Search

This study analyses Ghana’s climate-change legal and policy frameworks, pinpointing significant gaps and offering targeted recommendations to bolster the nation’s resilience against climate change. Despite Ghana’s commitments under international agreements and the formulation of national policies, challenges persist in policy implementation, sectoral integration, research, stakeholder engagement, funding and adaptation strategies. The paper argues for a robust, integrated approach to enhance Ghana’s climate governance, highlighting the necessity for improved implementation capacity, cross-sectoral policy harmonisation, enhanced climate data collection, active stakeholder participation, innovative financing and a stronger focus on adaptation and resilience. Key recommendations advocate for political commitment, collaborative efforts and resource mobilisation to ensure effective climate action. This condensed analysis contributes to the broader dialogue on climate-change management in emerging economies, offering insights for policy-makers and stakeholders on advancing climate resilience and sustainable development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate action threatens to exacerbate existing social inequities, so it is important for justice to be at the heart of national responses to climate change. Based on an understanding of climate change as a manifestation of severed relationships and exploitative dynamics that are produced and reproduced through colonial, capitalist, patriarchal systems, we argue that the ways in which we conceptualize and enact climate justice must be decolonial, ecocentric, relational and integrative. Consistent with this positioning, we sought to develop an Indigenous climate justice policy analysis tool to assess and inform policy development. We drew on elements of existing frameworks and tools to develop a tool, which was progressively refined following external advisory group review and piloting. The tool addresses five dimensions of justice (relational, procedural, distributive, recognition and restorative), each of which comprises individual criteria assessed according to three levels of achievement. This rating system acknowledges progress within existing social, political and economic systems, but also identifies system transformation as a prerequisite for achieving genuine justice. Application of the tool focuses attention on issues well beyond typical climate policy considerations, such as the capacity of all human and non-human entities to express political agency. The tool has been developed for use in analysing national climate policy in Aotearoa New Zealand, but we have endeavoured to make it adaptable for use in other settings. Key policy insights: Climate injustice is rooted in colonialism; Indigenous decolonial conceptions of climate justice provide a critical grounding for policy responses to climate change. Climate justice is not attainable within existing colonial political systems. It can only be achieved through reform of governance and constitutional arrangements to re-establish Indigenous natural law. Analysis of climate policy must consider not only how to optimize justice within existing social, political and economic systems, but also how policy can disrupt those systems to create transformative change. Our policy analysis tool, grounded in relational epistemologies, extends beyond the scope of conventional analyses to examine critical issues across five dimensions of justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Human rights have potential to enhance adaptation because they reflect internationally agreed upon standards of human dignity, aim to advance formal and substantive forms of equality, and can be used to hold public and private actors accountable for rights violations. We assess whether, how, and under what conditions national adaptation policies recognize human rights principles and standards. We analyze 217 adaptation policies from 147 countries to examine whether there is substantive recognition of the vulnerability and needs of equity-deserving groups that experience systemic marginalization and exclusion, and procedural inclusion of these groups in adaptation planning and decision-making. Results indicate that while under the Paris Agreement governments commit to respect human rights in their adaptation policies and actions, few countries are abiding by this commitment. Only one-third of countries refer to respect, promotion, or consideration of human rights within their adaptation policies. While most countries included here recognize specific conditions of different vulnerable groups in their policies, there is minimal evidence of their inclusion in the adaptation planning and decision-making process, and half of countries fail to identify specific measures that will be developed to reduce their vulnerability. None of the strategies that we reviewed pointed to the creation of accountability mechanisms for redressing harms that may arise due to adaptation actions. We also develop a series of regression models to examine whether hypothesized national predictors of adaptation action are associated with attention to human rights principles and standards. The models indicate that countries with greater wealth and equality are more likely to include attention to human rights norms in their adaptation strategies, but countries with less wealth, more inequality, and less political freedom appear to achieve a more substantive level of engagement with these norms in their strategies. Key policy insights: Most countries fail to link human rights obligations and adaptation in national policies. Most countries situate national adaptation policies within various structural drivers of vulnerability. Equity-deserving groups are not being included in national adaptation planning in meaningful ways. Participation of equity-deserving groups predicts inclusion of measures to build adaptive capacity among those groups. National governments do not identify accountability mechanisms that address human rights harms from adaptation actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

National climate policies have generated a considerable body of research in academic literature. Focusing on the little-studied case of France, this article examines the way in which, in this country, the State has drafted its latest low-carbon strategy (SNBC). Drawing on approaches such as ‘bureaucratic politics’ and ‘administrative capacity’, it questions the ability of the administration responsible for writing this document (and thus defending the climate cause) to make its voice heard within the political-administrative arena. Based on an in-depth sociological study, this article shows that this administration found itself in a position of ‘powerlessness’, due to three main factors: instrumental (the limited scope of the tool, reflecting an initial will to reduce its impact), organizational (the subordinate position of this administration within the bureaucratic hierarchy) and political (weak support from government). The result is a contested strategy, unlikely to bring about a credible roadmap to implement the necessary changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the impact of climate policies on electoral support for governing parties in Sweden through mixed methods combining a sentiment analysis of news articles and regression discontinuities of voter support over time. The regression discontinuity models indicate that the effects of climate policies on government support are not robust and are spurious across different model specifications. To ensure that we can detect effects, we used a set of political events that could have affected government support, such as elections and the Covid-pandemic as robustness checks. Contrary to expectations from literature and analyzed news reporting, we cannot determine robust effects of introducing climate policies on governmental support in Sweden. This suggests that governments do not need to anticipate losing substantial support when implementing climate policies – at least in favorable conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The use of deliberative mini-publics (DMPs), such as citizens' assemblies, is becoming more common in climate policy-making across many countries. The upsurge of these methods reflects an acknowledgement of the need to engage the publics in policy choices that significantly impact their lives. Many DMPs to date have focused on the general challenge of decarbonization, across a range of policy areas. In this article, we first situate DMPs within the wider field of public engagement methods. We then draw from deliberative democratic theory and practice to argue that the next step for climate DMPs is to focus them on specific climate policy challenges and to embed and routinize their use in existing policy-making institutions. We present a case study of the targeted use of a climate DMP, which we designed and ran in partnership with the UK Climate Change Committee, focused on home energy decarbonization. We use this case study to explore barriers and challenges to embedding such an approach in climate policy-making institutions. Finally, we suggest ways that such challenges can be overcome and identify a number of tensions that must be navigated as DMPs become