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The article focuses on the analysis of the militancy of urban left groups in Caracas during the electoral campaign for the National Assembly elections of december 2015. It analyzes how the militancy of these groups was built around the existing political alliances between grassroots activists and political figures with high institutional responsibilities; then, these alliances are studied under the premise that they were the fruit of relationships that were previously built, in the everyday dynamic of what we can call the institutional activism of grassroots activists. This phenomenon can be interpreted as an administrative norm or routine, which grassroots activists assume as exceptional given their way of defining working "in the State" as revolutionary sacrifice. Finally, we reflect on the scope and limitations that this exceptionality has for the militants who until 2015 built their professional careers in the context of the Chavista governments. This exceptionality it's also analyzed as a tool used by the Chavista governments to frame, or event to control, the militant activity of the leftwing grassroots organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In political and administrative contexts in which the practices of the new public management have been installed, public policies are oriented towards efficiency, in sense of organizing public resources to the accumulation of capital in any of his forma. Faced with this reality, Feminist Critical Theory proposes to structure public action in non-binary form. This text explores the possibilities of the tool of intersectionality for that purpose. To this end, the metaphoric thought and the metaphor of marked bodies is presented as potentially useful in the design, implementation and evaluation of public policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

En el marco de un recurso interpuesto por Gurasos Elkartea ante el Tribunal Superior de Justicia del País Vasco contra la autorización ambiental integrada y la declaración de impacto ambiental favorable al proyecto de valorización energética de residuos promovido por el Consorcio de Residuos de Gipuzkoa en el término municipal de Donostia-San Sebastián, la codemandada Diputación Foral de Gipuzkoa opuso en el trámite de alegaciones previas la falta de legitimación activa de la asociación recurrente, por no cumplir los requisitos del art. 19.1 de la Ley 29/1998, de 13 de julio, reguladora de la jurisdicción contenciosoadministrativa (LJCA), ni de los arts. 22 y 23 de la Ley 27/2006, de 18 de julio, por la que se regula el derecho a la información, participación y acceso a la justicia en materia de medio ambiente. Y si bien inicialmente esa alegación fue desestimada por la Sala, formuladas las contestaciones a la demanda la Sección Segunda de la Sala de lo Contencioso-Administrativo del Tribunal Superior de Justicia del País Vasco promovió una cuestión de inconstitucionalidad sobre el art. 3.4 de la Ley del Parlamento Vasco 3/1998, de 27 de febrero, general de protección del medio ambiente del País Vasco. Este precepto, al amparo del cual la entidad recurrente sostenía su legitimación para sostener el recurso interpuesto, señalaba que: “4. Será pública la acción para exigir el cumplimiento de lo previsto en esta ley, tanto en vía administrativa como jurisdiccional”. Ahora bien, la Sala de instancia únicamente cuestionaba el inciso final –«como jurisdiccional»–, por vulnerar la competencia exclusiva del Estado sobre «legislación procesal», reconocida en el art. 149.1.6 CE. En suma, como señala el Tribunal Constitucional en la Sentencia ahora comentada “La duda se contrae, por tanto, a la acción pública en vía judicial, sin extenderse a la vía administrativa, que quedará fuera de nuestro enjuiciamiento”. Cuestión que se resuelve declarando “la inconstitucionalidad y nulidad del inciso «como jurisdiccional» del art. 3.4 de la Ley general de protección del medio ambiente del País Vasco, por invadir el ámbito competencial [en materia de legislación procesal] reservado al Estado en el art. 149.1.6 CE” Destacamos los siguientes extractos: (FJ 3) “La duda planteada por la Sección Segunda de la Sala de lo Contencioso-Administrativo del Tribunal Superior de Justicia del País Vasco tiene carácter exclusivamente competencial. La Sala cuestiona si, al disponer que es pública la acción para exigir en vía jurisdiccional el cumplimiento de la Ley ambiental vasca, el legislador autonómico excede o no el ámbito de sus competencias. “(…) la acción «pública» o «popular» en vía judicial que instituye el inciso cuestionado es una acción quivis ex populo, reconocida a cualquier ciudadano sin legitimación especial, como especialidad frente a la regla general de legitimación basada en un derecho o interés legítimo del art. 19.1 a) de la Ley 29/1998, de 13 de julio, reguladora de la jurisdicción contencioso-administrativa (LJCA). De forma reiterada, este tribunal ha incardinado las reglas sobre legitimación procesal dentro de la legislación procesal de cuya distribución competencial se ocupa el art. 149.1.6 CE. Así lo hizo tempranamente en las SSTC 83/1986, de 26 de junio, FJ 2; y 123/1988, de 23 de junio, FJ 2, ambas referidas a preceptos autonómicos que facultaban a ejercer la acción judicial en defensa de la normativa lingüística de la respectiva comunidad autónoma. (…) la regla del art. 149.1.6 CE ha de prevalecer