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There has been a change in international politics since the 2008 financial crisis, thanks to a greater spread of economic resources and military capabilities. For many, it is a radical transformation that could spell the end of US hegemony in Latin America. This paper examines the proposition, beginning with a review of the concept of hegemony, which rather than being viewed as a structural characteristic is conceived of here as a "nuanced hegemony", in other words a network of asymmetric and hierarchical relations. We can observe not just one transformation then, but the emergence of a hemispheric context that could be described as "differentiated hegemony". The United States still occupies a central position, but its foreign policy is marked by subregional fragmentation and the externalisation of electoral priorities. The paper explores the effects at subregional level, focusing on the opportunities and challenges it presents to Latin American countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to trace U.S. imaginaries, representations, and uses made during the cycle of Latin America's centennial celebrations by a number of men of culture, diplomacy, and regional politics who played prominent roles in discussions about how the countries in the subcontinent should position themselves and act toward one another and toward the United States. By analyzing the multiple references and uses of symbols, signs, and other attributes of the Northern nation that circulated between 1910 and 1926 in a series of speeches, conferences, essays, articles, and books -largely unnoticed by the historiography on the subject-, it will be possible to observe how different images of such country were constructed and disseminated in order to promote and legitimize certain political-ideological searches and bets. Contrary to readings that have reduced the Latin American map at the time to the tension between Pan-Americanism and anti-imperialism, this article ultimately aims to make this image more complex by repositioning other uses and meanings around the United States at a particular moment of the continent's history, in which its imperialist expansion encountered a systematic search by Latin American countries to reassert their interests, positions, and national identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a world of growing international competition and rivalry between China and the United States, Latin America and the European Union (EU) are caught in the same thorny dilemma. Positioned between these global giants, both regions are facing a retorn to a Westphalian system of nation-states, which undermines their roles as emerging regional players. In view of these new global challenges in Latin America and the EU, this paper uses a qualitative and comparative approach to explore foreign policy discourses on autonomy in both regions. It examines their goals and priorities and assesses the potential regional and interregional consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction/Objective: As in the rest of the world, in Latin America there is a high prevalence of interpersonal violence (IV) in childhood and adolescence, which is associated with psychological consequences in the short, medium and long term. At the international level, progress has been made in the recognition of evidence-based psychotherapies, but the situation in Latin America is unknown. The objective of this systematic literature review is to identify which psychotherapy models or modalities have been shown to be effective in Latin America. Methods: A systematic search of five databases was carried out with search terms relating to psychosocial interventions of people exposed to IV during childhood, based in Latin America. Studies regarding Latino populations based in United States were excluded. Results: 14 papers describing 13 studies and one follow-up were identified. Individual and group interventions (mainly cognitive-behavioural and with psychodynamic influence) were included. Although all showed clinically or statistically significant changes in symptoms of post-traumatic stress, anxiety and depression, most were pilot studies with important methodological limitations and a high risk of bias. Conclusions: It is necessary to develop clinical practice in Latin America with more robust research (i.e., controlled and randomised clinical trials) that produce more reliable evidence regarding the effectiveness of psychosocial interventions for IV involving children and adolescents in the Latin American context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to analyze the diplomatic work of Antonio Carrillo Flores, Mexico's ambassador to the United States, between 1958 and 1964. Using Carrillo's personal archive, I show that his experience in the Mexican economic bureaucracy was fundamental in strengthening the commercial and financial relationship with that country. I also show that, with pragmatism, he used the Cold War logic to promote a Latin American economic agenda and look for alternatives to reduce dependence on the United States. I divide the work into two parts that correspond to the Republican administration of Eisenhower (1958-1960) and the Democratic administration of Kennedy (1961-1964), ending with the appointment of Carrillo as the Mexican Secretary of Foreign Affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An analysis of who owns large companies and how they are organised is overdue in the study of Latin American elites, especially at transnational level. It is a limitation that has hampered debates on the emergence of transnational business elites in the region. This paper identifies the owners of the largest companies in Latin America and analyses the networks they form. The results reveal the formation of an interlocking ownership network between a small number of transnational owners, most of whom are financial corporations in the United States and Europe. These findings allow us to discuss regional integration and the dominance of economic models imported from those territories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Open source mapping platforms (such as OSM) are innovative tools that can enhance student learning and engagement in Latin American geography courses. Use of these tools can also facilitate new collaborations between students/scholars and communities responding to social and economic challenges in Latin America. In this paper we discuss the use of these tools in three different educational settings. We begin by describing the work of YouthMappers, a new international network of open source mappers that formed in 2015 with chapters in Latin America. YouthMappers can be a resource for geography departments anywhere in the world interested in developing open source mapping skills and projects. We then provide three examples from our own department of how open source mapping is used to build skills, enhance data collection, and foster international collaboration between U.S. and Latin American researchers and students. We conclude by discussing the benefits and challenges of employing these tools in the classroom and the field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to offer a feminist, Latin-American reading on the gender representations that constitute the discourse on the US war on drugs in Latin America. Drawing upon the feminist literature on international security, this article explores some of the nuances of the US war-on-drugs discourse when it comes to gender. It argues that, although a gendered discourse has been constantly present in US official discourse, it has visibly changed in character as the USA's antidrug policies became increasingly internationalized, militarized, and oriented