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This paper challenges the view that any diplomatic moves of Russia in the Middle East, particularly when supportive of revisionist anti-Western forces in the region, represent evidence of a return to the zero-sum competition of the Cold War. The paper argues that, though it is tempting to view Russian policies through a revived Cold War prism, this is a problematic and ultimately misguided approach. Such an approach ignores the significant sources of discontinuity and rupture between the Soviet Union and post-Soviet Russia, which have significantly transformed the underlying context for Russian engagement in the Middle East. The paper presents an alternative framework for understanding and conceptualizing Russia's engagement with the Middle East. This has three dimensions and takes an "inside-out" approach. First, there are the domestic drivers for Russian engagement which is linked to the perceived need to counter the threat of secessionism in the North Caucasus and the potential broader radicalization of Russia's Muslim population. Second, there are the more strictly economic interests in the Middle East, which include increasingly important trading relations with moderate pro-Western states in the region. And, third, there are the geopolitical considerations which certainly include potential competition with the West but also incorporate Russian ambitions to promote its credentials as a responsible great power supporting international norms, such as the principle of nonproliferation and a settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes Russian policies toward quasi-states in Eurasia since the “color revolutions.” The paper begins by exploring Russian views of the similarities and differences among such quasi-states such as Kosovo, Transdniestria, Abkhazia, and South ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at the dynamics underlying Russian foreign policy, with the aim of identifying drivers, strategies and goals in a process embedded in complexity. The domestic political setting and its inter-play with the international context are fundamental elements in the analysis of the projection of Russian power and influence. In a constant search for balance between the national interest, international compromises and the bargaining/concessions duality, Russia has been pursuing a policy of affirmation, both in regional and international terms. However, this has been a course where lines of (dis)continuity render it fragile contours not always easy to grasp. Underlining this course are issues about Russian identity and how this plays both at the domestic level and in external policy dealings. However, an increasing assertive tone is noticeable. Whether this is still an expression of a loss of empire not yet overcome or the result of powerful internal developments is here analyzed. This paper aims, thus, to analyze the Russian foreign policy making shedding light over lines of continuity and discontinuity in this continuous, though not linear, search for affirmation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers the way in which Russian security agencies approach the issue of terrorism both within Russia and beyond its borders. Who is leading the fight? Is it the military or are civilian bodies such as the FSB to the fore? Does Russian practice mirror that in the West or are there uniquely Russian characteristics? What is coordination like between those various agencies across the civil-military divide tasked with counter-terrorism? How successful have the Russians been? Are there lessons that Western bodies can learn from them? This paper suggests that there are and that the Russian 'way', while being criticised for some of its excesses, can provide useful models for Western agencies to borrow from. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores shift from engagement to confrontation in Russia’s policy toward Georgia since the Rose Revolution. Rather than emphasizing imperialism and relative power as explanations of Russia’s behavior, the paper focuses on considerations of honor and prestige. The latter are relational and a product of Russia’s perception of its relations with Western nations. Honor also plays a crucial role in Georgia’s attitude toward its northern neighbor, and the entire Caucasus area emerges as a battleground for symbolic attributes of power among larger states with capabilities to influence the region. The case of Russia-Georgia divide is important for challenging traditional explanations of foreign policy and for learning possible ways to de-escalate dangerous bilateral conflicts ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since Vladimir Putin has ascended to the Russian presidency, Russian relations with the United States have continued a decade-long transformation. The Russian leadership has been wrestling with the threat of America’s role of the world’s sole superpower (and Russia’s demotion from superpower status), American aggression in Russia’s traditional sphere of influence, and the continuing backlash against an idealized view of the United States that emerged during the collapse of communism. Balanced against this has been Putin’s desire to create an environment conducive to economic development and to have Russia play an important role in international and European institutions. This paper will analyze Russian views of the United States in