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An increasing number of scholars have established that authoritarian regimes employ quasi-democratic institutions as part of their efforts to retain power. However, we know little about the potential variation among institutions providing citizens with opportunities for voice and the conditions under which such institutions are true channels of responsiveness. In this article, we develop and test the concept of "receptivity''' that is, whether autocrats are willing to incorporate citizen preferences into policy, using a list experiment of 1,377 provincial-and city-level leaders in China. Contrary to expectation, we find that leaders are similarly receptive to citizen suggestions obtained through either formal institutions or the Internet unless they perceive antagonism between the state and citizens, in which case receptivity to input from the Internet declines, while receptivity to formal institutions remains unchanged. Our findings show that whether quasi-democratic institutions are mere window dressing or true channels of responsiveness depends on the perceived quality of state-society relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An increasing number of scholars have established that authoritarian regimes employ quasi-democratic institutions as part of their efforts to retain power. However, we know little about the potential variation among institutions providing citizens with opportunities for voice and the conditions under which such institutions are true channels of responsiveness. In this article, we develop and test the concept of "receptivity," that is, whether autocrats are willing to incorporate citizen preferences into policy, using a list experiment of 1,377 provincial-and city-level leaders in China. Contrary to expectation, we find that leaders are similarly receptive to citizen suggestions obtained through either formal institutions or the Internet unless they perceive antagonism between the state and citizens, in which case receptivity to input from the Internet declines, while receptivity to formal institutions remains unchanged. Our findings show that whether quasi-democratic institutions are mere window dressing or true channels of responsiveness depends on the perceived quality of state-society relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The widespread use of information and communication technology (ICT) has reshaped the public sphere in the digital era, making online forums a new channel for political participation. Using big data analytics of full records of citizen-government interactions from 2008 to early 2014 on a nationwide political forum, we find that authoritarian China is considerably responsive to citizens' demands with a rapid growth of response rate; however, government responsiveness is highly selective, conditioning on actors' social identities and the policy domains of their online demands. Results from logistic and duration models suggest that requests which made by local citizens, expressed collectively, focused on the single task issue, and are closely related to economic growth are more likely to be responded to. These strategies adopted by Chinese provincial leaders reveal the scope and selectivity of authoritarian responsiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: We investigate relationship between social capital and self-rated health (SRH) in urban and rural China. Using a nationally representative data collected in 2005, we performed multilevel analyses. The social capital indicators include bonding trust, bridging trust, social participation and Chinese Communist Party membership. Results showed that only trust was beneficial for SRH in China. Bonding trust mainly promoted SRH at individual level and bridging trust mainly at county level. Moreover, the individual-level bridging trust was only positively associated with SRH of urban residents, which mirrored the urban–rural dual structure in China. We also found a cross-level interaction effect of bonding trust in urban area. In a county with high level of bonding trust, high-bonding-trust individuals obtained more health benefit than others; in a county with low level of bonding trust, the situation was the opposite. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

This article investigates popular conceptions of democracy and its underlying factors in China. Democratic conceptions among Chinese citizens have long been debated, with most concluding that economic welfare and government performance dominate how the Chinese view democracy. This article offers a different picture, with new evidence drawn from text data. By employing the structural topic model to analyze the responses to open-ended questions from three waves of the Asian Barometer Survey between 2008 and 2015, this article delineates four democratic conceptions prevalent among the Chinese populace, namely ‘Political Participation’, ‘Political Rights’, ‘Consultative Decision-making’ and ‘Socioeconomic Performance’. The analysis shows that political participation has become the most prominent conception, closely followed by political rights. This finding suggests a shift in the Chinese interpretation of democracy, aligning more closely with western procedural notions while still retaining distinct Chinese characteristics. In addition to rising demands for freedom and equality, informed respondents ask for deeper involvement in public affairs and higher inclusion in the decision-making process. These trends underscore the necessity for the Chinese authorities to more effectively address public demands, especially in the context of the ongoing endeavor to cultivate China’s new model of whole-process people’s democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• We investigate how public opinion and superiors' order influence local budget-making in China. • A survey experiment involving 3059 local officials was implemented and treatment effects were identified. • When exposed to superiors' orders only, officials might selectively obey those for investment but ignore those for welfare. • When public opinion conflicts with superiors' order, local officials might choose to respond to local citizens. • Local officials' policy preferences have a strong impact on their policy decisions. Responding to public opinion is a fundamental function of the modern state. While numerous empirical studies have examined the opinion-policy link in the context of democracies, few have explored policy responsiveness in authoritarian countries and we know little about how local governments make policy decisions when the citizens' preferences conflict with the directives of the superiors. Drawing on a survey experiment involving 3059 local officials in China, this study examines whether superiors' priorities and citizens' opinions have an impact on fiscal decision-making and how officials react to contradictory preferences between their superiors and the local public. Using randomized treatments that provide different scenarios across the samples, we find that local officials selectively comply with superiors' directives and local citizens' opinions. On the one hand, local officials would follow superiors' directive for economic investment but might ignore those for welfare provision; on the other hand, they tend to respond to public opinion in a limited but significant fashion when the citizens' preferences conflict with the superiors' priorities. Moreover, the statistical results suggest that local officials' policy preferences have a strong impact on their policy decisions. These findings help us to understand the behavior of local officials and highlight their roles in devising fiscal policies that foster local development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]