by a 'supply-side approach.' Once deployed through the feminization of drug consumption as a moral degradation of the nation's social body, US war-on-drugs discourse perceptibly changed to encompass a process of hyper-masculinization of the figure of the US drug warrior, supported by subordinate masculinities and femininities represented by the subaltern, feminized Latin American drug warriors, and the ruthless, hyper-aggressive drug lords. Ultimately, the gender(ed) cartographies of the USA's war-on-drugs discourse work as conditions of possibility for framing the war on drugs as the only 'solution' to the 'drug problem' and reaffirm the incessant search for sovereignty that has as its ultimate goal the total control, domination and vigilance of human interaction with psychoactive substances: attributes of a hegemonic state masculinity par excellence. Through gendered (in)security performances, the state defends not only its 'physical' borders from external threats, but also its own frontiers of possibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reviews the principal concepts of social class, occupation, and social stratification, and their contribution to the analysis of the social determinants of health (SDH), and reviews empirical studies conducted in Latin America that use employment relations as an SDH. The review focuses on studies of the relationship between health and social class based on neo-Weberian or neo-Marxist perspectives. A search of the BIREME Virtual Health Library and the SciELO database found 28 articles meeting these characteristics. This relative dearth contrasts with the profusion of papers that use these approaches written in Europe and in the United States, with a long tradition in the analysis of SDH. In this regard, the political and programmatic implications of research on social class and employment relations are different from and complementary to studies of health gradients associated with income and education. Globalization of employment relations requires the development of new concepts to explain and measure the mechanisms of action of the SDH going beyond what is strictly labor related; in particular, the importance in the current Latin American reality of the impact of informal work on health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to debate the new paradigms of international development aid, with a specific focus on the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and their implementation within the context of Latin America. The paper will start drawing both the conceptual framework and the international environment, and afterwards will provide readers with an analysis of a success story occurred in the Department of Antioquia (Colombia). A further analytical approach will be proposed to appraise the potential of the North-South and South-South developmental co-operations. These may be linked one to each other with the first strengthening and widening up the second, thus creating innovative enabling environments for fruitful exchanges between local actors and organized civil societies of the North and the South of the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyzes the level of earnings management in Latin America after the adoption of the International Financial Reporting Standards (IFRS) and analyzes the role of cross-listing in the United States. The literature on earnings management in less developed countries is still under construction, and few studies focus on this issue, especially with respect to Latin America, despite its relevant role in the global economy. This paper fills this gap in the literature as it analyzes the level of IFRS earnings management regarding the first and main Latin American countries applying IFRS (Brazil and Chile), when compared to the main Anglo-Saxon countries with IFRS tradition (United Kingdom and Australia), and with the main Continental European economies (France and Germany). The results show that Latin American firms present a higher level of earnings management than Continental European and Anglo-Saxon firms, and this opportunistic behavior remains significant when only global players with cross-listing in the United States are analyzed. Thus, even with a unique set of high quality accounting standards (IFRS) and strong reporting incentives, countries' specific characteristics still play an important role in the way IFRS is implemented in each country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper presents a general analysis of the relations among United States and Latin America considering issues such as the questioning of the US centrality globally and in the hemisphere, Brazil's policies to the region and the impact of the growing relations with China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nanotechnology, which is the manipulation of matter at a scale of one billionth of a meter, is poised to be one of the main technological developments of the twenty-first century. Although great uncertainty still surrounds it, the advances in nanotechnology have been impressive, and, given its potential, capitalist competition in the field is becoming increasingly intense. This paper addresses nanotechnology from a socio- political and geo-economic perspective in order to highlight the dynamics and interests at stake, the social networks and power relations involved, and the existing tensions due to capitalist competition and contradiction, among other aspects. This case study of nanotechnology in the Western hemisphere allows us to show and discuss some of the principal ways high technology is fomented in the metropolis (the United States in this case) and how this research agenda is adopted in the periphery (in Mexico, Brazil and Argentina). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much of the recent analysis of presidentialism has been based on the assumption that executive-legislative confrontation creates simultaneous conditions for policy stability and regime breakdown. In the first section of the paper, I show that there is an inherent logical tension between these two predictions and that they rely on contradictory assumptions. In the second section, I develop a model of executive-legislative deadlock and argue that regime instability is more likely when partisan players are unilaterally impatient, when institutional design is biased in favor of one party, and when the number of parties is greater. In the third section, I test the predictions of the model using time-series cross-section data for 19 presidential countries in the Western Hemisphere between 1950 and 2000. Finally, I discuss how this approach illuminates some empirical puzzles like the historical survival of American presidentialism and the lower levels of regime instability created by executive-legislative deadlock in Latin America in the 1990s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper some of the main distortions and transformations that the State in Latin America has undergone are developed, with particular reference to the crisis they have undergone in their operation during the decades of the 1980s and 1990s, as well as the crisis of democratic gobernabilidad that the whole region underwent over these last years. In the face of this crisis of the State in Latin America this article proposes approaches to two generations of reforms undertaken in Latin America, the first generation is basically reformation of an economic nature, and the second generation are reforms of an institutional type (State reforms, decentralization and the reinvention of government). Finally the main challenges and difficulties assumed by the State in Latin America in the face of the new millennium and new conditions and situations are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]