sobre las reglas competenciales sectoriales, en particular, la del art. 149.1.23 CE sobre medio ambiente. Lo contrario supondría vaciar de contenido la competencia sobre «legislación procesal»… En suma, la acción que regula el último inciso del art. 3.4 de la Ley general de protección del medio ambiente del País Vasco tiene su encaje preferente en «legislación procesal» y no en el art. 149.1.23 CE, por lo que su constitucionalidad habrá de examinarse a la luz del canon previsto en el art. 149.1.6 CE. (FJ 4) “Una vez situada la duda competencial en el marco del art. 149.1.6 CE, debemos tener en cuenta que el mismo no establece una reserva absoluta en favor del Estado de la legislación procesal, sino que, como hemos recordado en el fundamento jurídico anterior, admite «las necesarias especialidades que en este orden se deriven de las particularidades del derecho sustantivo de las comunidades autónomas». (…) [E]l tribunal ha afirmado que «la competencia asumida por las comunidades autónomas al amparo de la salvedad recogida en el art. 149.1.6 CE no les permite, sin más, introducir en su ordenamiento normas procesales por el mero hecho de haber promulgado regulaciones de Derecho sustantivo en el ejercicio de sus competencias, esto es, innovar el ordenamiento procesal en relación con la defensa jurídica de aquellos derechos e intereses que materialmente regulen, lo que equivaldría a vaciar de contenido o privar de todo significado a la especificidad con que la materia procesal se contempla en el art. 149.1.6 CE, sino que, como indica la expresión ‘necesarias especialidades’ del citado precepto constitucional, tan solo pueden introducir aquellas innovaciones procesales que inevitablemente se deduzcan, desde la perspectiva de la defensa judicial, de las reclamaciones jurídicas sustantivas configuradas por la norma autonómica en virtud de las particularidades del Derecho creado por la propia comunidad autónoma, o, dicho en otros términos, las singularidades procesales que se permiten a las comunidades autónomas han de limitarse a aquéllas que, por la conexión directa con las particularidades del derecho sustantivo autonómico, vengan requeridas por estas» [SSTC 47/2004, FJ 4, y 80/2018, FJ 5 a)]. Por tanto, de acuerdo con nuestra consolidada doctrina, no basta con que la norma procesal autonómica represente una innovación o una mejora de la legislación procesal para una comunidad autónoma si no viene justificada por una especialidad del derecho sustantivo autonómico [en este sentido SSTC 123/1988, de 23 de junio, FJ 2; 243/2004, de 16 de diciembre, FJ 6; 135/2006, de 27 de abril, FJ 2 e); 31/2010, de 28 de enero, FJ 27, y 21/2012, de 16 de febrero, FFJJ 7 y 9]. Le corresponde al legislador autonómico… ofrecer la suficiente justificación sobre la necesidad de alterar las reglas procesales comúnmente aplicables, cuando menos siempre que del propio examen de la Ley no se puedan desprender o inferir esas «necesarias especialidades» (SSTC 127/1999, de 1 de julio, FJ 5, y 21/2012, de 16 de febrero, FJ 7). b) Aplicando dicha doctrina al supuesto enjuiciado en el presente proceso constitucional, observamos lo siguiente: (i) en primer lugar, el derecho sustantivo autonómico viene conformado en el presente caso por las normas en materia medioambiental recogidas en la propia Ley general de protección del medio ambiente del País Vasco; (ii) el precepto autonómico no introduce propiamente una especialidad, sino que modifica, ampliándola, una categoría jurídica relevante en el ámbito procesal y, por tanto, regulada por el derecho procesal general, como es el ejercicio de la acción pública o acción popular; y (iii) por último, esa ampliación no se conecta de forma directa con una peculiaridad del derecho sustantivo de la comunidad autónoma. Ni el Parlamento ni el Gobierno Vasco han ofrecido justificación alguna de la eventual necesidad de una especialidad procesal, en conexión con el derecho sustantivo autonómico. Esa necesidad tampoco se deduce de la propia Ley 3/1998, cuyo preámbulo se limita a anunciar que se reconoce «el derecho a la acción pública para exigir su cumplimiento». Por consiguiente… la previsión del art. 3.4, último inciso, de la Ley ambiental vasca no puede considerarse una «especialidad procesal» autonómica en el sentido del art. 149.1.6 CE. (…) las representaciones tanto del Gobierno como del Parlamento Vasco sostienen que la acción pública judicial prevista en el art. 3.4, último inciso, de la Ley general de protección del medio ambiente del País Vasco se justifica en la necesidad de asumir los compromisos europeos e internacionales sobre justicia medioambiental, citando, en particular, el Convenio sobre acceso a la información, participación del público en la toma de decisiones y acceso a la justicia en materia de medio ambiente firmado el 25 de junio de 1998 en Aarhus (Dinamarca) en el marco de la Comisión Económica de las Naciones Unidas para Europa (Convenio de Aarhus). … las instituciones autonómicas comparecidas en este proceso invocan como fundamento de la norma cuestionada el art. 9.3 del Convenio de Aarhus, conforme al cual «cada parte velará por que los miembros del público que reúnan los eventuales criterios previstos por su derecho interno puedan entablar procedimientos administrativos o judiciales para impugnar las acciones u omisiones de particulares o de autoridades públicas que vulneren las disposiciones del derecho medioambiental nacional». En