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Taken together these essays reveal both synergies and contradictions between and within immigration and welfare policies. Several common themes emerge. Firstly, while access to the welfare state is an important signifier of membership, in practice claiming certain state benefits is accompanied by suspicion, surveillance and stigma. The good citizen is a worker citizen. Secondly, the importance of the welfare state in putting the nation into the nation-state: the normative national community imagined as the rightful subject of welfare states is racialised and classed. Thirdly, deservingness functions in both welfare states and immigration regimes to prioritise victimhood rather than rights and redistribution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses the lens of state control over mobilities of residents both migrants and citizens to move away from assumptions that position them as competitors for the privileges of membership. I begin by critiquing the migrant/citizen binary, claiming that it promotes as actuality Fantasy Citizenship of equality and accessible rights when the reality is one of banal citizenship. This Fantasy citizen is a Worker Citizen. However, the substance of the 'right to work' is the right to the welfare safety net and the banal citizen finds access to this safety net restricted by the 'duty to work'. Taking the example of the UK and specifically, England, I examine how citizens' mobility is restricted and controlled, firstly by social housing allocation policies which effectively turns citizens into 'migrants' via worker citizenship, and secondly through the restrictions of COVID-19 including its racialised policing. In this way, I suggest closer attention to state restrictions on the mobilities of citizens can help draw out connections in practice between the citizen and the migrant, connections that are obscured by Fantasy Citizenship and the migrant citizen binary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores how wealthy countries' reliance on migrant workers is not restricted to migrants working within their borders but extends, through global supply chains, to migrants employed in lower-income countries. It provides an exploratory discussion of how migration, labour, and trade systems interact to argue for the expansion of research on dependence on migrant labour – a 'widening of the lens' – beyond national systems effects. Using the COVID-19 pandemic and associated concern with the provision of essential goods and services, we consider how the employment of migrants in global supply chains, and by extension societal resilience of higher-income countries, is shaped by trade policies and agreements regulating flows of essential products across countries; labour markets and conditions in low- and middle-income countries producing essential products for export; and migration systems between and within low- and middle-income countries. Thus, we tentatively explore how national systems and institutions interlock with those of other states, and also with transnational and international institutions. We illustrate our arguments with a case study of the Malaysian production and export of rubber gloves, an essential good during the COVID-19 pandemic that is heavily dependent on migrant labour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current outcomes of immigration enforcement policies and apparatuses call for rethinking the ethics behind our understanding of community belonging, human rights and just society. The ethics at work are often presented as emotions creating particular affective atmosphere that permit the ongoing implementation of enforcing migration. This Special Issue tackles emotions as processes of organizing that are mobilized in support of certain ethics. In the context of immigration enforcement, these emotions are not self-explanatory, but they can justify the potential for violence and even deem it necessary. The emotions or affects of enforcers (as opposed to migrants) have been less addressed, and this Special Issue aims to be a novel collection. The articles pay particular attention to racism and to the understanding of institutional racism within state structures. They reveal the ways in which emotions are instrumental to the operations of state bureaucracy within the repressive migration apparatus and point to the ethics that allows individuals to conform state structures of oppression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

