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This paper examines similarities and differences in the counterterror strategies and tactics that two democratic regimes use to cope with the internal dimension of terrorist threats by either domestic or transnational terrorist organizations. I argue that in both polities one can see the emergence of counterterrorist garrison states. Each of these democratic polities has very different domestic legal structures that regulate and oversee the internal activities of the intelligence, law enforcement, and security agencies. Despite the very different historical, political, and cultural contexts, and different mix of threats, the internal security apparatus mobilization in each of these polities also has a number of distinct similarities. Each of these states has based their counterterrorism policies on the development of specialized counterterrorist military, law enforcement, and intelligence units; the reliance on research and development of surveillance, biometrics, and data base management technology; and rapid organizational reconfiguration both to deal with newly emergent threats and highly adaptive terrorist organizations, networks, and cells and in response to both perceived and real intelligence failures. ..ASA- In this paper I use case studies to develop a typology of counterterrorist responses used by democratic regimes and the ranges of factors that influence the selection of policy responses. Dependent on the nature of the terrorist threat the states are either more or less constrained in movement along a continuum of increasingly coercive and intrusive responses to terrorist threats; autonomy granted to the agencies of the security apparatus; and varying degrees of centralization or decentralization of the security apparatus. In addition to an examination of the interface between executive, legislative, and judicial branches and the law enforcement, military and intelligence apparatus I also examine the role of public opinion, human rights and civil liberties NGOs, and minority communities in the formulation of counterterrorist policies in each of these states. I principally restrict my case studies to the 1998 to the present, and compare counterterrorist tactics used to deal with the presence and activities of both domestic and transnational terrorist networks. For instance in the United States I examine counterterrorist mobilization vis-à-vis both the Al Qaeda network and the ultra-right Neo-Nazi, militia, and Christian Identity movements, and for Russia I examine their response to the Chechen conflict and related acts of terrorism throughout Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The collapse of the socialist system and disintegration of the Soviet Union, regional military conflicts, transition to a market economy, and development of democratic society created immense difficulties for the population in the post-socialist countries, including forced migration, job loss, life disorientation, poverty, huge inflows of immigrants and labour migration, including the illegal one. The studies undertaken in Russia were mainly focused on scale, reasons for mass migration in the last decade, and much less?on their consequences for different spheres of social and political life. But it is very important to analyse the manifested and the probable consequences, taking into account specific economic, political and social situation on the post-Soviet territory. The paper is supposed to discuss:  The influence of migration on emerging labour market on the federal and regional levels in Russia. This issue is two folded: it includes the immigration of the Russian speaking population from the former Soviet republics and the labor migration from the CIS and other countries. What is the impact of migrations on employment, wages and poverty in the regions with different economic situations? Is this impact positive or negative from the point of view of economic stability in the region;  The influence of labour and migratory regulation on the structure and scale of external migrations to Russia. What factors should be taken into consideration when the amount of guest workers to be given entry permission is defined (according to the law on foreign citizens)? The paper relies on the official statistical information and the data of sociological polls. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyses the highly uneven and conflictual outcomes of neo-liberal reforms in Russia. Three major deficiencies of the ‘transition economics’ are identified. First, transitology fails to take intro account the influence of the global political economy on change in the countries of the formers USSR. Second, orthodox economics tends to discuss and evaluate the results of reform in terms of two or three macroeconomic indicators, failing to consider the impact and role of the historical, social and political factors on change. Third, the neo-liberal reform blueprint has so far failed to allow for a diversity of ‘transition’ outcomes, assuming that shock therapy methods would transform Russia into a ‘normal’, Western-type capitalist society. Today, however, Russia is faced with the reality of many already established and functioning elements of the new system that significantly deviate and contradict the principles of Anglo-Saxon capitalism. The paper draws on examples from a number of areas and levels of political economy: the state and economy; society and culture; the legal system. The symbiosis of these forces, heavily influenced by Russia’s pre-revolutionary history, Communism and contemporary geopolitics, signify that the country has embarked on the road to capitalism of a distinctly indigenous, non-Western type. Some elements of the new system, such as financial sphere, are unavoidably subject to global imperatives of financial accumulation and thus are similar to the contemporary changes in the countries of Anglo-Saxon and Continental capitalism. At the same time, it is clear that a re-emergence of a strong Russian state, the re-prioritisation of domestic economic production and a restoration of national identity and ideology should constitute the core of any alternative developmental project for the new Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last decade, considerable transnational feminist effort ? and money ? has gone to establishing women’s crisis centers in Russia to help combat violence against women. Yet, in the 1980s, if Russians had been polled, very few would have any idea what was meant by the term violence against women. This paper will explores the ways that transnational feminism has encountered the Russian women’s movement ? and the power inherent in each of these encounters ? in the processing of naming violence against women. By naming, I mean more than coming up with a term for the problem. I refer to the new understanding that the various forms of violence against women are a problem worthy of state response. Transnational feminism has served as precedent, an earlier movement in the cycle of movements challenging violence against women, a source of repertoires of action and discourse. Transnational feminism has also provided crucial foreign assistance. This intellectual and financial assistance has come with strings attached, yet has been essential to the development of a movement that many activists in Russia see as crucial to improving women’s citizenship. This paper draws upon a variety of literatures -- social movement literature (e.g. Tarrow), social constructivism (Finnemore 1996, Keck & Sikkink 1998), and feminist theory (e.g. Mohanty 2003) ? and fieldwork in Russia on the women’s crisis center movement in 1997, 1999, and 2002. It is part of a draft manuscript titled, Naming Violence Against Women in Postcommunist Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the collapse of the USSR, ‘Westerners’ and ‘Eurasianists’ have competed to exercise control over Russian foreign policy. In the mid-1990s, the ‘Eurasianists,’ exemplified by figures such as Alexander Dugin and Andranik Migranian, were ascendant, and many speculated the rise of Vladimir Putin would further their fortunes and signal a turn to a more aggressive, hard-nosed Russia. However, Putin’s foreign policy, like his predecessors’, is not under the sway of a single ideology or direction. This paper will examine the status of ‘Eurasianism’ in Russian foreign policy under Putin, and in particular will look at Russian foreign policy in the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), where ‘Eurasianism’ took the form of a so-called ‘Monroeski Doctrine.’ Obviously, this unilateral claim of a sphere of influence has been challenged by other states, chief among them the United States, particularly after 9/11. As a consequence, Russians have had to re-think and in some cases re-assert their previous stances, trying to strike a balance between cooperation with the US and maintaining hegemony over the region. In addition to describing the broad contours of Putin’s approach to the CIS, this paper also hopes to assess what factors are driving and (re)shaping policy toward neighboring states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the transformation of the relationship between the former republics of the Soviet Union, now independent states, and NATO from that consistent with a distrustful, military rivalry to one in which joint military exercises and peacekeeping operations have been carried out, membership is sought or unique partnership arrangements are achieved. In doing so, it proposes an explanation based on the framework of strategic culture. More specifically, the research considers that to understand the process by which former adversaries become partners, it is important to examine the transference of values and beliefs about the use of force from one entity to the other in order to create a cultural foundation on which that partnership can function. In other words, the reliability and significance of any partnership between NATO and the states of the former Warsaw Pact depends on the diffusion of a common strategic culture. The research examines the process by which the strategic culture is diffused to the states of the former Soviet Union through the institutions established by NATO and which reinforced and influenced the states? viability and desirability as partners of the alliance. The paper presented will concentrate on the NATO-Ukraine relationship and the diffusion of NATO?s strategic culture to this post-Soviet state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While there has been some aggregate quantitative work on arms races and rivalry, this paper analyzes the space race between the US and the USSR as an in-depth quantitative case study of interstate competition. During the height of the Cold War, the United States and the Soviet Union engaged in a struggle to ensure dominance over the potentially final strategic frontier ? space. Here we test the popular notion that after the launch of the first Sputnik the Soviet Union and the U.S. engaged in a race to space, following previous patterns of arms races between the two major power rivals. Placing the analysis into the expanding rivalry literature, this paper employs a time-series analysis of the unfolding space rivalry between the two major power competitors. Using newly collected data on satellite and rocket launches into space, as well as presidential approval, conflict/cooperation scales, and economic indicators, we are able to illustrate the dynamic interaction between domestic and international competition. Specifically, applying VAR techniques to the data allows for the testing of various hypotheses related to reciprocity, deterrence, and two-level models of interstate interaction. The results show that the space race was fueled in large part by domestic considerations, rather than true security concerns. Increased Soviet conflict did not increase the likelihood of US launches, as one might expect. Instead, US launches followed dips in presidential approval. Historical documents and secondary sources further support the importance of domestic politics, although not to the exclusion of international variables. In total, the findings support a two-level logic for rivalry maintenance, whereby increased competition from an enemy is inflated by domestic rhetoric and inflames further competition in the future. We conclude, that far from resembling an escalating arms race pattern, the space to race was characterized by the different strategic and domestic goals of the two rivals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at the idea of patrimonial capitalism and its application to Russia. The paper problematises the view that the form of political economy -often described as a version of state capitalism- developed in Russia in the Putin era can lead Russia out of its economic torpor. It is argued that the form of Russia's political economy is the problem and not the solution. Before the crisis this patrimonial capitalist system supported itself on the back of high hydrocarbon prices and looked for its development to global capital mixed with national resource wealth. These sources of investment capital are, of course, now much shrunken. Under these conditions the political risks of creating a developmental regime and breaking with the patrimonial capitalist system are high since they mean an attack on that system rather than its transmutation through development in which there are resources both for 'partners' in patrimonialism and for the establishment of new economic sectors that can, in time, replace as sources of political power those natural resource and other sectors that are the bedrock of patrimonialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many of the migration movements in the post-Soviet countries that have taken place since 1990 are unique to the region given the circumstances of economic transition, political and social liberalization. Tajikistan is one of the poorest post-Soviet countries where remittances are considered as one of the main growth drivers. Based on its economic specialization it can be characterized as labor-supplying country. How successful are democratic transitions in laborsupplying/ highly remittance-dependent countries - is the key question of the analysis in this paper. Economic specialization shapes identity of the people and impacts their perception of democracy and participation in the politics. In other words, there is interrelationship between "what we do", "who we are", "and "how we think". The issues of Tajik circular labor migration to Russian Federation and impact of the mode of migration, length of stay and structural position in Russia and Tajikistan on the political orientation of the migrants is central in this paper. Based on this analysis the puzzling question of the direction of political change in Tajikistan becomes important. No democratization is possible with the nature of constituents and their level of participation in politics of Tajikistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores whether, how and to what