the Putin era. It will focus particularly on Russian views of the United States as a partner/threat in the post-Afghanistan and post-Gulf War II era. Specifically, it will attempt to assess the factors driving Russia’s vacillating approaches to the United States, with a particular focus on domestic sources of foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The dynamic changes in International Relations after the fall of totalitarian regime in Iraq have a profound effect on Russia and pose new questions its policy-makers. The reality is that the US war in Iraq attracted the support of the Kurds alienated by the often-brutal tactics previously adopted by the several states. The year of 2003 made the Kurdish issue to be seen as an important combination of different factors that are of crucial importance for providing stability in the vulnerable Middle-East region and in Turkey, which is close to Russia’s southern borders. The paper analyzes some regional aspects of this international problem and clarifies how and to what extent the Kurdish question influence Russian foreign policy. There are some observations, explanations, scenarios and suggestions in the conclusion [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will examine the relationship between Russia and China after the collapse of the Soviet Union in terms of the possible and desired polar structures of the international system. It aims to answer the following questions: What are the bases of the Russo-Chinese partnership/alliance evident after the mid-1990s? Was this partnership designed as an anti-hegemonic coalition? How was the partnership affected by September 11th? How has the war in Iraq affected the logic of the Russo-Chinese partnership? What are the systemic implications for the relationship between the United States, China, and Russia? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2004 Enlargement has caused many tensions on the EU-Russia level as has brought new entrants with its Eastern preferences and fears connected with the re-birth of the former soviet partner. Entering the Russian 'sphere of influence' by the engagement in the democracy promotion in the Eastern Europe by some of the EU members has caused even greater impasse in the relationship. The dispute over the energy security issues and frozen conflicts in the EU neighbourhood only highlighted the main problems between two big partners. This paper examines the impact of the latest Enlargement on the EU relations with Russia and it specifically focuses on the European Neighbourhood Policy as a tool of influence in the EU and Russia's shared neighbourhood. The project investigates the question how the Wider Europe idea is compatible with the Wider Russia idea and challenges the EU soft power concept in the Eastern Europe and Caucasus looking at the Georgian war and Ukraine-Russia gas crisis cases. The study also examines the political and security relationship between the EU-Russia and the ENP Eastern partners in light of the last 2004 Enlargement. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dilemma of West vs. East in Russian foreign policy requires discussion of such issues as Russia's identity, global and regional dimensions of its policy, and its intentions in relations with various countries in the East and in the West. The paper analyzes debates in Russia between Westernizers and Eurasianists after the dissolution of the USSR, the author describes what choice Russia made in its present foreign policy strategy, how new Russian globalism is understood, how Russian scholars and politicians characterize contemporary Central Asia and plan Russia's policy in this subsystem. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will explore the growth of Russia's energy leverage in recent years, a source of power which Russia has used both to reward its friends and punish its enemies. It will briefly trace the origins of this power, in the integrated energy networks of the former USSR and Warsaw Pact. It will then examine recent cases of the use of "oil power," particularly under President Putin. Cases of both positive and negative linkage will be considered. Some states--such as Byelorussia and the Ukraine under President Kuchma--have been favored with heavily subsidized energy. Others--such as Georgia, Estonia and the Ukraine today--have been targeted by supply disruptions and punitive price increases. What objectives has Russia pursued with its "oil weapon?" And which tactic has worked better, "petro-carrots" or "petro-sticks?" ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

North Korea’s relations with Russia fluctuated widely in the past two decades. Throughout the 1990s, Russo-DPRK relations remained cool and distant. In 2000, the two neighbors reestablished their normal relations and since then forged cooperative ties in multiple spheres. North Korean leader Kim Jong Il and Russian President Putin held three summit meeting in 2000-2002. No doubt Personal ties between the two leaders contributed to improved bilateral relations. This paper will examine North Korea’s policy goals, interests, and perception vis-à-vis Russia. The author argues that North Korea views Russia as a useful partner in a broad, loose coalition against US hegemony, but remains suspicious of Russia’s intent and motivations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In light of a reassessment of national interest, this paper