UK integration policy has attempted to respond to some of the critiques of the integration framework, and policymakers are pursuing an approach that focusses on the local. This paper examines this response with a particular focus on the city of Bristol. It first sets out the fundamental critiques of the integration paradigm and connects these to more general concerns in migration research about methodological nationalism and scholarly engagement with policy making. It notes different responses to these critiques including a turn to place-based approaches. It describes the history of integration policy as a background to understanding contemporary policy and observes the overlooked importance of community. The paper then describes the ESRC Everyday Integration project and the city and neighbourhood context of Bristol before moving to discuss the findings from the project's fieldwork. We find that 'community' was a very important reference point when our interviewees discussed what integration means. Talking about integration helps turns neighbourhoods into 'communities', but it also foregrounds 'national communities'. Integration discourse elides these two meanings of 'community', and locates connections between race and class in the challenge of problematic cultures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since implementation of Standard Precautions* for the prevention of bloodborne pathogen transmission in 1985, health care-associated transmission of human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) in the United States has been rare (1). In October 2017, the New York City Department of Health and Mental Hygiene (NYCDOHMH) and the New York State Department of Health (NYSDOH) were notified by a clinician of a diagnosis of acute HIV infection in a young adult male (patient A) without recognized risk factors (i.e., he was monogamous, had an HIV-negative partner, and had no injection drug use) who had recently been hospitalized for a chronic medical condition. The low risk coupled with the recent hospitalization and medical procedures prompted NYSDOH, NYCDOHMH, and CDC to investigate this case as possible health care-associated transmission of HIV. Among persons with known HIV infection who had hospitalization dates overlapping those of patient A, one person (patient B) had an HIV strain highly similar to patient A's strain by nucleotide sequence analysis. The sequence relatedness, combined with other investigation findings, indicated a likely health care-associated transmission. Nucleotide sequence analysis, which is increasingly used for detecting HIV clusters (i.e., persons with closely related HIV strains) and to inform public health response (2,3), might also be used to identify possible health care-associated transmission of HIV to someone with health care exposure and no known HIV risk factors (4). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent migration ‘crises’ raise important geopolitical questions. Who is ‘the migrant’ that contemporary politics are fixated on? How are answers to ‘who counts as a migrant’ changing? Who gets to do that counting, and under what circumstances? This forum responds to, as well as questions, the current saliency of migration by examining how categories of migration hold geopolitical significance—not only in how they are constructed and by whom, but also in how they are challenged and subverted. Furthermore, by examining how the very concepts of ‘migrant’ and ‘refugee’ are used in different contexts, and for a variety of purposes, it opens up critical questions about mobility, citizenship and the nation state. Collectively, these contributions aim to demonstrate how problematising migration and its categorisation can be a tool of enquiry into other phenomena and processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reconsiders Stephen Castle’s classic paperWhy Migration Policies Fail. Beginning with the so-called migration crisis of 2015 it considers the role of numbers is assessing success or failure. It argues that in the UK public debates about immigration changed with European Union (EU) Enlargement in 2004, when the emphasis shifted from concerns about asylum to concerns about EU mobility. Concerns were exacerbated by the government’s failure to meet its promise to reduce net migration. This policy is hampered by the general problem of definition of “migrant” and the gap between statistical measures and popular usage in which “migration” signifies problematic mobility. In fact, concern about migration has become a placeholder for concerns about globalization and democratic accountability. A new politics of migration must make connections between migrants and citizens, but also between migration and other global processes, particularly outsourcing and the exploitation of labour and resources in the global south. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The author replies to comments on his book "Us and Them? The Dangerous Politics of Immigration Control." Topics discussed include the role of hostility to migration on Great Britain's exit to the European Union and the election of U.S. President Donald Trump, the importance of the opinions and voice of migrants, and challenges associated with migration.

The article explores the use of metaphors to discuss the refugee crisis in Europe as of 2016. Topics include the significant increase in the number of immigrants from the Middle East and Africa in Europe, Europe's strategies to manage the crisis, the relationship between media coverage, policy, and public opinion, and the factors that contributed to the refugee crisis. These factors include war, poverty, and environmental degradation. Also discussed are immigrants' impact on the European economy, press coverage of the issue in Great Britain, and the comparison of immigrants as outsiders.