embedded in climate policy-making. Deliberative mini-publics (DMPs) can facilitate two-way dialogue between the publics and policy-makers, overcoming weaknesses in existing forms of communication between these two groups of actors. The decision to use DMPs in climate policy and the design of such DMPs, should be informed by an analysis of the type of policy challenge being faced. Existing climate policy institutions, such as advisory bodies, provide potential venues where the use of DMPs can become routinized as a way of gathering insights on public policy preferences. Future targeted climate DMPs will need to find ways to overcome limitations to participants' familiarity with different technologies and capacities, in order to better predict the impacts of different policy options. Tensions exist between the use of DMPs as a research tool within policy contexts and as a tool for opening political possibilities for more thoroughgoing reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent decades, there has been increasing research interest in individuals' support of and resistance to climate and environmental policy instruments. However, there is an empirical bias in the literature, as few studies have been conducted in low-income countries. Based on a survey with 4,766 respondents we identify the level of public acceptability for climate policy instruments and their determinants in East Africa (Ethiopia, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania and Uganda). While our sample is not fully representative of the East-African population, we capture highly educated individuals in urban areas, who are likely to have a large influence on policy processes. In line with previous studies in other contexts, we find that higher education and climate change concern are linked to the acceptability of policies aimed at reducing fossil fuel consumption. Specifying how the revenue from a climate tax or subsidy removal would be used, almost doubled the support for these policy instruments. In contrast to earlier studies, we find that investments in social programmes, not environmental programmes, was the revenue specification that increased the acceptability the most. One possible explanation would be that in a context where poverty is more prevalent, social issues are more salient to people. We also find weak associations between trust in government and the acceptability of climate policy instruments in East Africa and large heterogeneity across the five focal East African countries. Besides establishing an empirical foundation for future research on climate policy support in East Africa, the study provides essential policy insights: Investing in education and improved information, contributing to increased awareness and understanding of climate concerns, can potentially increase support for climate policy proposals also in the East African context. Earmarking revenues from climate policy instruments for social programmes may also significantly boost support. However, as our study is not fully representative of the population in the five countries and relies on stated preferences, which may be subject to different biases, the results should be interpreted with caution. In a sample skewed towards more urban and educated East-Africans, specifying how the tax revenue would be used more than doubled the acceptability for climate taxes. Investments in social programmes was the revenue specification that increased the acceptability for climate taxes the most. Earmarking revenue use may be a way to increase carbon tax acceptability in East Africa. Investing in education and improved information contributing to increased awareness and understanding of climate concerns, can potentially increase support for climate policy proposals. The acceptability of a climate tax on fuel is lower than the acceptability of a quantity-based regulation on fossil fuel across the urban, well-educated and potentially politically influential population in East Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When Trump was elected as US President and given the opportunity to implement his campaign promise of withdrawing the country from international climate change agreements, it sparked fears of a knock-on effect of non-commitment from other states that could result in the Paris Agreement's dismantlement. This article examines public opinion – which often influences governments' policy decisions – collected in early 2017 in 38 countries on his proposed withdrawal from international climate change agreements. On top of important individual-level predictors, disapproval of his proposal was higher in liberal democracies and countries that depend less on fossil fuels for electricity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The public‐elite policy feedback mechanism of the Social Construction Framework (SCF) postulates that the public rewards policymakers for the appropriate distribution of benefits and burdens to target populations. In this article we test a key part of this dynamic by examining public receptivity to policy design features as a function of target population choice. We conduct a national survey experiment of approximately 3350 Americans. Our instrument asks respondents to indicate support or opposition to a range of policy tools in a suite of six climate change policies, but varies who would be responsible for options based upon Schneider and Ingram's idealized types. Our research design tests the independent effects of deservingness and power foundational to the construction of target populations in the SCF. We find, in general, deservingness to be a stronger predictor of support for policy tools than notions of power. We also identify situations where deservingness acts independently of power in ways not anticipated by the SCF—notably public favor for burdens on powerful groups. Our findings offer implications for theoretical and empirical development of the SCF regarding the influence of policymakers' perceptions of public acceptance of policy design in crafting public policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate change is a key socioeconomic and environmental concern in South Africa. The South African government introduced several climate change initiatives to address the impacts of climate change, resulting in the proliferation of climate adaptation policies across spheres of government. This paper studies different climate change adaptation policies and climate policy paradigms (CPP) to understand the adaptation landscape; it explains and compares the changes in CPP in South Africa over time. We mapped 40 policy documents from 2004 to 2022, which shows 12 national policies, 12 provincial (sub-national) policy documents and 14 metropolitan city policy documents. We then used 12 national policy documents to illustrate and understand the CPP. The research shows that different stakeholders have shaped climate change adaptation policy, both private and public firms advised on climate change policy and there are a number of different funding partners supporting the adaptation policy like GEF, C40 and GIZ. The changing policy environment has introduced new frameworks, objectives and processes. Therefore, more efforts will be needed going forward to guide adaptation policy across national, provincial and local governments. We find that several CPPs have emerged, that is different paradigms encompassing a range of policy goals, framings and instruments. The present National CC Adaptation Strategy (NCCAS) mandates adaptation across all levels of government and allows all important stakeholders to address climate change consequences. This NCCAS increases the number and ambition of adaptation policy, encourages integrated approaches, policy coherence and clear direction on how to handle climate risks and impacts in varied South Africa and its global commitment. Changes in policy paradigm enable the use of new policy instruments, including funding and budget mechanisms. Finally, climate adaptation policy has become more ambitious and stringent, requiring all levels of government to plan for climate change. The climate change policy landscape in South Africa has grown over the past 18 years, with policy development across different spheres of government (national, sectoral, provincial and metros), New CPPs have emerged, supported by new policy frames, goals and instruments. The NCCAS provides a clear policy goal, which also provides new policy instruments to implement climate actions and acts to enhance integrated approaches, The lack of domestic budget allocation remains a challenge for national government, but external partnerships have begun to provide support for policy development. Notably, a shift from a flexible to stringent approach to climate policy is needed to deliver effective climate action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzed the importance of integrating disaster risk reduction and climate change adapting policies into the socio-economic development plans of coastal municipalities in Cuba. To this end, a literature review was carried out to locate the main theoretical and bibliographical sources on Disaster Risk Reduction, Climate Change Adaptation, coastal municipalities and government policies and triangulate them to create a four-phase integration tool. This tool will improve the territorial development plans and make them more effective while promoting an integrated vision of disaster risk reduction and adapting to climate change as a fundamental basis for the sustainability of development in Cuba. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: This paper investigates Thailand and Malaysia climate governance policy in practice within their multi-level governance structures. Thailand presents a unique case of a unitary state with a degree of deconcentration and decentralization, while Malaysia showcases a federal state with a high degree of centralization. Methodology: The paper collected and analyzed both primary and secondary data. Indepth interviews with government officials, NGOs, and international organizations were conducted online and onsite in Thailand and Malaysia from May 2022 to September 2023. Interview data was triangulated with secondary data from key national policy documents on climate change and related issues. This paper examines the contributions and hindrances of multi-level governance on climate governance and highlights some lessons learned from both countries. Results: It concludes that multi-level government systems provide opportunities for various stakeholders to engage in decision-making and create policy innovation. However, the administration of decision-making in these systems can be constrained by tensions within these systems, between tendencies towards the centralization of decision-making, and little engagement between subnational governments and local-level stakeholders. Conclusions: Overall, we assert that clear direction and guidance at the national level complemented by mechanisms that engage local stakeholders in administration and civil society is essential to achieve overarching climate action goals regardless of the administrative system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Decarbonization policies require public support to be implemented and to remain in legislation. Examinations of public support for climate policies tend to focus on a small number of policy instruments and/or use hypothetical instead of real policy proposals. Here, we address these criticisms by examining public support across four distinct policy instruments – command-and-control, market-based, information-based, and voluntary – using sixteen policy proposals by UK political parties and government institutions. In addition to assessing UK national policy support, we also explore regional differences. Using a representative sample of the UK population (N = 1,911), we find that, at a national level, individuals preferred instruments shown to be less effective in reaching net-zero: information-based and voluntary policies. Our results indicate that the extent to which individuals believe in the free market, their environmental worldviews and political party support as well as their age are all correlated with policy support. We find stark regional differences where, compared to individuals living in Greater London, those living in the remainder of the country were 32% and 30% less likely to support command-and-control and market-based policies, respectively (among other regional differences). Regional variations in free-market beliefs and population density partly explain differences in policy support. We propose policymakers focus on place-based initiatives to increase support for decarbonization policies that are more effective in reaching net-zero and on improving the perception of market-based and command-and-control policies through positive framing and policy bundles. The majority of the UK public supports all climate policy instruments (command-and-control, market-based, information-based, and voluntary) regardless of their stringency. More stringent decarbonization policies (command-and-control and market-based instruments) received less public support compared to more lenient policies (information-based and voluntary). Population density as a structural factor helps to explain regional variation and points to the crucial role of improving public infrastructure, particularly in more rural areas. Free-market beliefs are associated with regional and individual variations in support and stress the need for overcoming ideological barriers. Income was found to influence support for less stringent (e.g. information-based) instruments, but was not associated with support for regulatory and market-based instruments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Motivation: This research brings a Pacific Islands‐centred perspective into the discussion of foreign aid and climate mobility. Climate‐related migration is a crucial issue in Oceania as climate change is increasingly affecting Pacific Islanders. In this context, the Pacific Islands are typically seen as migrant‐sending countries to places outside the region. Inter‐Pacific Islands migration (IPIM) is barely recognized. Purpose: Should foreign aid consider climate‐related IPIM? This article focuses on Fiji to: (1) assess current knowledge on migration between the Pacific Island Countries and Territories (PICTs) and Fiji's role therein; (2) maps aid‐funded climate mobility initiatives in the Pacific Islands; and (3) explores Fiji's national polices and local Fijian perspectives on regional climate‐related immigration to Fiji. Methods and approach: This study draws on a combination of statistical analysis, policy document analysis, expert interviews, and semi‐structured interviews and an in‐depth online survey involving local Fijians. Additionally, it incorporates the author's personal work experience as a Pacific Islander and a Fijian traversing climate mobility aid and policy spaces relating to Oceania. Findings: Current aid policies and initiatives addressing climate mobility have insufficiently considered IPIM. Migration from other PICTs to Fiji is significant, both in terms of numbers and in its current and potential impacts on local Fijians. Neither research, nor Fiji's national policies, nor donors have sufficiently considered this issue to date. Policy implications: Aid policies and initiatives targeting climate‐related migration in PICTs need to be refocused to give more attention to IPIM. Donors must expand their support to migrant‐receiving communities in PICTs such as Fiji. By recognizing and investing in IPIM, donors can foster mutual benefits for Fiji, other PICTs, and donor countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Motivation: This research brings a Pacific Islands‐centred perspective into the discussion of foreign aid and climate mobility. Climate‐related migration is a crucial issue in Oceania as climate change is increasingly affecting Pacific Islanders. In this context, the Pacific Islands are typically seen as migrant‐sending countries to places outside the region. Inter‐Pacific Islands migration (IPIM) is barely recognized. Purpose: Should foreign aid consider climate‐related IPIM? This article focuses on Fiji to: (1) assess current knowledge on migration between the Pacific Island Countries and Territories (PICTs) and Fiji's role therein; (2) maps aid‐funded climate mobility initiatives in the Pacific Islands; and (3) explores Fiji's national polices and local Fijian perspectives on regional climate‐related immigration to Fiji. Methods and approach: This study draws on a combination of statistical analysis, policy document analysis, expert interviews, and semi‐structured interviews and an in‐depth online survey involving local Fijians. Additionally, it incorporates the author's personal work experience as a Pacific Islander and a Fijian traversing climate mobility aid and policy spaces relating to Oceania. Findings: Current aid policies and initiatives addressing climate mobility have insufficiently considered IPIM. Migration from other PICTs to Fiji is significant, both in terms of numbers and in its current and potential impacts on local Fijians. Neither research, nor Fiji's national policies, nor donors have sufficiently considered this issue to date. Policy implications: Aid policies and initiatives targeting climate‐related migration in PICTs need to be refocused to give more attention to IPIM. Donors must expand their support to migrant‐receiving communities in PICTs such as Fiji. By recognizing and investing in IPIM, donors can foster mutual benefits for Fiji, other PICTs, and donor countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As jurisdictions across the globe step up their efforts to adapt to climate change, it is important to assess progress by taking stock of and comparing adaptation policy. However, scholars and practitioners are struggling to conceptualize and measure adaptation policy. In this article, we propose a new two‐dimensional framework to measure public adaptation policy output, namely, the Climate Adaptation Policy Index (CAPI). The index combines multiple indicators from two core interdependent dimensions, namely, an institutionalization dimension focusing on strategic plans and administrative capacities for adaptation; and a measures dimension capturing concrete adaptation measures in relevant action areas such as in green and open spaces, transport infrastructure, buildings, public education, and disaster management. Our approach is extensive but feasible and may be adjusted for use in different contexts and policy areas. We