will examine the extent of US relations with Russia have been defined by differing interpretations/reassertions of US National Interest in the post-cold war world. The initial hope that characterised the immediate post-cold war era saw US-Russian relations as thoroughly involved in a New World Order where national interest was not all-pervading. Yet it did not take long for national interests to trump hopes of ‘special relations’. Concerns from both parties over the fragmentation of the CIS, the control of nuclear weapons and the fate of Easter Europe, epitomised in each nation’s response to the Kosovo crisis in 1999, saw a revision of ‘national interests’ to a point that this lens firmly determines the contemporary US-Russian relationship. In straightforward terms, this means ideology and national interest are intimately intertwined. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Both Russia and the US are interested in partnership, yet, they make different choices when it comes to their friends and enemies. Countries that the US considers as "rogue states" or "axis of evil" are Russia's friends. This paper will focus on Russian foreign policy toward one of those states - Iran. One of the major concerns for Russian foreign policy since the disintegration of the USSR in 1991 has been the spread of terrorism from its Southern borders. Yet, Russia supplies nuclear technology to Iran, a country in its Southern backyard. The US has a major concern over Iran potentially becoming a nuclear power, and yet Russia continues supporting Iran's nuclear program despite the US objections. Why is Russia so much less fearful of nuclear Iran, the state that is much closer to it than the US which is separated from it by thousands of miles? Why Russian foreign policy toward Iran so different from that of the United State's? What does Russia have at stake in Iran? All of these questions will be addressed within the broader subject of cooperation. I will compare different treatment of cooperation by major schools of international relations and how it applies in the case of Russian foreign policy toward Iran. I will argue that constructivism offers an explanation of Russia's cooperation with Iran that encompasses both neorealist and neoliberal treatment of cooperation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russo-Japanese relations have been stuck in the fog of a territorial dispute in the Kuril Islands since the end of WWII. Orientation toward the dispute seems mired in the history and legal claims of the past, which do not seem a likely source of resolution to the conflict. Instead, a shift in perspective that focuses on the future, while transforming justice claims on both sides, is required. The paper explores the prospects and problems of one such perspective -- creating an International Peace Park (IPP) in the disputed islands to advance peace and conservation. It argues that the IPP idea holds considerable promise in creating what Conca and Dabelko call "environmental peacemaking" in a pragmatic context that exercises capacities for respect, trust, and mutual understanding. Also, environmental exigencies compel political action to protect one of the world's most unique, and least known, bioregions. However, the Kuril issue is captured by nationalists on both sides, and the political atmosphere not particularly amenable to "international" or "transnational" solutions to the conflict. Nevertheless, the IPP approach is an important, though not sufficient, component in the construction of a more comprehensive peace between the two countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a conference paper titled "Going Relativist: The Changing Vision of Just International Order in Russian Foreign Policy" presented at the "46th Annual Convention of International Studies Association" in Honolulu, Hawaii. It discusses the main factors that underlie the perception of justice widespread within the foreign policy community of Russia. It also shows the implications of the changes in perceptions for foreign policy planning and execution.

The article presents the conference paper "Turkish-Russian Relations and the Evolution of Identities, Images and Perceptions," prepared for the "46th Annual International Studies Association Convention" held from March 1 to 5, 2005 in Honolulu, Hawaii. It says that the improvement of economic relations and intensification of cultural interaction help in the effort of two countries to understand each other. It also mentions that the efforts affect the perceptions of the publics and the leaders of both countries.

How the approaches to the ensuring of international security have changed in the beginning of the 21 century? Is there any future for military-political alliances? Do Russia ? NATO relations influence international security? What are the implications of NATO reformation for the international security system? Following presentation is an attempt to answer these questions in framework of Russia-NATO relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the relations of Russia with the U.S. as expressed through its cooperation with the European Union (EU) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), as of August 2003. Overview of Russian foreign policy towards Europe; Background on considerations of the EU and NATO policy positions for the country; Development of a framework for the conceptualization of its foreign relations.

