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The opening of new archival sources often turns up surprising and interesting information. For example, one of political activist Lillian Hellman's biographers discovered in intellectual Joseph L. Rauh Papers statements by Hellman confirming her Communist Party membership in the late 1930's, an affiliation previously vigorously denied in some circles although suspected in others. Rauh, a leading civil liberties lawyer, had been Hellman's counsel when she prepared for a confrontation with the United States Congress House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) in 1952. Hellman was prepared to testify regarding her own Communist activity but not to name others. Rauh's files contain drafts of a statement regarding her Communist affiliation that Hellman would give should HUAC agree to her condition. Joseph Rauh handled many important internal security cases in the late 1940's and 1950's, and historians will find much of interest in his legal files on his successful defense of playwright Arthur Miller, his removal of the Independent Socialist League from the Attorney General's list of subversive organizations, and his files on the hotly debated lawyer William Remington prejury case. The Ludwig Donath file in the Rauh Papers is an example of chance discovery of an unknown episode in the history of Hollywood Communism and the show business blacklist.

This paper offers an interpretation of the ideology expressed by Jair Bolsonaro, current president of Brazil, as a Brazilian far-right neoliberal nationalism, which typically distinguishes between the members of the nation and its traitors and enemies, creating an authoritarian atmosphere of governance combined with the defense of neoliberal values. To establish the bases that sustain this ideology, we investigate four key arenas of his administration – family issues; the anti-left rhetoric; the call for a mixed-race identity; and Brazilian foreign policy. We sustain that Bolsonaro's discourse, instead of revealing a fragmented political project, actually articulates a powerful and authoritarian image of the Brazilian nation, while also reinforcing the idea of individual entrepreneurship and traditional morality. Although this project is deeply informed by past national ideological traditions, it is also aligned with the expansion of the far right internationally and sheds light to its dynamics in periphery countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent increased prominence of far-right movements and nationalism has led to a renewed focus on the political thought of the early twentieth century. This era is defined by large strands of anti-liberalism, fascism, communism, and other political inclinations and practices that have largely fallen out of favour. Nevertheless, there are a multitude of thinkers that occupy unique niches that avoid these classifications but are associated with these movements to categorise and minimise their heterogeneous thoughts. This paper counters arguments that claim that Georges Bataille is a fascist or left-fascist thinker. Specifically, these arguments claim that his "anarchism" is founded on a valorisation of violence and reckless usage of social effectivities. However, these arguments often misinterpret his writings or force his thought into easily understandable categories in which it does not fit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Tocopilla, a port in northern Chile, a thermoelectric plant was installed to supply with electricity the Chuquicamata mine, the world's largest copper mine during most of the twentieth century. In a context of strikes and socioeconomic demands against labour exploitation and work precariousness, the American owners of Chuquicamata took advantage of an anti-communist law to prevent workers' organizations and their claims. Moreover, the workers who were labelled as 'communists' were also labelled as 'Indians' in the context of mining colonialism. The paper examines the historical process of construction of 'race' in a political situation that had a profound impact on the lives of Chilean workers in the Atacama Desert. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to the Vichy Regime, beginning in July 1940, the whole school system, from preschool to university, had a great responsibility in the decline of patriotism justifying the rapid defeat in the face of the German armed forces. As Marshal Petain pointed out in his 20 June 1940 speech: "Since the Victory, a spirit of pleasure prevailed over the spirit of sacrifice. People claimed more than they served. Efforts were saved, and people nowadays have been living in despair." The national Revolution the Regime brought about had to help revive the true values of the Nation, founding its activities on Work, Family and Homeland. Therefore, the "undesirables" (Jews, Freemasons, Communists, ...) had to be rejected from the school system and the dissemination of national values had to prevail. As Serge Jeanneret, one of the Marshal's trustees, noted: "Making the Revolution without Schools is as useful as a sand building" (extracted from Serge Jeanneret, La vérité sur les instituteurs [The Truth about Teachers], Paris, Flammarion, 1941, p. 173). From that point of