probe our approach at the local level using original survey data from a diverse sample of 211 municipalities located in the state of Hessen in central Germany. A factor analysis suggests that the two dimensions constitute a meaningful measurement of municipal adaptation policy output. A cluster analysis identifies five groups of municipalities representing different stages of adaptation policy progress in Hessen. Finally, a regression analysis examines potential determinants of local adaptation policy making such as the size and wealth of municipalities. The results highlight the potential of the CAPI for analyzing both the state and the making of municipal adaptation policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Local governments have led the way on climate action in the United States. While the federal government has largely stood to the side, local governments have made great efforts to adopt policies aimed at reducing greenhouse gas emissions. A large and robust literature in urban politics has explored the variables that influence local government action on climate change in the United States. Issue severity and resident ideological preferences have been identified as two of the most important factors in local climate action. Governments that are more likely to face major impacts from climate, such as coastal communities, and governments serving more liberal residents have both been found to pursue climate policy at higher rates. In this paper we suggest that these relationships are better understood as conditional. We argue that the effect of issue severity will be moderated by ideology. When residents are liberal, issue severity will matter. When residents are conservative, the impact will be muted. We find strong evidence for this hypothesis. Coastal governments and governments that have experienced drought adopt more climate policies, but this is conditional on the ideology of residents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Urban climate governance scholarship has paid little attention in Sub-Saharan Africa, where studies of this kind are needed. Using semi-structured interviews with officials from three local governments with populations less than 300,000 inhabitants, this paper explores how centralized climate policies are implemented locally in Ghana. The results show that though the national climate policies are good tools, local government's ability to implement them is quite limited due to a lack of independence and funding to make climate decisions. But with the growing climate crisis, the paper concludes that urban climate governance is likely to improve especially in developing countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate change as the most important global issue of the world demonstrates its social conseqeunces on societies. This impact affects not only the social life of people but the economy and health, agricultural system. The article studies the interrelation of social consequences of climate change impact in societies and gives the overview of preventing adverse effects of climate change. The findings show that social dimensions are interrelated to each other and their soulition should be implemented in whole pattern. Only through complex approach the solution seems possible for preventing unpredictable adverse effects. The discussion of how governments and scientists can build teamwork to prevent the damages of possible effects of social consequences of climate change and protect their population, and the analysis of the data from the international sources such as UNFCCC, WHO, IPCC, and national governments statistical data comprise the methodology of this study. Thereby, this research will contribute to shed light on social aspects of climate change impact on societies and propose solutions to adapting policies of governments, international organizations, regional or local communities in combating with predictable adverse effects of social dimensions of climate change impact on societies as well as the countries' development goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What effect does extreme weather have on climate policy? Existing studies show that weather shocks have negative economic impacts and increase public awareness of climate change. These findings help identify the impacts of climate change on economic and social systems, and provide reasons for governments to adopt climate policy reforms. However, questions remain about the overall link between local extreme weather shocks and government climate policy. I investigate the effect of temperature shocks and natural disasters on a range of national, international, and subnational climate policies in samples spanning 1990–2018. I find that neither temperature shocks nor natural disasters generate climate mitigation reforms. Given that climate policy is currently insufficient to manage climate change and climate impacts are expected to increase this century, these findings suggest that future climate shocks are unlikely to catalyze meaningful climate action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Policymakers underestimate the extensive role of indigenous and local knowledge (ILK) in national climate adaptation action. Drawing from the mainstreaming theory, this study examined the extent to which ILK systems have been mainstreamed into Ghana's climate policy framework for realizing adaptation outcomes in agriculture and rural development. The study employed qualitative approaches including content analysis of policy documents and 15 key informant interviews. Findings revealed that adaptation actions are only canvassed in the national actions for climate change adaptation but are spirally incorporated in agriculture and rural development policies which are critical adaptation areas for Ghana as emphasized in the National Climate Change Policy. Further, results suggested that ILK is less prioritized in Ghana's policy framework despite its importance and emergence in local adaptation efforts. Finally, the results revealed inadequate information on ILK, lack of deliberate policy on ILK and practices, lack of government commitment toward ILK, under-sourced institutions and Lack of coordination and inherent overlap of mandate as key barriers militating against mainstreaming ILK and climate change adaptation in national policy. We conclude that mainstreaming ILK and local adaptation practices in Ghana's climate policy has the potential to facilitate a collective and sustainable response to climate change and build resilient agricultural systems to address food security challenges and foster rural development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2005, Mexico has developed a national climate policy aligned with internationally defined parameters. In this article, we analyze the vertical and horizontal coherences in the process of institutionalization of climate policy during the period 1992–2018 in the Usumacinta River Basin, based on the review of laws and actions implemented at national scale, as well as by the federal states and municipalities. The analysis shows vertical coherence at the national-international scale, as well as at the legal level in the state of Chiapas. In terms of horizontal coherence, it points to a series of incoherencies in the state's legal framework and in concrete actions at the river basin scale linked to the vertical incoherencies between the national scale and states located in the river basin. Desde 2005, México ha desarrollado una política climática nacional acorde con los parámetros definidos en el ámbito internacional. En este artículo analizamos las coherencias verticales y horizontales en el proceso de institucionalización de la política climática durante el periodo 1992–2018 en la cuenca del río Usumacinta a partir de la revisión de leyes y acciones implementadas a escala nacional, así como de los estados federados y municipios. El análisis evidencia coherencias verticales a escala nacional-internacional y en el ámbito legal en el estado de Chiapas. En materia de coherencia horizontal, apunta una serie de incoherencias a escala de la cuenca en el marco legal estatal y en las acciones concretas, vinculadas con las propias incoherencias verticales entre la escala nacional y los estados de la cuenca. Depuis 2005, le Mexique a mis en œuvre une politique nationale en matière climatique conformément aux paramètres définis à l'échelle internationale. Dans cet article, nous analysons les cohérences verticale et horizontale du processus d'institutionnalisation de la politique climatique durant la période 1992-2018 dans le bassin versant du fleuve Usumacinta sur la base d'un examen des lois et des actions mises en œuvre à l'échelle nationale, des états fédérés et municipale. L'analyse met en évidence des cohérences verticales à l'échelle nationale-internationales et dans le domaine juridique au Chiapas. En termes de cohérence horizontales, elle dévoile un certain nombre d'incohérences juridiques dans les états fédérés et dans les actions concrètes liées aux incohérences verticales entre l'échelle nationale et les états du bassin versant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