Immigration controls serve a crucial symbolic function of delineating the nation and the people, the boundaries of 'Us' and 'Them' and state legitimacy is, through immigration policy, linked to ideas of nation building and preservation (Honig, 2003). Labor migration policy is not simply an instrumental response to the needs of employers but highly symbolic and politically contested terrain that assumes intense public significance. This is particularly evident in the case of domestic workers, who are embedded in the family, the 'heart of the nation'. This paper explores the ways in which migration policies on domestic work not only produce a subordinated workforce, but reflect and construct ideas about family, work, and Britishness, with a particular focus on two visa types: domestic worker accompanying an employer and au pair visas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers the argument that immigration controls can be protective of migrants/victims of trafficking. It examines how the avoidance of “harm” has become central to immigration enforcement and considers the implications of this with particular reference to children. It argues that the language of protection and harm risks inscribing the state as an appropriate protector, not just for children, but for at-risk migrants more generally. This is deeply problematic when, through immigration controls and practices, the state is implicated in constructing this vulnerability. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article discusses employer demand for migrant labour. We argue that the UK's growing reliance on migrant workers cannot simply be explained by lax immigration controls or migrants' superior 'work ethic'. It arises from the complex interactions between institutions, public policies and social relations. A wide range of public policies have contributed to a growing demand for migrant workers in the UK. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taking the growing use of deportation by many states, including the UK and the USA, as its point of departure, this article examines the implications of deportation for how citizenship is understood and conceptualised in liberal states. We follow scholars such as Walters (2002, Citizenship studies, 6 (2), 265-292) and Nicholas De Genova (2010, The deportation regime: sovereignty, space and freedom of movement. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 33-65) in seeing deportation as a practice that is 'constitutive of citizenship', one that reaffirms the formal and normative boundaries of membership in an international system of nominally independent states. However, we draw on the UK to show that, as a particularly definitive and symbolically resonant way of dividing citizens from (putative) strangers, deportation is liable to generate conflicts amongst citizens and between citizens and the state over the question of who is part of the normative community of members. Such conflict is, we show, a key and everyday feature of the many local anti-deportation campaigns that currently operate in support of individuals and families facing expulsion in liberal states. Although often used by governmental elites as a way to reaffirm the shared significance of citizenship, deportation, we suggest, may serve to highlight just how divided and confused modern societies are in how they conceptualise both who is a member and who has the right to judge who belongs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kazakhstan, a country with relatively strong economic growth, significant natural resources and low population density, shares borders with countries of low economic growth, high poverty and unemployment. The lack of a coherent strategy for labour migration and a large informal sector have contributed towards a situation where large numbers of low-skilled migrants are working in breach of Kazakhstan's minimum labour standards. There is also evidence of significant incidences of unfree-or forced-labour. This paper considers the living and working conditions of Central Asian migrants in Kazakhstan and the applicability of the trafficking framework to their situation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is now more important than ever to consider migrant mobilizations and how political communities are constructed. This paper describes how Waling Waling, a migrant domestic workers' organization, and their support group, Kalayaan, forged citizenship 'from below' and waged a successful campaign to change the immigration status of domestic workers in part through turning constraints into opportunities. It also discusses how the logic of state sovereignty can recapture radical undertakings, and the opportunities and challenges that are faced in the new political climate of migrants as victims of trafficking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how immigration controls and practices work with (and against) migratory processes and migrant subjectivities to help produce types of labour with particular relations to employers, and types of resident with particular relations to citizens. It considers the social and legal construction of the figure of the migrant, and taking the case of au pair and domestic worker visa holders, examines how and why it is that despite these two groups doing the same kinds of tasks, the ways in which these tasks are imagined, and the relationships produced, are often very different. It illustrates how immigration controls, social and historical conditions, and life stages and subjectivities help explain the different experiences of different visa holders, and shape the possibilities for collective action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses several papers published within the issue including one about the struggle of migrants to obtain citizenship and another regarding immigration regulations in Great Britain.

This editorial article argues for No Borders as a practical political project. We first critically examine borders as ideological, generating and reinforcing inequality. We consider some responses to injustices produced by borders: the call for "human rights"; attempts to make immigration controls more "humanitarian"; and trade unions' organizing and campaigning with undocumented workers. Recognizing the important contributions of some of these responses, we argue that nevertheless they have often been limited because they do not question sovereignty, the territorializing of people's subjectivities, and nationalism. No Borders politics rejects notions of citizenship and statehood, and clarifies the centrality of borders to capitalism. We argue that No Borders is a necessary part of a global system of common rights and contemporary struggle for the commons. The article concludes by highlighting the main themes of the papers that make up the Special Issue, a number of which explore practical instances of the instantiation of No Borders politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the issue of trafficking, as well as public concern over prostitution/sex work, immigration, and the abuse and exploitation it frequently involves. The United Nations (UN) General Assembly adopted the UN Convention Against Transnational Organised Crime in November 2000 which aims to promote interstate cooperation in the combating of transnational organised crime and to eliminate safe havens for its perpetrators. Its three additional protocols include the smuggling of migrants, trafficking in persons, and trafficking in firearms. The proliferation of irregular migration and the abuse of migrant workers are attributed by European governments to traffickers. It points out the de-politicisation of anti-trafficking interventions is a form of anti-politics.