Russia and the Republic of Korea have increasingly worked together since the early 1990's, but the relationship is not nearly so profound as the model of the U.S.-ROK security alliance. To date, both Russia and Korea have cooperated militarily and politically on a basis of mutual cooperation -- with much of the cooperation seen primarily linked to arms sales from Russia as a debt relief mechanism. Paralleling the arms sales, both countries have exchanged leader visits and cooperated bilaterally for regional military issues. This study will examine the potential benefits from increased military cooperation to strengthen regional stability -- with a view toward better drawing on Russia's potential partner role in future regional political and military security fora to complement the already strong relationship between the United States and Korea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers the role of Russia in the global economy and analyzes measures aimed to improvement of carrying out the foreign economic activities through the implementation of two road maps. It also briefly considers one of foreign investment promotion tools - priority development area. Integration into the world economy varies between countries according to political power, degree of protection of national interests and satisfaction of social wants, influence of international corporations, economic and natural potential, historical features etc. Russia can't avoid the integration due to its large area, natural resources and geopolitical position, which determine its influence on world historical development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the crucial problems facing the Prospect Theory is the still incomplete understanding of the origin of gain/loss frames when assessing the importance of new developments. Although framing effects can be easily captured in experiments, it has proved considerably more difficult to do so in real-world conditions where decisionmakers are bombarded with information from large number of sources. This study attempts to further our understanding of framing choices by identifying conditions determining whether the choice of frame will be driven by domestic or international factors. A set of case studies examining arms trade and technology transfers between Russia and China suggests that under certain conditions domestic circumstances will be dominant in the decisionmakers' choice of frame, while in others the frame choice will be driven by international politics. Theoretical implications of this finding include a contribution to the ongoing relative vs. absolute gains debate, a novel insight into the question of two-level games, and an improved understanding of factors driving international arms trade, particularly among states that are rivals or even potential enemies. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Did Russia initiate conflict with Georgia in an attempt to restrain Georgia from formally joining the Western coalition, or was the decision more complex? What, specifically, did Russia hope to gain from initiating conflict? What value did Russia assign to maintaining an interest in regional oil trade routes, in which Georgia straddles an important route to the Caspian Sea region? How was the potential incorporation of Georgia into NATO factored into Russia's decision? To answer these questions, I used the expected-utility model developed by Bruce Bueno de Mesquita. In this analysis, policy preferences and power measurements were considered to determine that Russia's decision was rationally selected based on a positive expected-utility calculation. I attempted to explain whether this model's explanatory and predictive capabilities could accurately elucidate Russia's conflict decision. Furthermore, within the context of the expected-utility model, what can we expect about Russian-Georgian relations in the near future? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When the Cold War ended in the late 1980s and early 1990s, the Warsaw Pact disbanded. Much to the chagrin of many Russians, however, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) not only survived, it expanded and undertook new assignments and responsibi ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What may make climate change agreements attractive to states? Russia's decision to ratify the Kyoto Protocol is one that could potentially constrain its economic development. I argue that the international relations literature on climate change agreements can be best advanced with the inclusion of models from comparative politics. This argument is carried out through an analysis of Russia's ratification of the Kyoto Protocol. I employ a combined two-level game theoretical framework to rediscover Kyoto ratification and explain why it became both rationally sound and politically possible in Russia. At the domestic level, it appears that Putin made ratification politically possible through the elimination of what are called veto-players with the potential to block Kyoto. At the international level, ratification will be shown to be logically sound through a discussion of nested games. Russia, at the time of ratification, was engaged in multiple games at both domestic and international levels. Although Russia appeared to choose suboptimally, its decision becomes optimal when one analyzes the whole network of games with which it was engaged. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What efforts has Russia made since 2000 for peace and stability on the Korean peninsula? To what extent have the efforts contribute to the Korean peace process? These are the central questions the research delves into. The long-term goal of Russian foreign policy is to create a multipolar world by substituting the US-dominated, unipolar system. Russia now is in a much better position than 8 years ago to challenge US dominance on the world stage. An important guidepost for Russia foreign policy is pragmatism and balance, which will continue to moderate Russia's actions. Russia's unilateral efforts to influence the Korean peace process revolve around mediation and good offices. Russia's role in this regard has been generally constructive and positive, but has had limited impact. Initially, Putin and senior Russian officials cultivated personal ties with and earned the trust of Kim Jong-Il, and tried to use the asset to influence North Korea's nuclear behavior and affect the Korean peace process. Russia, however, was unwilling and unable to offer large scale assistance to North Korea, which seriously undermined Russia's position vis-à-vis North Korea. Russia's lack of diplomatic imagination or ingenuity further weakened Russia's stature. The convening of the six-party talks was beneficial to Russia on two counts. First, Russia was for the first time able to participate in a multilateral conference on the Korean question on an equal footing. By doing so, Russia gained a foothold in the multilateral diplomacy on Korea. Second, Russia could push for the creation of a multilateral security mechanism for Northeast Asia, which would deal with a wide range of security, political, economic, and environment issues. In December 2008, the six nations reviewed the "Guiding principles on peace and security in Northeast Asia" prepared by Russia and agreed to discuss the document in February 2009. If the six-party nuclear forum develops into a multilateral security forum, Russia will gain a valuable opportunity to steal a diplomatic spotlight by taking a leading role in it. Furthermore, the creation of a security forum is likely to contribute to a formation of a multipolar order in Northeast Asia. The prospects for this scenario are not bright since the U.S. will oppose it and the North Korean nuclear issue will persist for some time. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Cold War period of US foreign policy brought a set of challenges based on a stable adversary â€" the Soviet Union. Yet in the midst of structural stability, change in US foreign policy was common and ongoing. US leaders’ foreign policy perceptions bec ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Central Asian countries form a heterogeneous regional area, with distinct political cultures, different levels of social and economic development, and differentiated foreign policy goals. The security complex where these countries (mis)alignments take ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does Russia seek competition or cooperation with the West? During the Putin era, Russia has increasingly asserted itself on the international security stage, provoking commentaries in the West that a new Cold War is in the offing. Others rebut that Russia ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why Russia chooses to confront the West directly while China does not? Intuitively,China should confront the West while Russia should silently observe the process:because Russia's development is oil-dependent,while Chinese is stronger and diversified ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the post-Cold War period, two elements have transformed the relationship between the EU and Russia: the presidency of Putin and the last two waves of European enlargement. Since, the EU needs to establish a common foreign policy toward Russia. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Capitalizing on the European Union’s energy concerns, Russia is wielding energy policy as a weapon in an effort to intimidate the EU and to further its own foreign policy goals in the EU Neighborhood. An increasingly aggressive Russia has made it clear that it views democracy as a threat and intends to both minimize and reverse democratic gains in the surrounding countries in an effort to regain regional dominance. Russia’s unspoken question appears to be whether access to energy, or the benefits derived from democratization gains in the region are more important to the EU and its neighboring states. Evidence shows that it is not in these countries’ interest to give up democratic advances in exchange for the promise of energy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article assesses the foreign policy approach of Russian President Vladimir Putin by exploiting rivalries between other states. It discusses the potential costs and benefits of pursuing such diplomacy strategy. According to the author, the goal of Putin in employing the foreign policy is to restore his country as a great power. It cites that the failure of the policy to enhance the status of Russia is due to the avoidance of concessions by purchasers of Russian arms, oil and nuclear reactors.

The article looks at the international relations of Russian Federation. It mentions that the decline in international relations of Russia is seen as a temporary setback instead of a permanent state. The potential implications of the goal of President Vladimir Putin to make Russia a powerful voice in the world are enumerated. It observes that the country's non-membership in the European Union (EU) and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) provides it negotiating space.