U.S. electricity markets vary by region and imperfectly overlap with regional climate policies. Although emissions leakage across emissions-regulated and -unregulated areas may depend on regional market design, and the extent of trading between market designs, previous studies of leakage from regional climate policies have focused on market power and market efficiency within only a centralized region following market rules. I develop a theoretical model which considers a second-best problem where a climate policy to correct for a negative externality from carbon emissions can be distorted by another market failure from the market design itself. My model allows for several types of non-overlapping climate policies and electricity market designs, and generates leakage predictions for these combinations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite substantial efforts being made through public and private sources, funding for climate change mitigation falls far short of what is needed. Meanwhile, philanthropic sources have begun to emerge as important sustainability partners by connecting multiple sectors and guiding funding flows. This study provides a comprehensive overview of climate-related philanthropic foundation financing and funding in China. Using a classification framework for climate change initiatives through co-word analysis and text segmentation techniques, we conduct visualization analysis to depict the changing pattern of climate philanthropy in China by analyzing donors, subfields, and flow of funds between 2008 and 2019. We conclude by providing suggestions for funders, charities, and policymakers seeking to enhance the value of collaborative governance in addressing climate change. Philanthropic sources play a key role in climate change mitigation in the new mixed-actor model of climate governance in China. Climate philanthropy in China is inseparable from strong political connections and policy influence of the government. Policymakers worldwide need to pay attention to flows and gaps in philanthropic funding as part of climate finance monitoring and to stimulate data-driven decisions concerning future investments. Policymakers need to leverage the crucial role of philanthropy in connecting multiple sectors to strengthen the climate change mitigation ecosystem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper assessed the extent to which local government authorities have mainstreamed climate change adaptation strategies in their development policies in selected districts in Ghana, using a qualitative case study design within the phenomenological epistemology. Forty-four respondents participated in this study from the decentralised departments of local authorities key informant interviews (KIIs) were used for data collection in the study areas. The study findings revealed that climate policy integration at the study districts was done as a compliance measure rather than a response to real needs of the districts. A gaping chasm therefore exists between stated and actual climate change-related goals. Lack of collaboration, weak coordination of sector plans and weak community and private sector engagement were identified as the causal factors of the gap between the rhetoric and reality of integrating climate change concerns into district development plans in the study areas. Further, competing local priorities on the district agenda, institutional capacity constraints and information and technological constraints were identified as major barriers for the local authorities in adaptation to climate change. It is concluded that although climate change and its related policies have been integrated into the various national development policies, climate policy integration remains a challenge at the district level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Peru was one of the first developing countries to commit to a voluntary emissions reduction target and is seen as a bridge builder within the UNFCCC. It played an important role in advancing the multilateral climate process between 2013 and 2015. Peru is a member of the Independent Alliance of Latin America and the Caribbean (AILAC), a progressive coalition of countries that promotes ambitious positions within the climate regime. Although the country's level of activism in international negotiations has markedly declined since 2016, there have been no significant changes in its foreign position. What factors explain Peru's conciliatory and relatively progressive stance at the UNFCCC? To answer this question, I use the 'climate commitment approach' as analytical framework and trace the processes that link possible causes with outcomes, comparing two different periods in the trajectory of Peru's participation in the climate regime. The study is based on semi-structured interviews, governmental publications and data, reports and studies by independent organizations, news reports, and scientific literature. It concludes that Peru's position in the UNFCCC negotiations has been mainly determined by the dominant presence of Peru's Ministry of Environment (MINAM) in foreign climate policy decision-making as well as of individual agents who act as climate leaders. It also points to several other factors that determine its position: the low level of interest in, or understanding of, the climate issue by domestic pressure groups; the country's international profile; the governmental perception of economic, political, and diplomatic benefits associated with a more ambitious climate position; and the wish to access international climate financing. Foreign pressure and support were major pillars of the development of Peru's foreign climate policy. Peru's diplomatic position was profoundly shaped by the vision and interests of MINAM, which filled a political vacuum and exercised leadership in international climate negotiations. Given the ministry's expertise, and international support for its activities, other ministries could hardly compete with MINAM for influence. Recently, the diminished authority of MINAM, the inclusion of climate change into Peru's national policy agenda combined with domestic political turmoil, have translated into a marked decline in the country's level of foreign activism. Peru has continued to align with AILAC due to the link between the country's foreign trade and climate policy agendas, and to the benefits associated with a more ambitious foreign climate position, including possibilities for attracting international climate finance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bioenergy could play a major role in decarbonizing energy systems in the context of the Paris Agreement. Large‐scale bioenergy deployment could be related to sustainability issues and requires major infrastructure investments. It, therefore, needs to be studied carefully. The Bioenergy and Land Optimization Spatially Explicit Model (BLOEM) presented here allows for assessing different bioenergy pathways while encompassing various dimensions that influence their optimal deployment. In this study, BLOEM was applied to the Brazilian context by coupling it with the Brazilian Land Use and Energy Systems (BLUES) model. This allowed investigating the most cost‐effective ways of attending future bioenergy supply projections and studying the role of recovered degraded pasture lands in improving land availability in a sustainable and competitive manner. The results show optimizing for limiting deforestation and minimizing logistics costs results in different outcomes. It also indicates that recovering degraded pasture lands is attractive from both logistics and climate perspectives. The systemic approach of BLOEM provides spatial results, highlighting the trade‐offs between crop allocation, land use and the logistics dynamics between production, conversion, and demand, providing valuable insights for regional and national climate policy design. This makes it a useful tool for mapping sustainable bioenergy value chain pathways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current climate changes constitute the most serious problem humanity has ever faced, which puts at risk the quality of life and the very survival of the species in the near future. The text addresses the climate issue from the methodological perspective of the public policy cycle, aiming to answer the following question: why has the most serious problem facing humanity not yet become the number one political problem? The facts - scientific findings, conferences, international agreements, legislation and (un)adopted measures - are relatively well known, but the political process, less so. The political process is chronicled from the scientific discoveries about the greenhouse effect in the 19th century, the awakening of society's and governments' attention in the 1980s, the United Nations debates and international agreements from the 1990s on, the policies implemented in different countries, the results of which are being measured and monitored by the IPCC and other institutions. In the different stages, the cycle of climate policies unfolds as a scene with multiple agents, who use varied resources, adopt divergent positions and decisions for economic and political reasons. Denialism, the obstructions created by the oil industry, neoliberal forces and the extreme right, and the absence of a sense of urgency in society are pointed out as factors that prevent the climate issue from being elevated to the condition of the number one political problem of humanity. The research technique is a semi-systematic literature review. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indigenous Peoples gain prominence in global climate change debates. Nevertheless, their involvement in national climate governance remains marginal. This article analyses the consideration of Indigenous Peoples' participation in the Chilean climate governance through an ethnography of the state conducted between 2017 and 2020. A documentary review of national climate policy between 1995 and 2020, participant observation and 41 semi-structured interviews were conducted. The findings show that, although recent progress, Indigenous Peoples' participation does not meet the standards of intercultural participation. Nor are there mechanisms in place to enable collaboration and to position Indigenous Peoples as agents in the face of climate change. The Chilean case illustrates the type of recognition given to Indigenous Peoples in international climate policy, and therefore its analysis allows for the identification of barriers to effective collaboration. As long as these barriers remain unaddressed, an increase in Indigenous Peoples' vulnerability is at risk. We also lose the opportunity to promote the institutional transformation processes necessary to respond to climate change. More efforts are needed at the national level to enhance Indigenous Peoples' participation in the UNFCCC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The short time horizons of citizens are a prominent explanation for why governments fail to tackle significant long-term public policy problems. Evidence for the influence of time horizons is mixed, complicated by the difficulty of determining how attitudes would differ if individuals were more concerned about the future. This paper approaches the challenge by leveraging a personal experience that leads people to place more value on the future: parenthood. The analysis compares new parents with otherwise similar individuals using a matched difference-in-differences design with a three-wave panel. The results show that parenthood increases support for stopping climate change. Falsification tests and two survey experiments suggest that longer time horizons explain part of this shift in support. Not only are scholars right to emphasize the role of individual time horizons, but changing valuations of the future offer a new way to understand how policy preferences evolve. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The UK government's net-zero commitment assumes the use of bio-energy with carbon capture and storage (BECCS) and direct air carbon capture and storage (DACCS). Quantifying where the costs of funding these technologies fall – and their magnitude – provides greater insight into potential fairness of future government policies. Using a microsimulation model, this study is the first to evaluate the potential distributional impacts. We consider the distributional incidence and magnitude on household income deciles if the costs for deploying and operating BECCS and DACCS are placed on different sectors of the economy via a range of viable policy funding options. Using existing and novel policy funding options, we demonstrate that levying the costs entirely on the household energy bill is the most regressive of the options considered. We find aviation to be an important point of intervention from a distributional perspective. Higher-income households have larger aviation carbon footprints than lower-income households, meaning passing costs onto households via aviation alone could help fund BECCS and DACCS while having minimal impacts on social welfare. Funding BECCS and DACCS via income tax emerged as the only progressive way of apportioning costs across income deciles. As the benefits of carbon removal accrue to society as a whole, there is further argument that the costs should be shared across society in the fairest way possible. However, such an approach has the potential to blunt the price signal that polluters face. In reality, some pass-through cost may be desirable to adhere to equity principles under a polluter pays principle and to create an incentive for polluters to switch to cleaner inputs and adopt low-carbon technologies. This study is the first to evaluate distributional incidence and magnitude of costs to households, if costs for deploying and operating BECCS and DACCS are placed on different sectors of the economy. Recovering policy costs via income tax provides a progressive option to fund BECCS and DACCS. All modelled alternative funding options result in regressive outcomes where low-income households pay disproportionately more towards the costs of BECCS and DACCS. Funding BECCS and DACCS through levies on household energy bills further entrenches inequality; spend on electricity as a share of income is disproportionately high for low-income households. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate politics and governance across the globe involve an increasing number of interest groups such as from business and civil society. Against this backdrop, it matters a great deal whether interest group mobilization is able to influence climate policy-making. First, there is an increasing number of climate policy supporters like nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and green businesses lobbying in favour of additional climate policies. Second, there is also strong mobilization of groups from energy-intensive and fossil fuel industries lobbying against potentially costly climate policies. In this paper, we investigate the potential effects of these mobilization patterns. More precisely, we ask whether there is any systematic effect of competing interest group mobilization on national climate policy production. To this end, we harness arguments from literatures on interest group mobilization and climate policy-making. Empirically, we exploit a comprehensive global dataset on the adoption of national climate laws and interest group mobilization (over 4,000 organizations) between 1997 and 2016. The results show that the increasing mobilization of climate policy supporters is positively related to national climate policy production. Climate policy opponents are able to weaken this effect, but are hardly able to block new climate laws. The results add to our understanding of climate politics focusing on the role of business organizations and NGOs. This is highly policy relevant for both analysts and practitioners given that the Paris Agreement relies heavily on national policy efforts. The growing mobilization of climate policy supporters is positively related to the adoption of additional climate laws. The positive effect of climate policy supporters is weakened but rarely blocked by climate policy opponents, such as those from the fossil fuel industry. The effect of lobbying over climate policy needs to be assessed in its competitive context, that is by considering how political support and opposition on climate policy interact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At international climate conferences, the European Union (EU) and its member states both are negotiating partners. The EU signs the treaties to protect the climate, the member states ratify and translate them into national policy. Based on the literature on actorness, we identify different dimensions in which the EU's actor quality is articulated. Actorness has internal dimensions, such as the transfer of responsibilities, and external dimensions, such as the recognition as a contracting party by other states. Actorness, however, cannot be grasped by analysing institutions alone, but also arises discursively and situationally. We trace EU actorness for four critical points in time in international climate policy and can thus show that actorness in the policy field has increased overall over time, but that the full potential has not yet been exploited. In some dimensions, a temporary decline in actorness could be observed, especially at the Copenhagen summit. The analysis of actorness can also contribute to the explanation of a possible lack of effectiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Solar geoengineering (SG) may be a helpful tool to reduce harms from climate change, yet further research into its potential benefits and risks must occur prior to any implementation. So far, however, organized research on SG has been absent from the U.S. national policy agenda. We apply the Multiple Streams Approach analytical framework to explain why a U.S. federal SG research program has failed to materialize up to now, and to consider how one might emerge in the future. We argue that establishing a federal program will require the formation of an advocacy coalition within the political arena that is prepared to support such a policy objective. A coalition favoring federal research on SG does not presently exist, yet the potential nucleus of a future political grouping is evident in the handful of 'pragmatist' environmental organizations that have expressed conditional support for expanded research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on Significant progress has been made in focusing international attention on the need to address displacement in the context of disasters and the adverse effects of climate change.