The article presents an exploration into the legal and humanitarian rights of unauthorized immigrants within sovereign states from an ethical perspective, commenting and criticizing on the essay "The Rights of Irregular Migrants," by Joseph Carens, included within the issue. The implications of the State's right to border-entry control and monitoring are explored, expanding the argument's jurisdiction to visa holders, non-compliant citizens, and other populations.

This article considers whether there is a specific demand for migrant domestic workers in the UK, or for workers with particular characteristics that in theory could be met by citizens. It discusses how immigration status can make it easier not only to recruit domestic workers, but also to retain them. ‘Foreignness’ may also make the management of the employment relation easier with employers anxious to discover a coincidence of interest with the worker. Employers are not only looking for generic ‘foreignness’ however, but typically also seek particular nationalities or ethnicities of worker, which can raise difficulties for agencies who are not allowed to discriminate on the basis of ‘race’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Highlights the World Social Forum on globalization in Porto Alegre, Brazil. Purpose and theme of the event; Event activities.

In this paper I present evidence that Detroit African Americans are participating in a recent sound change which is typically associated with some White, but not African American, varieties in the American South. Although both Southern White and African American speakers monophthongize /ai/ in pre-voiced phonetic contexts ( tide ), the spread of the monophthongal or glide-reduced variant to pre-voiceless environments ( tight ) is a salient characteristic of some subregions of the Southern U.S. I report a leveling pattern in which /ai/ monophthongization has expanded to the salient pre-voiceless context in Detroit African American English (AAE). I explain this is in terms of a change in the group with whom African American speakers perceive themselves as saliently contrastive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reproductive labour is increasingly globalised. The United Workers' Association (UWA), a migrant domestic workers' group based in London that has successfully campaigned for changes in immigration rules, is taken as a case study of transnationalism from below. Members link with their countries of origin through remittances and communications with family, and use the organisation to meet up with women from the same region and/or state. However, what is particular about this group is that gender, a common immigration status, and shared employment experiences have provided a basis for members to organise despite national, ethnic and religious differences. Their struggle for visas has met with opposition both by the receiving state and by their states of origin. For most, however, the struggle has been ultimately successful. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Paid domestic work is a feature of households all over the world, from Ecuador to Swaziland, from Spain to the Ivory Coast. In many countries, it probably constitutes the single largest female employment sector (though its invisibility can make this difficult to document). It is work that is predominantly performed by women, and is usually managed by other women. Yet it has received very little attention, either from feminists or from trade unionists, or indeed from political activists in general – many of whom, particularly if they are women, depend on a domestic worker to facilitate their activism. This paper explores the experiences of migrant domestic workers in Europe, and in particular in the UK. However, the issues it raises present challenges – both personal and political – for women and men throughout the world, whether they are domestic workers or employers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Among adults, COVID-19 hospitalization rates increase with age. Data from the COVID-19–Associated Hospitalization Surveillance Network were analyzed to estimate populationbased COVID-19–associated hospitalization rates during October 2023–April 2024 and identify demographic and clinical characteristics of adults aged ≥18 years hospitalized with COVID-19. Adults aged ≥65 years accounted for 70% of all adult COVID-19–associated hospitalizations, and their COVID-19–associated hospitalization rates were higher than those among younger adult age groups. Cumulative rates of COVID-19–associated hospitalization during October 2023–April 2024 were the lowest for all adult age groups during an October–April surveillance period since 2020– 2021. However, hospitalization rates among all adults aged ≥75 years approached one COVID-19–associated hospitalization for every 100 persons. Among adults hospitalized with COVID-19, 88.1% had not received the 2023–2024 formula COVID-19 vaccine before hospitalization, 80.0% had multiple underlying medical conditions, and 16.6% were residents of long-term care facilities (LTCFs). Guidance for adults at high risk for severe COVID-19 illness, including adults aged ≥65 years and residents of LTCFs, should continue to focus on adopting measures to reduce risk for contracting COVID-19, advocating for receipt of recommended COVID-19 vaccinations, and seeking prompt outpatient antiviral treatment after receipt of a positive SARS-CoV-2 test result. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Infants aged <6 months are at increased risk for severe COVID-19 disease but are not yet eligible for COVID-19 vaccination; these children depend upon transplacental transfer of maternal antibody, either from vaccination or infection, for protection. COVID-19–Associated Hospitalization Surveillance Network (COVID-NET) data were analyzed to estimate COVID-19–associated hospitalization rates and identify demographic and clinical characteristics and maternal vaccination status of infants aged <6 months hospitalized with laboratory-confirmed COVID-19. During October 2022– April 2024, COVID-NET identified 1,470 COVID-19– associated hospitalizations among infants aged <6 months. COVID-19–associated hospitalization rates among young infants were higher than rates among any other age group, except adults aged ≥75 years, and are comparable to rates among adults aged 65–74 years. The percentage of hospitalized infants whose mothers had been vaccinated during pregnancy was 18% during October 2022–September 2023 and decreased to <5% during October 2023–April 2024. Severe outcomes among infants hospitalized with COVID-19 occurred frequently: excluding newborns hospitalized at birth, approximately one in five young infants hospitalized with COVID-19 required admission to an intensive care unit, nearly one in 20 required mechanical ventilation, and nine infants died during their COVID-19–associated hospitalization. To help protect pregnant persons and infants too young to be vaccinated, prevention for these groups should focus on ensuring that pregnant persons receive recommended COVID-19 vaccines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Demonstrates that the patterning of /ai/ and /oi/ for the Snowbird Cherokee in Graham County, North Carolina, is based on a mixed alignment of phonoligical transfer from the ancestral language and accommodation to vowel patterns of the local dialect norm. Language contact between Snowbird Cherokee and Appalachian Anglos of Graham County.