view, all the educational ministers belonging to the Vichy Regime tried to reform the school system – its organisation, its programmes and staff – in order to train a "newman", even if they sometimes fed projects launched during the interwar period. The Communist teachers and the Freemasons were expelled from schools because the 13 August 1940 Law prohibited them from working in the civil service. Registration as not belonging to secret societies was required of the educational staff. The first Jewish status (3 October 1940), then the second (2 June 1941), excluded Jews from the school system. The Act proclaimed on 21 June 1941 introduced a numerus clausus for the Jews (3%) in universities. The 8 September 1940 Act closed teacher training schools for primary staff, which were replaced by a new training organisation. The competitive examination laureates were integrated into secondary schools, passed the baccalaureate and, for one year, they attended a vocational training institute and had to undergo four different practical trainings. They had a three-month period at the vocational institute, a three-month training period in primary schools, a three-month training period in an agricultural education school or a technical school and, for women, a three-month training period in a housecraft centre, and one month's training in a regional sport centre. The Vichy Regime and the Germans also forbade certain schoolbooks. Consequently, they modified the programmes to assert the stronger continuity of French History with Ancient times. This enabled a reduction of the revolutionary and Republican impact and promoted French geography and homeland. Pupils were invited to love their local and national fatherland. That sense of belonging could induce them to remain attached to their home. The veneration of the leader, the morals for duty and sacrifice, the symbol of eternal femininity serving the family were reasserted in the educational culture. At the same time, the Vichy Regime struggled with secularism and supported private schools, giving numerous grants to Catholic schools thanks to the Law of 2 November 1941. The Minister Jacques Chevalier, with the 6 December 1940 Act, restored duties to God in civic and moral instruction programmes for primary schools (those duties had been suppressed in 1923). The Ripert Act on 15 October 1940 allowed the local education city office to award grants to poor pupils who attended private schools. The Jacques Chevalier Act on 6 January 1941 allowed cities to finance equipment charges and operational costs concerning the private schools (and especially lighting, heating and lunchrooms). The 6 January 1941 Law, by welcoming God in schools and asserting that religious instruction could exceptionally be delivered by a priest in educational buildings, modified one fundamental pillar of the French Republican School. With the 10 March 1941 Law, Jérôme Carcopino, faced with such a great number of opponents, demanded that religious instruction became optional and was studied off school premises. he Vichy Regime also reformed school organisation. Jérôme Carcopino launched the main transformations with the 15 August 1941 Act. Higher Primary Schools became modern secondary schools and were linked to secondary education in the hope of weakening them. At the same time, the selection process was reinforced. Primary schooling was divided into two cycles. The first included a preparatory class (for children aged 6–7 years), an elementary class (7–9-year-olds) and a middle class (from 9- to 11-year-olds). At the end of the first cycle, a diploma for preparatory primary studies was created and prescribed as compulsory if pupils intended to go further in public schooling (i.e. additional classes, primary or secondary high schools); but pupils who succeeded in the scholarship examination were exempted from the diploma. The second cycle (three years from age 11 to age 14) ended with the Primary Certificate. In secondary education, Jérôme Carcopino increased selection and, according to the 15 August 1941 Decree, the principle of free access was suppressed for pupils older than 14 years of age. This multidimensional reform had to face two major obstacles that considerably reduced its implementation. First, the war years were not favourable to educational change – the country was partly and afterwards totally occupied after November 1942. German troops occupied a majority of schools. Shortages were numerous and many teachers were imprisoned in Germany. Labour requisitioning progressively affected the older pupils, mainly student and fresh teachers. The Vichy Regime, after the succession principle failed – the principle was established on 22 June 1942 and proposed that one prisoner came back to France and was traded for three skilled workers sent to Germany – decided, according to the 4 September 1942 Law, to organise forced conscription for male workers (from 18 to 50 years old) and for unmarried women (from 21 to 35 years old). The constraint was then accentuated with the 16 February 1943 Law implementing Mandatory Work Service – Service du Travail Obligatoire STO – for young adults (aged 20–21 and 22-year-old men). All these young men had to be registered and the process made people-requisitioning