and Robert S. Moog. 2011. “ Voter Information, Voter Participation, and the North Carolina Judicial Election Reforms: The Views of the Voters.” Politics & Policy 39 ( 2): 223‐ 250. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2011.00289.x/full Related Media: University of North Carolina School of Government. 2018. “Data on NC Counties.” https://www.sog.unc.edu/publications/ North Carolina City and County Management Association Member Directory. n.d. http://www.ncmanagers.org/memberinfo/Pages/memberdir.aspx North Carolina State Board of Elections Voter File. n.d. https://enr.ncsbe.gov/voter_search_public/ North Carolina Voting Records. 2015. https://www.ncsbe.gov/ncsbe/voter-turnout [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]