Since the early 2000s, short sea shipping (SSS) is often associated with significant social and environmental benefits. To encourage a modal shift, several nations around the world have developed public SSS policies. However, the policies' effectiveness are increasingly being questioned in the public arena. Therefore, the current article's primary objective is to assess one of these SSS public initiatives' legitimacy. In particular, we analyzed Quebec's PREGTI initiative, which is designed to both reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions and promote local SSS development. Our findings are based on a triangulated analysis of official PREGTI documents and semi-structured interviews with local marine-sector specialists (N = 36). The data analyses inspired the development of an integrative framework that includes four components that could explain the lack of SSS program credibility and interest. Our framework identified critical issues for consideration in SSS program development, including: 1) the institutional framework's relevance; 2) its implementation challenges; 3) the program's predictability; and 4) the credibility of government authorities. Ultimately, the present article provides a better understanding of the significant discrepancies between public SSS programs development and the needs of local maritime sector stakeholders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Anthropocene, practicing diplomacy with a renewed emphasis on strategy is critical. However, the implications of the planet's new geological reality – of which climate change is the primary indicator – have not been internalised into policy and practice thus far at both the domestic and international levels. Brazil is no exception. In this article, the strategic diplomacy framework is applied to the Brazilian case as a policy proposal and diagnostic tool to (a) identify the country's strategic climate interest, (b) propose a diplomatic strategy capable of addressing the gravity of the climate crisis, and (c) analyse the factors blocking the development of a national agenda and policy consistent with a climate security scenario. Despite Brazil's vast natural capital, powerful interests in the agribusiness and energy sectors, lack of vision among the ruling elites, and a poorly educated population in a society still marked by high levels of poverty and income inequality have precluded the country from developing a leading role in the global climate arena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We measure the comprehensive carbon price from 2008 to 2019 resulting from climate policies imposed by 25 high-polluting countries that represent 82 percent of global carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions in 2019. Comprehensive carbon prices build upon previous notions—including explicit, effective, and implicit carbon prices—by incorporating a broad range of policies that reduce carbon emissions. We consider seven types of major market-based policies commonly used to create marginal incentives to reduce emissions: carbon taxes, emissions trading systems, fossil fuel taxes, fossil fuel subsidies, renewable portfolio standards, feed-in tariffs, and low-carbon fuel standards. Comprehensive carbon prices represent the weighted average of marginal incentives imposed on polluters by country policy mixes. We measure country-level comprehensive carbon prices by summing across all seven policies the product of (1) the marginal incentive imposed by a policy (expressed in dollars per ton of CO2 emitted), and (2) a CO2-emissions-coverage weight for that policy (equal to the proportion of CO2 emissions regulated by the policy relative to that country's total CO2 emissions). We measure the global comprehensive carbon price by summing across all 25 countries the product of (1) each country's comprehensive carbon price, and (2) that country's proportion of CO2 emissions relative to total CO2 emissions from our sample of 25 countries. The global comprehensive carbon price has risen upward from +8.68 USD in 2008 to +19.13 USD in 2019, with a dip to +6.94 USD per ton in 2012. These values are far too low to appropriately address climate change. The comprehensive carbon price varies widely between countries, ranging from −128.35 USD to +146.25 USD in 2019. This heterogeneity means that polluters face uneven marginal incentives to reduce CO2 emissions. Our focus is on measuring marginal incentives rather than policy outcomes, such as overall emissions abatement, which we identify as a promising area for future research. Comprehensive carbon prices represent a useful metric for summarizing and tracking global and country-level efforts to mitigate carbon emissions through public policy. Comprehensive carbon prices report a dollar per ton of carbon dioxide emissions imposed by a wide range of climate policies including carbon taxes, emissions trading systems, fossil fuel subsidies and taxes, renewable portfolio standards, feed-in tariffs, and low-carbon fuel standards. Country-level comprehensive carbon prices vary widely, from −128.35 to +146.25 USD in 2019, reflecting wide heterogeneity in the overall effort countries are putting into climate mitigation. The global comprehensive carbon price has approximately doubled over the last decade, reaching a value of +19.13 USD in 2019, and remains too low to seriously address climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Economists predict that the damage caused by global warming will be 2.1% of world production if the average temperature of the planet's surface increases by 3°C, and by 7.9% if it increases by 6°C. These estimates contrast with the prediction of scientists: the further reduction of human habitability due to climate change. But the models they use to make these predictions influence the international debate on the topic and the policy prescriptions. Here we review this empirical work and show that it seriously underestimates the damages of climate change by committing several mistakes. Most importantly, the DICE integrated evaluation model does not generate economic collapse, regardless of the level of damage. Due to these facts, these estimates should be rejected for not being scientific, and the models calibrated with them should not be used to assess the economic risks of climate change and to propose policies that mitigate the damages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the role of forests in national climate policies of two countries very rich in woods: Russia and Canada. Canada has made efforts to reduce direct CO2 emissions in the national economy, intensify forestry, and increase greenhouse gas sequestration by forests. Russia focuses on the verification and recalculation of the carbon sequestration capacity of its forests. Analysis of the Russian and Canadian stationary models used to assess the carbon sequestration capacity of forests (ROBUL and CBM-CFS, respectively) shows that both the Canadian model and the Russian one derived from it reflect the stationary dynamics of forest stands, which inevitably results in a downward CO2 absorption trend. Even if the forest inventory is updated on a regular basis, the predictive components of such models are unable to take into account the variability of forest ecosystems and their adaptation to climate change. Models that describe global carbon fluxes (e.g., ones using FLUXNET and remote sensing data) provide significantly higher net carbon sequestration values and indicate a nondecreasing net carbon accumulation trend in forests. It is concluded that stationary and remote sensing models should be used together to assess net carbon sequestration and formulate key principles of national climate policies in countries rich in forests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work evaluates and discusses the greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions reduction potential of agroecological policies implemented in public food procurement for school canteens. Using a life cycle analysis (LCA) methodology (cradle-to-grave approach) and the information gathered from the Red Municipal de Comedores Escolares (Local Network of School Canteens) in the municipality of Ames (A Coruña, Galicia, Spain), the results show how organic production, dietary change (less animal protein), seasonal consumption, and packaging reduction, among other measures, can mitigate the climate impact of school meals. The food policies implemented in Ames have allowed mitigating the GHG emissions of local school canteens by 13.4%. Under realistic conditions, this reduction could rise to 40.6% should the agroecological transformation of the food system continue to advance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sweden's 2017 Climate Act is part of a climate policy framework aiming for net zero domestic greenhouse gas emissions by 2045. The framework was based on a proposal from the All Party Committee on Environmental Objectives (the Committee), in which members from all participating parliamentary parties agreed unanimously. This was despite a contested climate debate running in parallel, notwithstanding strong criticism from business confederations and trade unions. Aiming to draw lessons of value for climate policy-making, this study explores the main factors that influenced the work and outcomes of the Committee, based on a series of in-depth interviews and document review. The research design is linked to policy process theories. The interviews mainly concern underlying motives, the role of knowledge, the influence of impact assessments, and international influence. It is shown that a continuous and comprehensive learning process in the Committee was instrumental for achieving consensus, including addressing concerns among some members regarding policy costs and constitutionality. The Committee was also influenced by policy developments elsewhere, referred to as policy diffusion, notably from the U.K. Climate Change Act and the UNFCCC COP 21 policy process. Over time, a cross-party consensus among Committee members emerged and led to the invention of an original policy proposal. The consensus was instrumental for generating support for the proposal in an otherwise conflictual political landscape. As a result, a governmental bill based on the proposal was eventually enacted into law, renewing Sweden's climate policy with a climate change act coupled to ambitious climate objectives. Key policy insights Joint learning on factually complex and normatively contested climate issues requires time and comprehensive processes but can lead to policy inventions and ambitious outcomes. Policy diffusion between countries may be important for raising ambitions and shaping innovative, new elements of national climate policy. Framework