easier. Therefore, they could definitely be sent to Germany. Second, there was a sort of revolt by the educational staff, who were deeply attached to the Republican values and the Jules Ferry conception of school. Indeed, they strove to reduce the scope of the legislation, rejecting the political choices of the Vichy Regime and also collaboration. If teachers, students and older pupils joined the collaborator parties, most of them remained prudent and followed as little as possible the Vichy Regime's instructions. They commemorated forbidden celebrations and listened to BBC radio. A minority joined the Resistance fighters and got involved in the dissemination of tracts and of clandestine papers. They also committed to information networks, escape organisations or fights against the occupiers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The year of 1948 witnessed two elections that pushed race relations in the United States and South Africa in dramatically opposite directions. In November, the victory of Harry S. Truman placed the White House on the side of domestic civil rights and against racial oppression and segregation. His was the first presidential administration to publicly and privately embrace the struggle for racial justice in the United States. Five months earlier in South Africa, the victory of the Nationalist-Afrikaner coalition heralded the onset of the apartheid era. In this paper I explore the rationale behind the decision of President Truman in developing closer ties with Pretoria during the later 1940s and early 1950s. I specifically highlight the fact that despite the radically different racial trajectories of the two nations, the White House developed a policy of closer relations with the practitioners of apartheid due to their vehement anti-communism, support for Western actions against during the early Cold War era and a willingness to provide enriched uranium for the US atomic programme. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the processes of decolonization in the Pacific and the Atlantic regions have been separately analyzed, this paper finds connections between these processes by examining how British and Japanese colonial regimes were reinforced by the US empire and the military, respectively. Here, Naoki Sakai's concept of translation as the process of creating cofigurative relations can be reframed as the Cold War regime of translation: namely, translating everything suspicious into communism and simultaneously anti-Americanism. This framework, all-encompassing and nebulous enough to arbitrarily create enemies within and without national borders, has served to strengthen the complicities among the empires such as Britain, Japan, and the US during and after the WWII. While the networks of surveillance in the colonial regions were instrumental in enhancing these complicities, the term "anti-Americanism" used by the occupiers at the height of the Cold War has undermined the voices from below and diminished the international nature of democratic movements. Samuel Selvon's A Brighter Sun (1952) demonstrates how deeply the construction of the US military bases in Trinidad affected its community in the early 1940s. Sadao Shinjo, a tanka poet in Okinawa, highlights the liminality of ideological and racial codes in the US-occupied Okinawa. His works records the presence of the colored GIs in Okinawa in the late 1960s, who participated in the local demilitarization movement. The two instances above stretch the limit of collaborative governance, questioning racialized and gendered selves under duress amidst the Cold War regime of translation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers two aspects of historiography about the 1967 Arab–Israeli war – American and Soviet foreign policy in the region – to better appreciate the Soviet role in the outbreak of hostilities, as well as how the war concretized the USA–Israel ‘special relationship’ and weakened American–Arab relations. Relying especially on research from the Lyndon Johnson Presidential Library and Foreign Relations of the United States (FRUS), this paper argues that Soviet officials had little interest in pursuing measures to prevent war during the prewar crisis because the situation promised to undermine American interests in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The chaotic aftermath of the war in France conceals a complex range of intellectual positions, conditioned by the Épuration, a purge of those who had to one degree or another collaborated with the Nazi Occupier after July 1940, and well as the onset of the Cold War. Armand Petitjean, who had been one of the young hopes of the liberal cultural review, the Nouvelle Revue française ( NRF), before the war, was one such writer to be purged in September 1944. Following the advice of Jean Paulhan, his former mentor at the NRF, he re-joined the army to help mitigate his case. However, embittered by his treatment at the hands of the communist-dominated Writers' Committee, the Comité National des Ecrivains (CNE), he, Paulhan, and others were rapidly mobilized in favour of the anti-communist cause, as the Cold War gathered momentum in 1947. This paper, using unpublished papers in the Petitjean archives - including book-publishing projects and unpublished