respuesta a lo anterior, debemos tener presente la doctrina de este tribunal según la cual: (i) los tratados internacionales y el Derecho de la Unión Europea «no constituyen canon para el enjuiciamiento de la adecuación a la Constitución de normas dotadas de rango legal» (entre otras, SSTC 49/1988, de 22 de marzo, FJ 14; 28/1991, de 14 de febrero, FJ 5; 254/1993, de 20 de julio, FJ 5; 12/2008, de 29 de enero, FJ 2, y 140/2018, de 20 de diciembre, FJ 6); y (ii) la ejecución de los compromisos internacionales asumidos por España y, en particular, los derivados del Derecho de la Unión Europea, debe hacerse con arreglo a las normas que establecen el orden de distribución de competencias entre el Estado y las comunidades autónomas (entre otras muchas, SSTC 80/1993, de 8 de marzo, FJ 3; 148/1998, de 2 de julio, FJ 4; 22/2012, de 16 de febrero, FJ 5, y 54/2018, de 24 de mayo, FJ 6). Por consiguiente, no cabe esgrimir el Convenio de Aarhus ni el Derecho de la Unión para aprobar una norma de naturaleza procesal en contravención del orden constitucional de distribución de competencias. La incorporación al derecho interno de las reglas internacionales y comunitarias sobre acceso a la justicia en materia medioambiental debe tener lugar con respeto a dicha distribución, sin invadir el ámbito competencial ajeno [por todas, SSTC 15/2018, de 22 de febrero, FJ 2, y 87/2019, de 20 de junio, FJ 6 b)]. C) En suma, solo el Estado, en ejercicio de la competencia que le atribuye el art. 149.1.6 CE, puede determinar los supuestos de legitimación para accionar en vía judicial, ya sea por el título general del «derecho o interés legítimo», ya sea por los títulos especiales, entre los que se encuentra la acción popular, respecto de la cual ya advertimos que «la Ley 29/1998 [art. 19 h)] ha optado por excluir la acción popular jurisdiccional, salvo que una ley estatal la haya previsto específicamente» (STC 97/2018, de 19 de septiembre, FJ 6). (…) la extralimitación competencial apreciada es de origen y no deriva de que el Estado haya aprobado reglas específicas de legitimación procesal en materia medioambiental ni de la mayor o menor coincidencia de la norma autonómica con tales reglas, ya que, como hemos recordado recientemente, «un precepto autonómico será inconstitucional por invasión competencial siempre que regule cuestiones que le están vedadas, con independencia de la compatibilidad o incompatibilidad entre la regulación autonómica controvertida y la dictada por el Estado» [STC 65/2020, FJ 8 D) a)]. Por todo lo expuesto, procede declarar la inconstitucionalidad y nulidad del inciso «como jurisdiccional» del art. 3.4 de la Ley general de protección del medio ambiente del País Vasco, por invadir el ámbito competencial reservado al Estado en el art. 149.1.6 CE. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Human immigration is a worldwide and historic process that has been intensifying in recent years, especially with the global phenomenon of refugees. As part of this broader theme, this article seeks to discuss how public action in the face of immigration has been taking place in the context of Brazilian cities, based on a study conducted in the city of Florianópolis. Based on the contemporary sociology of public problems, with a pragmatic basis, we seek to understand how the public arena that is mobilized around this public problem is configured within the framework of the city’s Social Innovation Ecosystem. As a result, it was possible, based on the historicity of the public problem (macroscale), to map the social innovation initiatives that work with immigrants/refugees in the city (mesoscale) and observe the activities of two initiatives that operate in this public arena, seeking to raise its reach and limits in terms of influence on public action in the city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This text discusses the role of civil society in public action to face the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic in Brazil. Based on a pragmatic approach, the study examines the collective actions promoted by civil society actors in Brazil, highlighting the characteristics, scope, and limits in the governance of this crisis. The study uses documental analysis to observe the recent mobilization of civil society in the country and field research to explore the reality of the city of Florianópolis. The results offer an overview of the performance of "invisible networks" of civil society actors, pointing out the challenges and outcomes of their actions. The findings suggest the need for further studies exploring the role, perspectives, and dilemmas of civil society in the production of "experimentalist governance" in response to the numerous challenges posed by the pandemic at the local level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Facing the unprecedented situation of the COVID-19 pandemic, public officials at the municipality-level have no clear benchmarks or tested policies. In this situation, decision-making becomes a controversial process. This article provides insights for public agents in the Brazilian municipalities to deal with the initial stages of the COVID-19 pandemic. We analyzed the actions taken by city halls of the 52 Brazilian municipalities at least thirty days since the first confirmed case of COVID-19. We used a fuzzy-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (fsQCA) to identify the combinations of contextual factors