climate change acts and specific climate laws can be mutually supportive, i.e. frameworks foster more ambitious sectoral laws and the more precise sectoral laws, the easier it is to agree on stricter overall ambitions. Adoption of more stringent climate policies may require precise dismantling of arguments working against action, in particular on policy costs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australia is a well-known climate laggard with a history of political conflict over climate policy and the dubious distinction of being the only country to repeal a national emissions trading scheme (ETS). This article examines the puzzle of why four subnational governments in Australia's federation succeeded in enacting durable framework climate legislation based on a model that came to be widely regarded as 'best-practice'. We show that in 2007 South Australia was the first jurisdiction in the world to enact framework climate legislation with a 2050 emissions reduction target and an independent expert advisory committee to provide guidance on the implementation of interim targets. We show that this local legislative innovation set off a process of political learning, policy transfer and a virtuous political competition among like-minded Labour and Labour-Green governments at the subnational level. We call this 'convergent evolution' insofar as the legislative innovation and diffusion over the period 2007–2015 was similar to, but occurred independently of, the UK Climate Change Act 2008 and the diffusion of this model elsewhere in Europe. Common to all cases was a strong commitment by the premier and/or the relevant minister to pursue a decarbonisation strategy via targets, and reliance on sources of advice for legislative reform that were professionally and/or politically committed to climate action rather than from vested industry groups. More generally, we argue that framework climate legislation carries lower political risks than an ETS because it does not draw attention to the upfront costs of action. The diffusion of subnational climate change legislation, accompanied by renewable energy promotion, has helped to limit the impacts of Australian national climate policy failure while also providing a springboard for renewed climate legislative momentum at the national level. Key Policy Insights Similar innovations in climate policy and legislation can occur independently in different regions in response to similar global pressures. Framework climate legislation based on long-term and progressive interim targets carries lower political risks than an ETS because it does not draw as much attention to the upfront costs of action. Innovation in subnational framework climate legislation in a federation can generate a virtuous competition in target setting and renewable energy promotion in states that are not heavily dependent on fossil fuels or close to retiring fossil fuel assets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While national governments pledged to reduce their greenhouse gas emissions under the Paris Agreement, delivering on these aims will require significant changes in the activities of major sources of emissions such as companies. To drive such changes, companies will need to consider carbon emissions as a cost of production and many companies have begun doing so through internal carbon pricing. By employing data from the Carbon Disclosure Project, we evaluate how national carbon pricing policies influence firm-level internal carbon pricing and corporate emission targets. We find that firm-level internal carbon prices are significantly higher in countries explicitly pricing carbon through tax and/or cap-and-trade programs. These findings shed light on how companies are factoring climate change in their decision-making and on the drivers that can contribute to the generalization of climate pricing in the economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paramount importance of the whole issue of global warming is reflected throughout all public and private structures, either local, state or international. In terms of action, public authorities have the major responsibility to generate and implement public policies, of a legislative, economic and administrative nature. The identification of appropriate instruments implies on the part of public authorities, including administrative ones, a culture / institutional competence in addressing climate issues. In this respect, there are major gaps between the states involved in solving the "climate dossier" and an objective assessment can be based on criteria for the national regulatory framework on climate and the involvement of citizens in its development and consultation in adopting related administrative decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The socio-political processes that influence the acceptance of climate policies play a crucial role in shaping mitigation strategies. In this paper, we explore the interplay between social and political dynamics and their impact on climate policy support. Using a simplified model of the social and political system, we aim to uncover ways to enhance public support for climate change mitigation measures. Several factors come into play when considering policy support, including social norms, self-efficacy, social learning, and income. By examining climate mitigation policies and accounting for shifting and inherent preferences, we shed light on how individuals contribute to processes of social change. Through simulations, we find that even minimal peer pressure has a positive and significant impact on individuals' inclination towards green behaviours, regardless of whether regressive or progressive policies are implemented. Additionally, assuming uniform self-efficacy across society leads to an overestimation of society's acceptance of green policies. Our results highlight the importance of nurturing existing skills or developing new ones. Finally, our findings reveal that regional heterogeneity matters for climate policy acceptance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given the limitations of existing China's climate governance studies, this research calls for more critical engagement with the broader contexts, clearer governance dimensions, and driving factors behind the evolution of climate policy within China. Drawing upon existing work, a policy-dimensioned framework is developed to study the evolution of Chinese governance and policy on climate change. A case study of the evolution of China's national climate policy since 1978 is undertaken against this framework. The findings elaborate how China has applied various national policy tools since the 1990s to address climate change. Particular modes and forms build on, rather than completely replace, previous ones. A wide range of contextual and agential factors are related to this evolution. Experimentation has been a sustained theme for decades, while state political figures can be profoundly influential in policy development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent research and real-world processes suggest that effective climate change mitigation policies are not feasible without at least a certain degree of public support. Hence, we investigate the link between existing domestic energy policies and individual policy instrument preferences in 21 European countries. We assume a policy feedback perspective and, thus, start from the idea that the current domestic energy context influences what future policies are possible and preferred by citizens. High political trust and strong climate change attitudes are expected to strengthen this relationship. Our results do not lend support to a general link between existing policies and future policy preferences. However, we find evidence of a positive policy feedback in individuals with strong climate change attitudes and/or high levels of political trust, which, depending on each country's current energy policy, either hinders or facilitates the energy transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Motivation: Should the process of forcibly evicting people from customary land be classified as a "disaster"? Some international organizations and governments are integrating processes on forced eviction of urban residents into policies that are primarily designed to manage displacements due to climate change and disasters—such as Vanuatu's 2018 National Policy on Climate Change and Disaster‐Induced Displacement. Purpose: This article contextualizes the classification of evictions as "disasters." We argue that evictions are not disasters and should not be so classified. We make these arguments from an empirical position, based on community response to the declaration of eviction as disaster, and also from the perspective of international law. Approach and Methods: Our data come from the following sources: Communities: We use a storytelling method to interview around 100 women and men. The policy: We review the language of the Vanuatu policy in the context of international guidance on displacement generally and on forced eviction specifically. Public records: We use court records and newspaper reporting to understand claims of government, land claimants and survivors. Policy‐makers: A limited number of unofficial conversations with policy‐makers inform this work. Findings: Urban forced evictions should not be treated as "disasters" in policy on forced displacement. Our interviewees identify the equation of eviction and "disaster" as one that removes the agency of the government to protect their human rights. The evidence presented here suggests that the Government of Vanuatu does not have sufficient powers to intervene in some forced evictions from customary land. This raises critical questions about whether the government will be able to fulfil the promises made in the policy and in its obligations under international law relating to displacement. Policy Implications: Classifying forced evictions together with land conflicts, infrastructure and development as potential "crises," and so "disastrous," as the Vanuatu policy does, creates a new set of challenges that must now be managed as the policy is operationalized. This includes serious consideration of how countries that take this path will fulfil their obligations to protect against, avoid and minimize displacement, in the context of customary land, and meet other international policy standards, in order to ensure no one is left worse off nor denied the benefit of development opportunity. This is a timely issue for peer countries. Right now, other Pacific countries, like the Solomon Islands, are looking to Vanuatu's example to develop internal displacement policies of their own. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]