correspondence with that guru of anti-communism, Arthur Koestler - will offer a case study on what was conceived as the 'New Resistance'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article begins by examining a series of 1944 articles by Michael Sayers published in the New York newspaper PM and the official response denying the existence of anti-Semitism in Ireland they prompted. The content of the articles and the character of the official response to them are evaluated and the career of their author is then outlined. A Dublin-born Jewish writer, Sayers became politically active in the USA during the 1940s and, having been "blacklisted" as the Cold War intensified, returned to Europe to continue working mainly as a pseudonymous writer of television scripts. He was eventually able to return to New York where he died in 2010 aged 98. While "blacklisted" during the 1950s Sayers had a play staged under his real name in Dublin without controversy despite the repeated attacks being made in the city at that time on authors and actors whose alleged left-wing leanings rendered them objectionable to Catholic vigilantes. The paper concludes with an examination of this episode. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the field’s long conversation on conspiracy rhetoric, the most robust topic has been the theorization of the paranoid and political styles. Thus far, these styles and their evaluative criteria have been theorized as wholly separate. However, certain discourses and rhetors blend the styles. To understand this blending, I introduce the concept of pragmatism to argue that the existing styles can be synthesized. Through my analysis of three of Richard Nixon’s anticommunist conspiracy texts, I demonstrate that his rhetoric is a pragmatic synthesis of paranoia and politics. I conclude the paper by suggesting further avenues for research on conspiracy within the field, including the possibility that there may be a “pragmatic style.” [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to analyse US policy towards Albania during the cold war, as a case that illustrates Washington’s approach towards individual Communist countries in Eastern Europe in the light of the grand contest between the antagonist superpowers. This analysis is based almost exclusively on published US archival documents related to Albania from 1945 to 1980. This analysis underlines that in the American perception, the geopolitical importance of each Communist country was intrinsically linked with its position vis-à-vis the Soviet Union. Albania was no exception, despite the rigid Communist dogma it vigorously pursued. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tokarska-Bakir’s paper considers the deep-rooted cognitive habits among informers and reporters belonging to the Polish post-war, anti-Communist underground organization Wolność i Niezawisłość (Freedom and Independence) with regard to their perception of Polish Jews. The organization's archive is preserved in the National Archives in Krakow in Poland, and it thoroughly documents its members' social beliefs and fears. A theory of pogroms formulated by Senechal de la Roche understands the pogrom as an act of social control. Using the archival documents with that theory in mind, Tokarska-Bakir analyses Wolność i Niezawisłość in relation to the anti-Jewish pogroms that took place in Rzeszów, Krakow and Kielce in the years immediately following the Second World War. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper is an anatomy of an inquisition. It examines the Cold War persecution of Edwin Berry Burgum, a university professor and literary theorist. Whilst his professional competence was consistently applauded, his academic career was abruptly destroyed. His 'fitness to teach' was determined by his political beliefs: he was a member of the American Communist Party. The paper argues that New York University, an institution that embodied liberal values, collaborated with McCarthyism. Using previously overlooked or unavailable sources, it reveals cooperation between NYU's executive officers and the FBI, HUAC and the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee. Though its focus on one individual, the paper illuminates larger themes of the vulnerability of academic freedom and the bureaucratic processes of political repression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This detailed case study documents the anti-communist attacks on Lisa Sergio, who worked as a news commentator for The New York Times-owned WQXR from 1939 to 1946. Using her 300-page FBI file and her personal papers, it examines the FBI's investigation of Sergio, the circumstances surrounding WQXR's decision to fire her, her blacklisting experiences (including her successful bid to remove her name from American Legion lists) and a few of the many public attacks she endured. Altogether, this paper contributes to a portrait of blacklisting as a complicated web of collaborators that encompasses private citizens, business, social organizations, and the executive and legislative branches of government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to a growing field of literature on Cold War culture by comparing struggles over memory in Indonesia and Malaysia of anti-communist