extent the foreign policy choices of EU member states are affected by their progressive integration into the supranational organization. Policy-makers and analysts alike have deplored the proclivity of EU member states to prioritise the pursuit of 'special' bilateral relations with powerful non- EU states such as Russia, the US and China, at the expense of a joint pursuit of relations at the European level. To date, scholars have focused predominantly on exploring the development of common foreign policies towards powerful non-EU states, in terms of both process and substance, while scant attention has been paid to the question of how, why and to what extent national governments pursue their foreign relations with these states at the European or the bilateral level. In particular, we know little about what motivates national governments' choice against cooperation although the fact that member governments frequently opt for a bilateral engagement with important non-EU states is well documented. This paper seeks to explain national foreign policy choices by using the example of member states' relations with the Russian Federation. It explores their choices on energy supply policy and trade disputes during the 2000s. The findings indicate that whereas much emphasis is placed on the need for governments to make 'appropriate' foreign policy choices in the official rhetoric, in practice national governments tend to place great emphasis on the utility of their choice, and not on whether it is 'appropriate'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes Russia's recent efforts to provide Venezuela with a nuclear reactor and its implications for U.S. security policy. The Russo-Venezuelan nuclear program's intent was declared and signed into effect in November 2008, the first working group session took place in 2009, and it all culminated in the most recent agreement on October 15, 2010 to officially go ahead and start building a nuclear reactor in Venezuela. This is significant since it will be the first Russian nuclear reactor built in Latin America. It, most likely, is a harbinger and many more Russian nuclear reactors will be coming to not only Venezuela but to all of Latin America. This paper argues that future Latin American purchases of Russian nuclear reactors may seriously undermine the principle of the Monroe Doctrine, particularly since the customers will most likely have to rely on Russia for future enriched-uranium, expertise, and maintenance (usually, all are incorporated into a nuclear energy contract). Moreover, with the nuclear energy deal Russia has made recently many economic and military agreements with Venezuela worth billions of dollars. The benefits of a nuclear energy agreement can go well beyond the contract itself, particularly given the great value of nuclear energy and the very select number of suppliers. Nuclear energy deals, thus, can improve a country's chances at the very least of winning in many other competitive economic situations. In the end, with Latin America's ongoing rapid economic development and growing need for energy resources, a heavy reliance on Russian nuclear reactors could represent a major change in Latin American politics and, likely, a serious decline in American power in the region. It also may lead to the possibility that the enriched uranium may go from nuclear energy to nuclear weapons at anytime in the future and, thereby, fundamentally altering the balance of power in the hemisphere. Overall, this paper contends that the U.S. must do much better in defining the Monroe Doctrine and, then, competing more effectively with other countries seeking to penetrate the region through nuclear energy deals and other major agreements. The paper concludes with recommendations on how the U.S. can respond to this recent nuclear reactor deal and the potential effects on the Monroe Doctrine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses Russia's foreign policy approach towards the countries of the 'Near Abroad'. The 'Near Abroad', comprising the other fourteen Soviet successor states, occupies a prominent position in Russian foreign policy thinking which has traditionally been dominated by geopolitical considerations. This paper traces the evolution of Russia's relations with the other former Soviet republics over the Yeltsin and Putin periods by linking it to events within and outside Russia that brought about a change in Russia's foreign policy towards its neighbours. Furthermore, this paper aims at identifying Russia's interests in the countries of the former Soviet Union (FSU) as well as at depicting the broader meaning of the 'Near Abroad' for Russian foreign policy. The paper argues that the conceptual meaning of the 'Near Abroad' is exemplary for Moscow's renewed foreign policy vision under the Putin presidency. Russia wants to be accepted as a great power and the 'Near Abroad' is instrumental to this aim. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Both Russia and Venezuela are rentier states; their economies rely on windfall profits from oil and gas. The majority of literature argues that for rentier states high oil profits tend to result in poor economic performance, unbalanced growth, weakly institutionalized states, and authoritarian regimes. Thad Dunning's Crude Diplomacy argues that some Latin American countries such as Venezuela have experienced an increase in democracy when crude prices rise. Dunning argues that the positive relationship has to do with a political bargain between the elite and society, particularly the role of minimal taxes on the elite in non-oil sectors and increased spending by the government on social programs. This paper applies Dunning's hypothesis to Russia and asks: What factors enable some resource abundant states to utilize their natural resources to promote democracy? Does Dunning's hypothesis work for Russia? I will consider the 2000s through the financial crisis of 2008, when Presidents Chavez of Venezuela and Vladimir Putin of Russia consolidated their power amid high oil profits. The first section of the paper reviews the debate in the rentier state literature. The second section places Dunning's work on Venezuela within this literature. The third section explores Russia's policies concerning taxes and social welfare spending. The paper concludes by comparing the experiences or Russia and Venezuela. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EU-Russian energy relations lead to an interesting case which reflects the difficulty of harmonizing national priorities with supra-national regulations. This paper indicates national and trans-national issues which are effective in the EU-Russian energy relations and points to idiosyncratic characteristics, and certain discrepancies, which cannot be fully conceived through the main stream theories. It therefore challenges a simple, yet a common, statement that the EU's position is based on a policy of market liberalization stemming from neo-functionalism, while Russia pursues an opposing strategy of increased state control based on a realist understanding of international relations. The paper compares European and Russian literature on energy relations. It then focuses on legal and policy based characteristics of Europe's supply and Russia's demand security. The paper finally underlines how this case deviates from the existing literature, and therefore necessitates a further elaboration from an inter-disciplinary theoretical perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tolerance is an important concept for every society. It gains particular urgency in the countries with high levels of immigration. Global migration has increasingly affected more countries around the world. Many non-traditional destination countries face a dilemma about effective immigration policies and preservation of national cohesion. Using as a case study the post-Soviet Russian Federation between 1992 and 2007, this paper looks at the correlation between immigration trends and the rise of intolerance and nationalist aspirations in society. The paper argues that a perception of national identity moderates the interaction between the in-group's attitudes toward the out-group and immigration policies. Immigration policies, in turn, shape immigration patterns, demonstrating a continuous dynamic between immigration, national integrity and socio-political choices of the country. The causal nexus of these phenomena define attitudinal relationships between communities and shape intergroup dynamics, at the same time determining the level of tolerance in society. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will analyze, using policy paradigm theory the evolution of a market oriented energy policy paradigm in the United Kingdom with some analysis of how this effects UK energy foreign policy toward Russia. Policy paradigm theory, based in the work of Peter Hall (1993) but further developed by Colin Hay, among others, will be applied to each country's energy policy making process. This paper will argue that the market oriented approach to energy policymaking in the UK has its roots in a conceptualization of energy as a sub-sector of the economy and that the way in which policy is devised and carried out, is firmly embedded within and facilitated by distinct local institutional arrangements, norms and ideas. This theory will be empirically tested using UK official energy policy documentation alongside a limited number of interviews. Lastly, this paper will point towards some of the normative implications of the adoption of this paradigm and towards some of the contradictions and change which have most recently been occuring. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper challenges the view that any diplomatic moves of Russia in the Middle East, particularly when supportive of revisionist anti-Western forces in the region, represent evidence of a return to the zero-sum competition of the Cold War. The paper argues that, though it is tempting to view Russian policies through a revived Cold War prism, this is a problematic and ultimately misguided approach. Such an approach ignores the significant sources of discontinuity and rupture between the Soviet Union and post-Soviet Russia, which have significantly transformed the underlying context for Russian engagement in the Middle East. The paper presents an alternative framework for understanding and conceptualizing Russia's engagement with the Middle East. This has three dimensions and takes an "inside-out" approach. First, there are the domestic drivers for Russian engagement which is linked to the perceived need to counter the threat of secessionism in the North Caucasus and the potential broader radicalization of Russia's Muslim population. Second, there are the more strictly economic interests in the Middle East, which include increasingly important trading relations with moderate pro-Western states in the region. And, third, there are the geopolitical considerations which certainly include potential competition with the West but also incorporate Russian ambitions to promote its credentials as a responsible great power supporting international norms, such as the principle of nonproliferation and a settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes Russian policies toward quasi-states in Eurasia since the “color revolutions.” The paper begins by exploring Russian views of the similarities and differences among such quasi-states such as Kosovo, Transdniestria, Abkhazia, and South ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are many ways to approach the topic of security and security agenda-setting in the Arctic. Drawing on the Copenhagen School concept of 'securitization', this paper investigates Russian perceptions of, and responses to, Norway's Svalbard policies in the 1990s and 2000s. The analysis centers on three issues which have figured prominently on Russia's arctic security agenda in recent years: (1) the establishment and use of Norwegian space installations on the demilitarized archipelago, (2) the 2001 Environmental Protection Act and its implications for the Svalbard Russians, and (3) the Norwegian Coast Guard's enforcement measures in the Svalbard Fisheries Protection Zone. Drawing on a variety of Russian and Norwegian sources from different time periods, the paper sheds light on differences and similarities between the old and the new security paradigm on NATO's northern flank, and the extent to which Russia's current threat perceptions are shaped by developments in the past. The paper concludes that, despite the many positive changes that have taken place in the Euro-Arctic region after the end of the Cold War, the archipelago of Svalbard is likely to remain a security concern for Russia well into the 21st century. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper assesses how xenophobic and/or anti-immigrant societal attitudes may affect the preferences of political leaders involved in the making of foreign policy. The paper assesses the cases of russophobia and anti-Arabism in Poland. Adopting a second level of analysis (domestic structures approach), it gauges to what extent these phenomena have impacted recent Polish foreign policy behavior towards Russia and the Middle East. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Partly from the position of self-experience on the part of the authors, this paper contains two parts that explore gender studies in Russia and Sweden. First, the paper looks at localized experiences of the politics of women’s studies/gender studies in na ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will examine the implications of the April 2005 Sino-Indian statement of strtegic partnership on the tripartite relations among Russia, China, and India. Less than a decade after Russian foreign minister Yevgeny Primakov called for a strategic triangle among Russia, China, and India, the three countries have signed bilateral strategic partnerships with one another and regualarly meet in trilateral groups. The paper hypothesizes that the ties that bind these countries are tactical rather than strategic and therefore the long-term health of these partnerships will depend on whether changing identities and self-conceptions of leaders in each of these countries lead to a focus on absolute gains through cooperation versus an emphasis on relative gains leading to competition for influence and status in the Asian/Eurasian region. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at the dynamics underlying Russian foreign policy, with the aim of identifying drivers, strategies and goals in a process embedded in complexity. The domestic political setting and its inter-play with the international context are fundamental elements in the analysis of the projection of Russian power and influence. In a constant search for balance between the national interest, international compromises and the bargaining/concessions duality, Russia has been pursuing a policy of affirmation, both in regional and international terms. However, this has been a course where lines of (dis)continuity render it fragile contours not always easy to grasp. Underlining this course are issues about Russian identity and how this plays both at the domestic level and in external policy dealings. However, an increasing assertive tone is noticeable. Whether this is still an expression of a loss of empire not yet overcome or the result of powerful internal developments is here analyzed. This paper aims, thus, to analyze the Russian foreign policy making shedding light over lines of continuity and discontinuity in this continuous, though not linear, search for affirmation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers the way in which Russian security agencies approach the issue of terrorism both within Russia and beyond its borders. Who is leading the fight? Is it the military or are civilian bodies such as the FSB to the fore? Does Russian practice mirror that in the West or are there uniquely Russian characteristics? What is coordination like between those various agencies across the civil-military divide tasked with counter-terrorism? How successful have the Russians been? Are there lessons that Western bodies can learn from them? This paper suggests that there are and that the Russian 'way', while being criticised for some of its excesses, can provide useful models for Western agencies to borrow from. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a growing literature on the strategies authoritarian regimes utilize to resist regional and global democratic trends. This paper seeks to contribute to this debate by examining the ways in which the Putin regime has used rhetoric to defend Russia against external criticisms of its shift toward autocracy. In many ways the Kremlin in engaged in wordplay similar to that of its Soviet predecessor: claiming that it is a democracy (even though nearly all outside observers dispute that claim), but that its ‘form’ of democracy simply looks different than those in the West. This has become apparent in Russia’s promotion of the principle of ‘sovereign democracy’, as well as its link of external criticisms with neo-colonialism. In addition, this paper will look at how the Kremlin’s definitions of democracy are flexible and often hypocritical; for example, Russia has called into question international organizations when they criticize Russia, but attempted to use those same organizations to criticize the human rights records of others (namely the Baltic states) for offenses which are often weaker than those found in Russia itself. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are unmistakable signs of rising nationalism in contemporary Japan. It has manifested itself in Prime Minister Koizumi's visits to the Yasukuni Shrine, the rewriting of history textbooks, Prime Minister Abe'ss denial of the Japanese military's direct involvement in forced prostitution during the Second World War (the so-called "œcomfort women" issue), the recent revision of the basic education law designed to instill patriotism among the nation's youths, and the move to revise Article 9 and other parts of the constitution. Neither domestic opposition to nor foreign criticisms of these developments have had a marked impact on the shift to the right in the discourse on nationalism in Japan. On the contrary, against the backdrop of an increasingly assertive political leadership in Tokyo, the emergence of post-war generations of opinion makers and opinion leaders in Japan, and the growing uncertainty in the nation's security environment, the chorus of foreign critics may be having the opposite effect and strengthening the nationalists' cause. This paper explores this proposition through an examination of the way Japanese nationalists are using Japan's disputes with China, Korea, and Russia and these countries' criticisms of Japan to articulate their cause. The paper concludes that the Japanese nationalists make a selective use of ideas, events, and institutions from the past in reconstructing a post-postwar "Japan" in their image, anchor their arguments around Japan's bilateral disputes with the neighboring countries, and exploit foreign criticisms of Japan regarding those issues to advance their nationalist cause. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores shift from engagement to confrontation in Russia’s policy toward Georgia since the Rose Revolution. Rather than emphasizing imperialism and relative power as explanations of Russia’s behavior, the paper focuses on considerations of honor and prestige. The latter are relational and a product of Russia’s perception of its relations with Western nations. Honor also plays a crucial role in Georgia’s attitude toward its northern neighbor, and the entire Caucasus area emerges as a battleground for symbolic attributes of power among larger states with capabilities to influence the region. The case of Russia-Georgia divide is important for challenging traditional explanations of foreign policy and for learning possible ways to de-escalate dangerous bilateral conflicts ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the paper is to analyze genesis of energy policy of Russian Federation towards the main consumers of Russian oil â€" leading economies of the European Union, North America and Pacific Rim. Since 2000 this policy of driven of a combination of political and economic reasons.The idea of the paper is to present existing Russian strategy of relations with Western energy companies and governments as combination of strategic aims (equal status in global politics and economy) and short-term tactics (electoral interests of different players in Russian energy sector, rivalry between regions and companies for control of energy markets of Russia, CIS countries and some other countries). The special emphasis in the paper will be given to natural gas sector of Russian economy and role of the GAZPROM in opening Western markets for investments of Russian energy giants. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Russian state at the end of the Yeltsin period was supposedly so emasculated that it had no potential to revive itself. But revive itself it has in some measure and this requires some explanation. This paper tries to illustrate how we might more profitably conceptualize the Russian state and argues that Russia has far from finished either state or regime building. It argues that the problem with most past efforts at analyzing the development of the Russian state is that they have not distinguished between regime and state, and the different pressures to, and possibilities for, building either. It reviews and seeks to improve on an approach to conceptualizing post-communist state development and apply this to Russia. The paper analyzes Russia’s recent political development to show its unsettled pattern of regime and state building, and looks at how other post-Soviet states have had more settled patterns of regime and state building than Russia and what this means. The paper concludes that we should be cautious about the future of the Russian state and should recognize that the pressures of state building in Russia mean that current patterns of political development may prove as susceptible to change as those that preceded them. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Partnerships between U.S. and former Soviet Union (FSU) states are essential in reducing terrorist access to nuclear and biological weapons, facilities, and expertise. The English Language and Nonproliferation (ELAN) Program at the Center for Nonproliferation Studies provides the language training necessary for the success of cooperative threat reduction programs, collaborative research projects on drugs and vaccines, and reconfiguration of former weapons facilities. This paper describes how the ELAN Program supports the work of U.S. and FSU nuclear and biological scientists, export control and border control officials, and nuclear engineers who participate in U.S. cooperative threat reduction programs. ELAN participants are employed by former weapons institutes and may be involved in conversion of those facilities to civil use, in new public health research projects, in biodefense, or in export controls. Trainees learn about the larger proliferation dynamics beyond their individual institutes and labs and how a culture of safety and security can help to prevent the proliferation of weapons materials, information, and expertise. They exchange ideas and discuss solutions to proliferation problems in class and with CNS nonproliferation experts. By learning the language of nonproliferation in an intensive English-speaking environment, ELAN participants can be better engaged in cooperative research and threat reduction efforts with their U.S. counterparts. The paper also explores opportunities for expanding the program to other countries, for on-site training at labs and institutes, and for developing international communities of practice for safety and security in the nuclear and biological sciences. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, the author will explore the place that "personal" diplomacy plays in shaping Russian and US foreign policy. The paper hypothesizes that a foreign policy based on personal diplomacy can often lack the inclusion of fundamental principles and goals that have shaped the foreign policy of a nation. Personal diplomacy can often lead to foreign policy shifts that are hard to remedy in the short run, depending on the degree of turn-over in the top leadership. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contemporary international politics, women's rights and women's security issues are increasingly seen as part of larger democratization projects. There are many diverse international actors, including international organizations, such as the Council of Europe, the European Union, the United Nations, feminist movements and faith-based groups which have created and supported international norms against gender violence. In the post-Soviet setting, two issues--domestic violence and sexual trafficking--have received significant international attention. Although there is a significant body of feminist literature exploring the status of women after the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the impact of international actors on the acceptance of norms against gender violence, especially in the countries other than Russia, needs further research. Can international actors help to empower local women's rights activists? Can they help to improve the lives of women and help to change the public consciousness? To gain insight into these questions, this paper will focus on the cases of Lithuania and Armenia. It will assess the impact of international actors on empowerment of women in the two countries. The case studies will focus on the following dimensions of empowerment: a) legal/political (analyzing changes in policies and legislation that were adopted under international influences), b) social/political (mobilization of women's groups to achieve social change), and c) cognitive/cultural (increasing understanding and acceptance of international norms). The paper will attempt to identify the sources of domestic resistance to the international norms against gender violence. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the August 1998 collapse of Russia’s economy, the widespread notion in U.S. popular and political culture of a feminized Russia in desperate need of U.S. assistance gave way to frustration with the fallen superpower’s seeming inability or unwillingness either to institute lasting political reform or stabilize its economy. This paper utilizes this conceptual shift as an analytical lens through which to ask, “Why did U.S. legislators’ sudden desire in the late 1990s to halt human trafficking coincide with clashes over who should most appropriately take the blame for what seemed to be the wholesale failure of U.S. Russia policy?” The paper argues that in U.S. policy, “trafficking” has become synonymous with sex trafficking (i.e. the illegal transnational trade in the bodies of (usually) women and girls for (predominantly) heterosexual sex), which, in turn, has become inextricably linked with victimized Russian women. According to the prevailing rhetoric, these women ostensibly need to be saved from emasculated Russian men, who, unable to cope with the transition to capitalism and democracy, are incapable of supporting or protecting them in the way that “real” men should. As a result, Russian men, particularly political elites, have been implicitly identified as the chief opposition not only to attempts to end sex trafficking, but also to the success of U.S. Russia policy. As the foundation of this claim, the paper uses a textual and discursive analysis of the U.S. congressional hearings that led to the passage of the Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000 and of the Russia-related sections of the U.S. State Department’s annual Trafficking in Persons Report. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Economic coercion of states by other states, especially in relationships of asymmetrical dependency, is an increasingly prominent and important phenomenon in international relations. The linkages between economic coercion and foreign policy conduct appear not only evident but inevitable. The region of the former Soviet Union provides fertile ground for the exploration and testing of these linkages between foreign policy and economic coercion. Particularly in the field of energy, where Russia continues to be one of primary suppliers of oil and natural gas to some of the former Soviet republics, the use of economic leverage in the context of inter-state relations is quickly becoming a prominent topic of theoretical and empirical research. Building upon the limited existing literature on the topic, the following paper explores the question of whether or not and how the Russian Federation uses energy dependency as leverage in its relations with selected former Soviet states a decade after the collapse of the Soviet Empire. More specifically, this paper highlights inconsistencies in existing theoretical explanations and detects patterns in current Russian foreign policy with respect to energy dependency. First, this paper argues that Russia's usage of energy leverage is consistent with an overall trend shifting emphasis from traditional military/political to an economic security framework of the Russian state. Second, the paper illustrates that Russia has consistently and adamantly attempted to depoliticize the issue of economic coercion. Finally, the paper suggests that despite some notable patterns, Russia's usage of energy leverage still suffers from inconsistency of purpose, style, and outcome. The paper contributes to the broader body of international relations literature on economic dependency and coercion in the context of inter-state relations, as well as to the growing research on the security politics of the former Soviet region in the post-communist era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I plan to analyze how the ideals of the Bolshevik revolution and the Second Russian revolution