and public actions that reduced COVID-19 transmission during the critical initial stage. The empirical results show three main paths to guide policy-making: (1) a plural collaboration path involving public and private sectors, operating in a fragile health system; (2) a public action path providing aid programs through intense collaboration inside public bureaucracy; and (3) a resource-based path relying on a well-structured health system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Brazilian constitutional principle of the indissociability between teaching, research and extension in universities remains a permanent challenge in the everyday. There is a growing tendency to measure academic productivity only by research and innovation results, in detriment of more integration between university and community. The efforts to change this scenario often run into problems both at the structural level and at the everyday micro-relations level. The objective of this article is to discuss the challenges of articulation between research, teaching and extension in the public university, from the report of actions in Social Psychology and Human Rights. This action refers to a master's research and undergraduate classes from the University of São Paulo, developed in the Jaguaré neighborhood, between 2014 and 2016. The results reveal that challenges for the insertion and permanence of extensionist actions in the community are linked to factors such as: temporalities, institutions, financing, negotiations and interests of different actors involved. We argue that the potential of articulation between research, teaching and extension in the university coexists with the difficulties of effecting the principle of inseparability. A possible way to transform this scenario is to observe with attention the challenges that presents in the everyday life of universities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Toward the end of the 1970s, the process of establishing an institutional framework dedicated to the protection of women's rights began in Colombia. This process has been characterized by a constant transformation of the national mechanism structure and, at the same time, by the changes in the priorities that said process has placed on the national agenda in relation to the empowerment of women. This article seeks to analyze, in light of the content of international pressures and visions regarding women's rights, the overall institutional adjustment and the related support for the transformation undertaken by the Presidential Council for Women's Equality (cpem). Accordingly, taking into account the priorities outlined in the international framework, it intends to identify the référentiel from which the cpem has been promoting the inclusion of women in the national public policy agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the local public action in peripheral neighborhoods that do not have water services and sewerage in five cities in the state of Chihuahua. In an analysis that integrates structural and self-management experiences in these colonies, it appears that access to water to some colonies, organizational structures depends on citizens, meanwhile, the residents retain a strong distrust of the political actors and a cold relationship with institutional structures of the political system. It is concluded that the economic crisis and legitimacy of government bodies persists associated with the ineffectiveness of innovative water management in cities and political marginalization of citizens in decision-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many scholars saw in the emergence of terms such as good living (buen vivir), sumak kawsay, or sumac qamaña a radical breaking with the development paradigm. These would be signs of a "crisis of civilization" faced by the model of modern Western society in its role as a universal cognitive reference. In this article, I inquire about the process by which this reference intend to be replaced in Ecuador since 2007. In regard to the terms buen vivir and sumak kawsay, there arise at least two interpretive options throughout this process, or they are assumed as completely equivalent or one can inquire into the matrix of meanings by which these terms are constituted. In the second case, incommensurability is observed. Nonetheless, given a formula of plural content in the referential of buen vivir and the unprecedented articulation that the Ecuadorian Constitution makes between guaranteeing rights and buen vivir s progressive materialization through planning and public policies, a condition of possibility is founded, even for the demands contained in the non-equivalent version of sumak kawsay. The field of this inquiry is the public policy analysis and takes on a cognitive approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we will analyze and discuss the Plan Ceibal, from the point of view of the Public Action and the Actor Network Theory. We think that Plan Ceibal, which is implemented in Uruguay since 2007, illustrates the concept of public action, because it involves a multiplicity of governmental and non-governmental organizations, besides human and nonhuman components. According to this, the Actor-network theory (ANT) provides elements to reflect on technological appropriation. We believe that a key task in the assembly of the various human and nonhuman components that compose Plan Ceibal, promoting the strength of their associations, where diverse enrollments and multiple translations make the core of the problem. We wonder about what are the theoretical and methodological challenges facing expert intervention, especially psychologists in this field? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the last eleven years, Syria has gone into very important —economical and social — changes that have modified the very nature of the regime. This investigation seeks to explore the Syrian charities in order to seize, through them, the transformations of authoritarianism in Syria under the presidence of Bashar al-Asad. The main hypothesis here is that shrinking state resources together with the regional and international political conjuncture have led the baathist regime to promote certain segments of the Syrian civil society among which charitable projects are the most important. These new politics regarding the associative sector have taken place in the context of a readjusting state where the redefinition of public policy is both based in the partial privatization of social welfare and in the so-called logic of partial "off-loading" by the State. Both factors reflect a clear rethinking of the previous social pact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article draws upon the literature on governance so as to analyze substantive consequences of citizen participation in urban policies. Nevertheless, we believe that such analysis must take into account public policy' ability to incorporate complexity. In order to do so, we suggest the notion of "integrality". Thus, understanding cities as urban assemblies made up of multiple versions of reality leads us to rethink the notion of politics. Subsequently, the idea of public action is developed offering new, hybrid and non modern concepts of political subjects and democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article makes a review of the Roman intercessio, the right to veto, more justice in the Aragon kingdom, recurso de amparo* (application to a court for immediate protection of basic liberties when threatened by a public authority or private institution) during the Colony period, public action of the first Republic in Colombia, as well as protective elements of citizens' rights. We think that the study is important so that public law can achieve a doctrinal development in our country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Policy evaluation is, in a general sense, a function of techniques and methods upon which to assess the objectives, efficiency and impact of public action. This paper identifies a new dimension, notably politics, which provides improved social results despite the fact that it remains hidden, rather than emerging as a key asset for improved governmental performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a reflection on observed changes in policy making models and highlights the new attitudes by citizens and social groups toward governmental structures. It posits the notorious erosion of legal-bureaucratic rationality and identifies new roles adopted by citizens on the basis of these changes. It also recognizes substantial changes derived from citizen involvement in public action, and anticipates new possibilities for deliberative democracies in developing countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following Coleman's statement about contemporary society being asymmetric, the purpose of this paper is to assess the differents kinds of public action that recur in present-day societies. Generally speaking, political and sociological literature has given priority to public action dominated by associations, which are observed as the protagonists of the defence of citizenry in an asymmetric society. In this respect, the design of public policies aimed at strengthening and expanding associative activity is legitimated. The main reason for this type of policy is that the decline of associative activity has often been linked with a decline in the democratic fabric of a particular community. In the second part of this paper, we suggest that far from producing this decline, we can confirm the emergence of other forms of participation which, while not starting out from the hypothesis of an associative movement, do share the political scenario with associations. We also demonstrate that both public administrations and civil associations are reporting on this type of participation, which makes its emergence both possible and easy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The French notion of space planning introduces us to several politics that have changed in the last decades as much as their goals than their proceedings and their actors. The different philosophies in the public affairs action, more than substitute it stack each other, combining and structuring today the French space planning, converting it in a polysemic notion and an ambivalent praxis that is very difficult to translate in a simple word. However, that made it a particular heuristic subject to whom wish to doubt about the behaviour of the French public power with his territory. This article does not pretend to reproduce the French space planning history since its origins. We will take some lessons about the actual status of the French geographical space in its relationship with the French political institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]