repressions. It demonstrates the enduring legacies of the Cold War in these neighbouring countries where the war overlapped directly with experiences of colonization and decolonization. I show how and why anticommunism in both countries became a core foundation of both Malaysian and Indonesian nationalism and related religious identification and how this largely explains successive governments' attempts to memorialize and defend these repressions. I argue that recent attempts by both survivors of the repression and younger Indonesians and Malaysians to reexamine the history of the political left or experiences of repression constitute important efforts to rethink the postcolonial predicaments of both countries in different ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 18 August 1950, two unidentified men shot the communist leader Julien Lahaut at the front door of his house in Seraing near Liege. The crime was never solved by the Belgian justice apparatus, and until recently the motives of the assassination still remained a subject of speculation. At regular intervals, the case surfaced in Belgian political discussions. In this paper, we will look at the results of new research, discuss clandestine anti-communist action and situate the murder in a broader political and Cold War context. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The field of memory studies focuses primarily on attempts to recall or address abuses of human rights. Because of its emphasis on temporality and the politics of the past, memory studies encourages us to question how, when and why individuals and collectives turn towards the past to engage in expressions of regret or social repair in response to historical injustice. In the case of survivors of violence there are obvious reasons to appeal to the discourse of human rights, but there also appear to be triggers, in cases of communities that have played a role in past violence, for re-examining the past. Through case studies of young activists who are dedicated to researching the 1965–68 anti-communist violence in Indonesia, I will explore what memory studies can offer to our understanding of human rights activism. The young activists on whom I focus are all connected with Indonesia’s largest religious organisation, the Nahdlatul Ulama (Revival of Islamic Scholars), which played a key role in the 1965–68 anti-communist violence. In this paper I will explore what motivated two activists from a so-called “implicated community” (Morris-Suzuki, 2005) to engage in a quest for social justice for long-marginalised members of society. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Most historians writing about America's 1919 Red Scare have claimed that the press, by exaggerating and sensationalizing the threat from radical leftists, helped foment a national hysteria. This article, focusing primarily on New York City's top three morning newspapers, argues that the press in 1919 did not irresponsibly stoke public fear. While most papers supported the government's crackdown on suspected radicals and took management's side in labor disputes, the overall sense they conveyed was that the radicals were ineffectual and the authorities firmly in control. Some newspapers, moreover, such as the New York American (the flagship of William Randolph Hearst's powerful chain), covered strikes fairly and downplayed the unrest roiling the country. Examining the circumstances and pressures under which each newspaper operated, this article explores what shaped their coverage and argues that their greatest impact was not on the public, but on politicians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the restrictive terms of reference and a limited operative budget, in the 1950s and 1960s the NATO Information Service launched a series of successful propaganda campaigns. One of the most effective initiatives was the organisation of a series of travelling exhibitions which toured the NATO countries. By travelling through the countryside and small centres, the travelling exhibitions reached areas that had not yet been touched by any other propaganda campaign. This paper investigates the choice of themes and objects put on display, the organisational problems and the question of assessing the impact of such initiatives in an historical context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how Richard H. Rovere's "Letter from Washington" helped the New Yorker become a prominent voice on U.S. politics in the years following World War II. He combined the style of a literary critic with a detached approach to politics to create a style that distinguished the New Yorker's Washington reports from those of its competitors and helped shape the magazine's reputation as a powerful player in the postwar political culture. His consistent support of the anti-Communist foreign policy that was pursued by the Harry Truman and Dwight Eisenhower administrations reinforced the Cold War consensus in the early 1950s. This article draws on archival materials, including the Rovere and the New Yorker papers, as well as the political pieces that he contributed to the magazine between 1948 and 1954, when he established his reputation as a Washington correspondent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]