Focuses on the aspect of migration relating to the international migrants of Western Europe and North America. Estimation of these international migrants; Employment of migrant women; Dependance of European families.

An introduction to the journal is presented in which the editors discuss various reports within the issue on topics including citizenship and deportation, the historical roots of expulsion as a practice, and a legal investigation of British deportation system.

To determine the distribution of diagnosed SARS-CoV-2 infections by testing modality (at-home rapid antigen [home tests] versus laboratory-based tests in clinical settings [clinical tests]), assess factors associated with clinical testing, and estimate the true total number of diagnosed infections in New York State (NYS). We conducted an online survey among NYS residents and analyzed data from 1012 adults and 246 children with diagnosed infection July 13-December 7, 2022. Weighted descriptive and logistic regression model analyses were conducted. Weighted percentages and prevalence ratios by testing modality were generated. The percent of infections diagnosed by clinical tests via survey data were synthesized with daily lab-reported results to estimate the total number of diagnosed SARS-CoV-2 infections in NYS July 1-December 31, 2022. Over 70% of SARS-CoV-2 infections in NYS during the study period were diagnosed exclusively with home tests. Diagnosis with a clinical test was associated with age, race/ethnicity, and region among adults, and sex, age, and education among children. We estimate 4.1 million NYS residents had diagnosed SARS-CoV-2 infection July 1-December 31, 2022, compared to 1.1 million infections reported over the same period. Most SARS-CoV-2 infections in NYS were diagnosed exclusively with home tests. Surveillance metrics using laboratory-based reporting data underestimate diagnosed infections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a growing trend of animal-assisted intervention (AAI) programs on college campuses to improve mental health among college students through human–animal interactions. The purpose of this preliminary research was to evaluate one program to determine if AAI improved participants' short-term emotional state as well as influenced the quality of the human–animal interaction. Quantitative data were collected using the Positive and Negative Affect Scale and the Human–Animal Interaction Scale. Results indicated a positive change in students' emotional state after interactions with therapy animals. Time spent interacting with the therapy animals had a significant effect on the human–animal interaction score but no effect on affect. These findings support the utility of human–animal relationships in improving college student mental health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Persons with HIV (PWH) are at increased risk for bacterial infections, and previous publications document an increased risk for invasive meningococcal disease (IMD) in particular. This analysis provides evidence that PWH face a 6-fold increase in risk for IMD based on Active Bacterial Core surveillance data collected during 2009–2019. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unstable housing among persons diagnosed with HIV (PDWH) has been consistently linked to poor HIV-related care engagement. We examined the relationship between enrollment in a supportive housing program and health care utilization (use of outpatient services, emergency department (ED) visits, and hospitalizations) for a group of unstably housed, Medicaid and Health Homes (HH)-enrolled PDWH in New York State. We analyzed monthly longitudinal data consisting of linked supportive housing data, HH data, and Medicaid claims from New York State (excluding New York City) between 2012 and 2017 using time series models. Participants who had at least six consecutive months of supportive housing at month t had 20% higher odds of using an outpatient service, 19% lower odds of visiting the ED, and 24% lower odds of being hospitalized compared to those with less than six consecutive months of supportive housing after adjusting for covariates. Supportive housing may promote better medical management by increasing outpatient visits among chronically homeless PDWH. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The impact of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) on HIV care patients, aged 18–64, was evaluated in three jurisdictions with Medicaid expansion (Chicago, New York State, and Washington) and three jurisdictions without Medicaid expansion (Georgia, Texas, and Virginia) using data from the Medical Monitoring Project. Multivariate regression models were used to evaluate insurance status that was reported pre- and post-ACA; self-reported impact of ACA on HIV care was explored with descriptive statistics. The likelihood of having insurance was significantly greater post-ACA compared to pre-ACA in Chicago (aRR = 1.33, 95%CI = 1.20, 1.47), Washington (aRR = 1.15, 95%CI = 1.08, 1.22), and Virginia (aRR = 1.14, 95%CI = 1.00, 1.29). In Washington and Chicago, the likelihood of being Medicaid-insured was greater post-ACA compared to pre-ACA implementation (Chicago: aRR = 1.25, 95%CI = 1.03,1.53; Washington: aRR = 1.66 95% CI = 1.30, 2.13). No other significant differences were observed. Only a subset of HIV care patients (range: 15–35%) reported a change in insurance that would have coincided with the implementation of ACA; and within this subset, a change in medical care costs was the most commonly noted issue. In conclusion, the influence of ACA on insurance coverage and other factors affecting HIV care likely varies by jurisdiction. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article focuses on estimating the effectiveness of the JYNNEOS vaccine (Modified Vaccinia Ankara vaccine) against monkeypox (mpox) during an international outbreak in New York outside of New York City. Topics discussed include the deployment of the vaccine and presents the results of a case-control study conducted by the New York State Department of Health (NYSDOH) to estimate the vaccine's effectiveness.

There has been a substantial increase in demand for private domestic services throughout the European Union, and a significant proportion of these workers are non-citizens, many of them without documents. This paper addresses two questions: why is there an increase in demand for domestic workers in private households? and why is this demand being met by migrant women? While there are demographic and economic reasons for the former, the reproduction of lifestyle and status, and the avoidance of gender and generational conflict over domestic work are also important factors. Migrant labour is flexible, women are removed from family demands and can devote themselves to their employing family, moreover their 'race' and citizenship status differentiates them from their female employer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: Achieving accurate, timely, and complete HIV surveillance data is complicated in the United States by migration and care seeking across jurisdictional boundaries. To address these issues, public health entities use the ATra Black Box—a secure, electronic, privacy-assuring system developed by Georgetown University—to identify and confirm potential duplicate case records, exchange data, and perform other analytics to improve the quality of data in the Enhanced HIV/AIDS Reporting System (eHARS). We aimed to evaluate the ability of 2 ATra software algorithms to identify potential duplicate case-pairs across 6 jurisdictions for people living with diagnosed HIV. Methods: We implemented 2 matching algorithms for identifying potential duplicate case-pairs in ATra software. The Single Name Matching Algorithm examines only 1 name for a person, whereas the All Names Matching Algorithm examines all names in eHARS for a person. Six public health jurisdictions used the algorithms. We compared outputs for the overall number of potential matches and changes in matching level. Results: The All Names Matching Algorithm found more matches than the Single Name Matching Algorithm and increased levels of match. The All Names Matching Algorithm identified 9070 (4.5%) more duplicate matches than the Single Name Matching Algorithm (n = 198 828) and increased the total number of matches at the exact through high levels by 15.4% (from 167 156 to 192 932; n = 25 776). Conclusions: HIV data quality across multiple jurisdictions can be improved by using all known first and last names of people living with diagnosed HIV that match with eHARS rather than using only 1 first and last name. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]