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This article examines the ways in which the urban poor in Argentina help one another in the arduous task of making ends meet when neither the formal labor market nor state welfare policies are able to secure their subsistence. Drawing on long-term ethnographic fieldwork, the article makes one substantive, one analytic, and one theoretical claim. Substantively, the article argues by way of empirical illustration that the urban poor are hardworking bricoleurs. Analytically, the article demonstrates the advantages of studying poor people's strategies in a simultaneously historic and ethnographic fashion through joint collaborative fieldwork. Theoretically, the article pushes toward replacing the notions of 'strategy of survival or subsistence' with the more encompassing notion of 'strategy of persistence'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

B I The Social Emergency Law recognizes popular economy workers as workers. These "workers in the popular economy" are becoming an increasingly important group in terms of size alongside the prevailing two sectors of employed workers: registered formal employees and unregistered, informal workers (or "undeclared employment"). While this is not unique to popular economy workers, it is important to point out that they are not waged workers, making them powerless to modify this situation in the absence of an employer and a collective bargaining process to guarantee an increase in their income. Keywords: popular economy; labor market; universal basic wage; poverty; social security EN popular economy labor market universal basic wage poverty social security 64 72 9 06/07/23 20230501 NES 230501 Graph: Annual march by popular economy organizations in Argentina, on August 7, the day of San Cayetano, patron of bread and work, demanding "Peace, Bread, Land, Roof, and Work."Movimiento de Trabajadores Excluidos, facebook.com/mteargentina Latin America is a region where high levels of inequality exist in many countries. [Extracted from the article]

Keywords: Washington, D.C.; black activism; urban politics; gentrification; gender EN Washington, D.C. black activism urban politics gentrification gender 1179 1186 8 08/10/22 20220901 NES 220901 Summers, Brandi Thompson (2019). According to the National Community Reinvestment Coalition, the District of Columbia led the country in both the percentage of gentrified census tracts and levels of black displacement between 2000 and 2012.[2] Even as the city's population has grown by nearly 25% since 2000, a net exodus of nearly 25,000 black residents left Washington during these same years.[3] Recognizing that the drivers of demographic change are complex, many of these former residents undoubtedly found themselves caught in the crosshairs of rising rents, low-wage work, underfunded social services, and an increasingly inhospitable cultural climate. The quest for home rule - and perhaps more critically the wave of urban rebellions across the nation - convinced President Lyndon Johnson to push a D.C. government reorganization plan through Congress ending the three-member Board of Commissioners system in place since the demise of Reconstruction. [Extracted from the article]

In this article, the pervasiveness of coloniality in Southern childhoods' policyscapes is mapped. By analyzing Chilean child nutrition policies, this article illustrates how coloniality fabricates children's ontological "weirdness" to naturalize racial optimization through compulsory abledment. The "weird" Southern child is theorized as the preferred policy subject of an ableist assemblage that racializes disadvantaged children as biologically unfit for civilized life. Finally, this article argues that Childhood Studies must be decolonized by decentering models of childhood where coloniality remains deeply entrenched. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emerging literature on fatherhood is contributing to the reframing of public perceptions of low-income nonresident fathers by focusing on father presence rather than absence. Insights into how and when fathers contribute to their children beyond financial support provides for a strengths-based perspective to engage fathers in services provided for their children. A review of this literature includes practice implications related to the need for: (a) father engagement training for agency staff, (b) father-friendly programs and services, (c) child support policy reform, and (d) more research on the issue of fatherhood in the 21st century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On the occasion of the publication of the 3rd edition, one of the authors of Place Matters reflects on the tensions in the arguments of the book and how it has been variously received by scholars. After addressing the question of whether we know enough about place effects to use them to guide public policy, he responds to the criticism that efforts to reduce concentrated poverty actually harm the poor, reflects on the interplay of race and class, and examines the political obstacles in the way of regional reforms. We know what needs to be done, he argues; what is missing is the political will to do it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contributes to the scholarship on mass incarceration by highlighting the ways penal expansion intervened in the history of other state institutions. It argues that the increasing criminalization of welfare fraud was instrumental in undermining political support for key social welfare programs, particularly Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC). In the 1970s, lawmakers and welfare administrators enlisted law enforcement’s expanding authority to contain growing welfare costs and counter demands from the welfare rights movement. It was from these anti-welfare fraud campaigns that the racialized caricature of the “welfare queen” entered the political lexicon. Recruiting the criminal justice system further stigmatized AFDC recipients by positioning them as criminally suspect, financially secure, and morally unworthy. I argue that while increased penalties for welfare fraud did not swell the penal system to the same extent as initiatives like the War on Drugs, they shaped popular knowledge about poor families and undermined faith in the state’s capacity to mitigate inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The development of modern education beginning in the late nineteenth century created a new type of educator--the public school teacher--in rural China. This article examines why rural school teachers turned out to be the vanguard of the Chinese communist revolution in the countryside. Most rural teachers, it shows, were young men in their twenties from humble farming families. Their age and background made them energetic and critical, and their training and profession made them the modern intellectual elite in rural villages and towns. But their poor living and working conditions did not live up to either their education or their expectations. This situation caused the radical and revolutionary ideas sowed in their minds during their professional training to take root. A large number of them thus joined the Communist Party and carried the torch of the urban-born communist movement into the countryside. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The belief that it is fairer if communities are ''mixed'' can be traced at least to the late nineteenth century and the founders of the Garden City Movement. The idea is now firmly established in Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) and national policies. This article reviews the evidence and argues that this is essentially a faith-based policy because there is scant real evidence that making communities more mixed makes the life chances of the poor any better. There is overwhelming evidence that the attributes that make neighborhoods attractive are capitalized into house prices/rents. The result is that poor people cannot afford to buy into nicer neighborhoods, which anyway have amenities of no value to them. Moreover, ''specialized neighborhoods'' are an important element in agglomeration economies and seem to be welfare enhancing. Thus, policies for mixed neighborhoods treat the symptoms rather than the causes of poverty. Efforts to improve social equity would be more effectively directed toward people themselves rather than moving people around to mix neighborhoods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]