were/have been reflected in Soviet/Russian foreign policy and the adjustments in policy made by the country’s leaders when revolutionary goals collided with the norms and rules of international society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since Vladimir Putin has ascended to the Russian presidency, Russian relations with the United States have continued a decade-long transformation. The Russian leadership has been wrestling with the threat of America’s role of the world’s sole superpower (and Russia’s demotion from superpower status), American aggression in Russia’s traditional sphere of influence, and the continuing backlash against an idealized view of the United States that emerged during the collapse of communism. Balanced against this has been Putin’s desire to create an environment conducive to economic development and to have Russia play an important role in international and European institutions. This paper will analyze Russian views of the United States in the Putin era. It will focus particularly on Russian views of the United States as a partner/threat in the post-Afghanistan and post-Gulf War II era. Specifically, it will attempt to assess the factors driving Russia’s vacillating approaches to the United States, with a particular focus on domestic sources of foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Extra-regional hegemons such as France in West Africa, the United States in the Middle East, and Russia in Central Asia have been playing increasingly important roles in the politics of international rivers to which they are not riparian states. A general objective of the paper is to provide an analysis and explanation of the positive and negative effects that extra-regional hegemons have on riparian state relations in water scarce regions of the world. However, the paper’s central thesis is that extra-regional hegemons have a strong negative (and sometimes benign) rather than positive effect on riparian state relations. More specifically, I argue that the political economic involvement of such hegemons in water scarce regions of the world inhibits interstate cooperation over shared rivers. The thesis is supported by an empirical examination of rivers in three water scarce regions: Amu Darya River in Central Asia, Jordan River in the Middle East, and the Senegal River in West Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Geopolitics seems to be the name of the current theoretical game in Russia. Commentators from the West, as well as some of their colleagues in Russia, tend to see this as yet another confirmation of Russia’s ‘backwardness’. Putting to one side questions such as ‘By which standards?’ it is possible to observe that, to begin with, Russian geopolitics is an extremely broad church full of its own orthodoxies as well as radical reformers. Further, at least one of the numerous theoretical congregations hiding behind the generic name ‘geopolitics’ is as ‘critical’, by current Western standards, as one can get. Drawing on the work of the interwar Continental thinkers, contemporary poststructuralists, Russian historians and thinkers from outside the Christian tradition in its various modifications, it attempts not merely to re-invigorate the critique of modernity but to articulate a ‘positive’, and distinctively Russian, conceptual language in which to speak about the practices of world politics. The paper discusses some aspects of this attempt, focusing on the role of legal practices (or rather on their absence) in the Russian version of geopolitics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Small powers react in different ways toward hegemony:depending to a great extent on their relationship toward hegemons, they either accept hegemony and try to get the best out of the hegemons or, rarely, act in a counter-hegemonic way. But it is rare for them to carry on a successful anti-hegemonic foreign policy for an extended period of time. The case of Cuba is interesting because it has faced a hegemon that is both a Superpower and a regional hegemon for over 40 years. Before 1989 Cuba solved this problem by a mix of different internal and external policies, in an international context where it could count to balance the U.S. through its alliance with the Soviet Union. After 1989 the international context turned extremely adverse with the disappearance of Cuba’s main political and military allies, yet Cuba continued to follow a basically counter-hegemonic foreign policy. In this process, Cuba has used all the instruments available from the different schools of IR and IPE theory: realism, institutionalism, idealism, constructivism, globalism and Gramscian Marxism. The paper will explore the different ways in which the Cuban leadership has combined these theoretical schools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ethnic and religious variety of Central Asia became time and again reasons for the grave international conflicts in this region. Nowadays international and religious conflicts are one of the biggest threats to security in Central Asia, first of all in the New Independent States. The role of the third states, which are not situated in the region, has sharply increased and this fact complicates the situation still more. The paper is dedicated to the role of Russia in the ethnic and religious conflicts management during the post-Cold war period in Central Asia and gives the comparative analyses of Iran, the USA and the NIS activities in the Central Asia ethnic conflicts. Close collaboration between all concerned parties is one of the crucial conditions for stability in the region. To date any attempts by one state to establish hegemony in the region are not likely to contribute to the resolving of the accumulated problems. Active participation of the traditional actors is absolutely necessary to manage conflicts successfully. The actors possess both substantial experience in relations with ethnic and religious groups of the given region and certain confidence from the part of these groups. In the second part the author suggests possible patterns of state activities in the would-be regional conflicts and methods of their management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The dynamic changes in International Relations after the fall of totalitarian regime in Iraq have a profound effect on Russia and pose new questions its policy-makers. The reality is that the US war in Iraq attracted the support of the Kurds alienated by the often-brutal tactics previously adopted by the several states. The year of 2003 made the Kurdish issue to be seen as an important combination of different factors that are of crucial importance for providing stability in the vulnerable Middle-East region and in Turkey, which is close to Russia’s southern borders. The paper analyzes some regional aspects of this international problem and clarifies how and to what extent the Kurdish question influence Russian foreign policy. There are some observations, explanations, scenarios and suggestions in the conclusion [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A reappraisal of the Russian immigration policy and a forecast of its future development in light of a drastic decline of the immigrant influx to Russia since the end of the 1990s. The significant factors to be taken into account in the process of the new immigration policy development are the unabated depopulation, the rates of economic growth and the situation on the labor market, the social tensions in the regions of immigration, and the financial resources of the state. The decisive influence on the formulation of this policy will have the adjustment and coordination of the leading political forces’ conflicting positions, the harmonization of the interests of the Federal center and the regions, and the public opinion. The emerging configuration of the new immigration policy includes: the preference granted to the Russian speaking population of the new independent states (i.e., the preference for the compatriots); the selective policy in respect to immigrants from the developing countries; the separate treatment of different flows of migrants (i.e., of the persons seeking asylum, immigrants, job-seeking migrants); the prevention of illegal migration flows; the accelerated integration of the compatriots arriving in Russia; introduction of a more strict procedure for granting the RF citizenship to immigrants; and the imposition of a more streamlined regime for foreigners and persons with no citizenship staying in Russia. The new independent states’ migration potential to Russia in the next 10 years does not exceed 4.3 million persons. Of these, just 2.1 million are the compatriots who have ethnic ties with Russia. Under the circumstances of the economic growth Russia cannot avoid the admission of immigrants from the developing countries. Three basic scenarios of the immigration policy and immigration flows are considered in the report: the inertial scenario, which implies a passive immigration policy as the social and political stability strengthens all over the post-Soviet space, the established differentiation of the economic development of Russia and other new independent states preserves and relatively favorable economic conditions predominate; the economic boom scenario, which implies an active immigration policy as the differentiation of the economic development of Russia and other CIS countries increases while the social and political stability over the post-Soviet space is preserved; and the escalation of political tensions in the Central Asian sub-region scenario which implies the growth of the fundamentalist attitudes and the Moslem extremism strengthening in the Central Asian CIS states, and the outbreak and escalation of armed conflicts in the region and certain, not very impressive Russia’s economic development outstripping. The paper provides assessments of migration flows for each of these scenarios. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia-EU relations have often been presented in terms of a normative gap, with the EU appearing as normative power and Russia as non-normative actor. This paper critically analyses the 'normative argument' that present the normative gap as the cause of tensions between the EU and Russia. It pleads for a less dichotomous approach of EU-Russia relations in terms of norms versus interests and challenges the normative argument on the basis of its assumed congruence between the norm-driven input and norm-promoting output of European foreign policy. An alternative approach is suggested exploring how the normative agenda serves instrumental purposes. While the argument that the EU is 'othering' Russia through its normative agenda is not fully supported, it appears that the EU's normative agenda creates a new hierarchy of identities among its East European neighbours, This does not imply that the Russia first policy is reversed. Rather, we face a process of complex and competitive prioritisation among Eastern neighbours. This changing prioritisation further reinforces the decoupling of the EU's Russia policy from its East European policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on Russia, this paper seeks to explain how fluctuations in oil markets translate into patterns of state-society relations in transitional and semi-democratic petro-states. What exactly happens inside petro-regimes when oil prices surge or collapse? I seek to identify precise mechanisms of how oil rent fluctuations translate into patterns of political contestation, looking for direct evidence to test the hypotheses on the effect of external economic shocks on state's behavior. My research also suggests that not only the state is affected - social and political groups react to changes in the economic situation as well as state's actions, and seek to impact public policies regarding redistribution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Small arms and light weapons are the primary cause of death in the violent conflicts raging today, but the small arms trade is difficult to track, and the illicit trade in small arms is doubly so. Nevertheless, information is available and research institutes like the Small Arms Survey and the Norwegian Initiative on Small Arms Transfers are at the forefront of efforts to collect and distribute this information. This paper focuses on the illicit arms trade and draws on a database I am developing, the Illicit Arms Transfer Database, which systematizes information contained in journalistic reports on illicit small arms transfers. This and previous studies, which employ some basic tools of social network analysis (SNA), reveal high profile positions occupied by former Soviet bloc countries in the illicit arms trade network. I set up this analysis with discussion of the features of social networks that allow them to facilitate the transfer of illicit weaponry, and follow the presentation of my findings with some explanations for the prominence of Russia and other post-communist countries in this trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to provide a comparative analysis of state-Muslim relations in Britain, France and Russia by focusing on state-sponsored efforts to engage with and institutionalise moderate forms of Islam, compatible with the secular agenda of inter-conf ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents some stylized facts about the expansion of Russian Metallurgical. It recalls the trajectory of internationalization of these firms and examines its characteristics in terms of geographical and industrial orientation (horizontal, vertical upstream or downstream). The magnitude of the Russian metallurgical foreign expansion and its quickness represent a great opportunity to discuss the literature on how firms become transnationals. Assessing the limits of the available theoretical tools and the necessity to articulate micro mechanisms and macro and meso dynamics, it proposes an institutional and systemic explanatory framework. In conclusion, it discusses the consequences of the global downturn for the firms and asses the limits of internationalization from the point of view of national development. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper has two purposes. First, it investigates in theory how the societal security literature (the Copenhagen School) relates to the principal explanations of intergroup hostility in sociology (status/power threat and labor market competition), socia ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the origins and policy effects of Russian nationalism from the Putin era into the Medvedev presidency. Accounts of rising Russian nationalism will be examined and challenged, and the emerging official Russian discourses regarding nati ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that Russia, in spite of its relatively marginal position, plays a key role in European identity construction. This role is not limited to the position of a semi-Oriental Other as described, inter alia, by Iver Neumann - Russia's role is ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]