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This paper will evaluate the state of the art of the recently-emerged subfield of men/masculinities and development. It examines this research in the context of the evolving women in development (WID) and subsequently gender and development (GAD) literatures. It asks why Third World men and masculinities have so recently become important subjects in development studies, and what avenues appear particular fertile for future scholarly investigation and development initiatives. The paper draws upon the author’s own research for a forthcoming text on men in the Third World. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a critical examination of the current WTO Development Round (the so-called ‘Doha Agenda’). In doing so, it takes issue with assertions that the Round has the capacity to correct imbalances in WTO commitments that actively disadvantage developing states. The paper argues that, should the Round be successfully concluded, the implementation of a second ‘single undertaking’ will see developing countries sign up to agreements and commitments that better suit the needs of advanced industrial states, while only accruing limited market access provision in areas of key economic interest to themselves. The paper makes four analytical comments in the development of its argument: 1. The ‘development centredness’ of the current Round is limited to a re-examination of existing commitments and an increase in the language of developmentalism. 2. Should it be concluded, the Round will continue to push the trade agenda forward and begin to liberalise those areas that are of growing economic importance to the lead industrial states (investment, competition policy, government procurement, and perhaps e-commerce). 3. Developing states will be locked into an extension of the liberalisation process through a ‘single undertaking’. 4. By agreeing to commitments in areas of importance to lead industrial states, developing countries are actively disadvantaging themselves. Their capacity to diversify into non-traditional areas (that is, to develop beyond the production of agricultural goods, raw materials and some semi-manufactured, low technology goods) will be stifled. This derives from the ability of industrial states to stake out their claim in new sectors prior to any market entry on the part of developing states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper will address why developing countries remain segregated into area studies of IR and why at the same time Latin American IR remains so attached to a statist/realist methodology. Globalization has had an impact on policy in Latin America but hardly any impact on the way the policy process is conceived and understood, beyond simple assertions of perforated or porous sovereignty. The paper thus seeks to reinterpret dominant understandings of Latin American political economy in the light of the intellectual challenges posed by globalisation, and examine the light this in turn sheds on the ways key globalisation debates are conducted in IPE. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It has been evident for some time that trade policy and environmental policy cannot long pretend to ignore each other’s existence. Conceptually, each is an integral element of sustainable development; which, ostensibly, is a stated goal of both. Practically, they already cast long shadows on each other and the actual implementation of each influences, and is influenced by, the other. After years of tortured public discussion on the subject, the Fourth Ministerial Meeting of the World Trade Organization (WTO), held in Doha, Qatar, finally placed a limited set of trade and environment issues on the negotiating agenda of the multilateral trading system. The World Summit on Sustainable Development (WSSD) held in Johannesburg, South Africa, reaffirmed the need to establish more coherence between trade policy and environmental policy. Limited as these incursions might be, they suggest a trend and a tendency that is likely to be irreversible. It has been argued that within the context of the WTO, the question is no longer whether trade and environmental policy are going to be linked, but how. The answer, of course, is far from clear because a) the Doha mandate on trade and environment was left purposely vague; b) the issue is new to multilateral trade negotiations and its many implications and manifestations have not yet been fully explored; and c) because of that, parties have yet to fully develop and firm their positions on this subject as they have on many others. For all of these reasons, there is an opportunity for all parties to shape the agenda on future trade and environment negotiations in rather more profound ways than might be possible on many other issues. This opportunity is particularly pertinent to the developing countries of the South because they, for most part, have been generally suspicious of environmental issues seeping into trade deliberations and accepted the Doha mandate for trade and environmental negotiations rather hesitantly, if not grudgingly. The purpose of this paper is to better understand Southern concerns about the forthcoming trade and environment negotiations and to explore how an emergent Southern agenda might take shape. The analysis presented here derives directly from a review of Southern views on trade and environment issues compiled as part of an ICTSD/IISD/RING research project on the ‘Southern Agenda for Trade and Environment.’ While a budding literature on the subject does exist, this project was an early attempt to systematically collect and analyze the views of developing country delegates themselves. Methodologically, two distinct ‘data’ sets were constructed. The first compiles together the various formal interventions and proposals made by developing countries within the WTO; most particularly within the WTO Committee on Trade and Environment (CTE). The second data set of Southern views on environment and development is drawn from several months of consultations and discussions with developing country negotiators in Geneva and Brussels. These small group discussions sought to elicit a first-hand articulation of Southern concerns and interests in relation to trade and environment issues from developing country delegates, especially in terms of the post-Doha negotiation agenda. This paper presents a review and synthesis of the learning from these two data sets of Southern views on trade and environment. The research concludes that although the developing countries are likely to adopt a conservative strategy in negotiating the environment and trade aspects of the Doha workplan, this is to be expected. This is because developing countries a) had initially resisted these provisions, b) are the historically weaker parties and therefore prone to risk-minimizing strategies, and c) the newness of this issue for trade negotiations coupled with the resource and time strains on Southern delegations will itself limit the scope of innovation by any party. The previous section has outlined three key ingredients of the South’s post-Doha concerns that are likely to influence the defensive aspects of the South’s negotiation position between now, and January 2005. However, the more important conclusion relates to the emerging willingness within the developing countries to begin engaging the trade and environment agenda and to possibly re-craft it within the framework of sustainable development. This is neither going to be easy, nor automatic. While it is to the obvious benefit of the South (and many other parties) for the developing countries to adopt a proactive strategy, doing so will require much effort from the South itself and a supporting environment from other actors interested in a furthering the links between trade, environment and sustainable development. What can the South do itself to move from a reactive agenda defined by its apprehensions about trade and environment to a proactive agenda that seeks the opportunities to be realized by defining sustainable development as the goal of international trade? How can other international actors assist? The paper will outline four key steps in this direction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the changing architecture of the global trading system. The Doha Ministerial Meeting in 2001 signaled a rhetorical shift in the stance of the WTO. The Doha Declaration established a complex and wide-ranging agenda and set new goals for the WTO. In this new phase the WTO has a specific mandate to improve the economic prospects of its poorest members. This paper explores the interface between the objectives of the Doha Declaration and the concrete negotiations entered into to date. This paper analyses the extent to which the developmental goals of the WTO in conflict with its underlying approach to trade liberalisation and the dominance of the QUAD countries? Furthermore it explores the extent to which the WTO is an instrument of disciplinary neo-liberalism. The paper thus examines the ways in which the WTO intersects with the preferences of globalising elites in the Third World. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In spite of the increasing wealth of individual countries over time, we witness an ever increasing gap between rich and poor countries across space. The question that naturally emerges is what has brought rapid economic growth in the well-developed countries while the less developed countries have been left far behind. In this paper, I examine the divergent patterns of economic development across countries, using the standard spatial analysis methods. Besides, I test the impact of economic freedom, trade, geographic distance and institutional quality on economic development, using the standard statistical methods. The findings of the spatial analysis demonstrate that neighboring countries have the same characteristics in terms of economic development. To put it simply, economically developed countries are located in one part of the globe while underdeveloped countries are clustered in another part of the globe. The preliminary statistical results are strongly in favor of institutions, supporting the arguments of the mainstream literature on the effect of institutions on economic performance. The trade variable is statistically insignificant. Economic freedom and geographic distance shape economic development to some degree although the effect of economic freedom decreases dramatically when one introduces the institutional quality variable into the equation. Thus, the findings of the paper are at loggerheads with preferred development policies such as economic freedom and free trade that international donors have been recommending for developing nations, while the root problem remains weak institutions that allow corruption to flourish, impeding economic growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that what we call ?development? must be understood as part of a post-World War II project to reconfigure the circuit of capital that, during the nineteenth century, linked the export sectors of Europe?s dualistic economies to those in other regions of the world. This project, a massive and coordinated campaign by Western, newly independent, and ?developing? states worked effectively to eradicate social democracy and to consolidate dualistic structures throughout what has become, as a result, the vast, global ?third world?. Immediately after World War II a scholastic programme emerged in the U.S. academy to support this endeavour. Section I of the paper argues that this academic ?development project? has had a profound impact on post-war historiography and social science. The research and writing produced under its auspices was characterised by a tendency to sever social scientific inquiry from issues relating to historical agency and social change, class and power; and this tendency eventually came to characterize U.S. social science, generally. Section II focuses on the larger ?development? project. It first discusses the trans-local interactions and connections that, beginning in the late eighteenth century, brought about the development of dualistic economies within and outside of Europe. It then describes the circuit of capital that was carried on by a trans-local network of elites, governments, and ruling groups throughout the nineteenth century. Section III focuses on how this circuit was reconfigured as a result of the world wars and by means of decolonisation, nationalism, ?first? and ?second? world development, and globalisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do states cooperate to establish international organizations? This paper examines the creation of a particular type of international organization ? those that are intended to facilitate the development of third world countries and countries in transition. The 20th century has seen a steady rise in the number of and funding for intergovernmental organizations that promote development. However, little research exists on why states collaborate to form this type of inter-governmental institution in the first place. This paper addresses this gap, focusing on why states created development activities in the League of Nations. The League was the world’s first major multilateral development aid institution, set the stage for all future multilateral aid organizations, and represents the first glimpse into the overall growth of multilateral aid institutions. This paper suggests that, although economic and strategic concerns of founding member states partially explain the creation of this organization’s development activities, advocacy groups, domestic coaltions, and altruistic ideas are also essential explanatory factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A puzzling inconsistency characterizes the attitudes of many developing countries toward globalization and the establishment of international rules governing the global economy. While countries have ceded sovereignty in monetary policy and trade policy, they have been much more reluctant to do so in the area of foreign direct investment (FDI). Agreeing to investment rules clearly does entail ceding sovereignty but not necessarily more so than in these other areas in which nations have agreed to comply with international regimes. In fact, there have been attempts ? some successful, some not ? to establish international rules on FDI. At the most recent round of trade talks in Qatar, nations once again battled over this issue with inconclusive results. Despite this and the failure of the talks on establishing the MAI (Multilateral Agreement on Investment), there are several examples of established rules. Examples include the WTO rules on TRIMS (Trade Related Investment Measures), The GATS (General Agreement on Trade in Services) provisions on investment in service industries, regional and bilateral investment treaties, as well as less formal arrangements such as various codes of conduct that have been established. This paper will examine and explain the variation in the extent to which countries have been willing to cede sovereignty in the area of FDI regulations. The paper will explore when and under what conditions stronger regimes are established and thus help us to understand the prospects for FDI regulation in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, China has been under frequent attacks by nature. Due to high population, low economic development, wide climate range and vulnerable environment, China would adopt appropriate adaptive and reduction actions according to the basic situation of the country and under the framework of sustainable development. the PRC government released its first policy report on climate change in June 2007, China's National Plan for Climate Change. In 2008 and 2009, China followed up with the release of a white paper titled China's Policies and Actions on Climate Change, which points out that "as a responsible developing country, China is fully aware of the importance and urgency of addressing climate change and has adopted a series of policies and measures in this regard." This essay addresses China's policy responses towards climate change. This paper discusses China's policy response to climate change. The discussion begins with the influences of climate change on China's environment and then moves on to discuss China's concern, guiding principle, goal and policy action in reaction to the issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will examine the impact of the Least Developed Countries (LDCs) on the World Trade Organization. The categorization of the Least Developed Countries by the United Nations in 1971 not only created a new classification of counties, but also established an international norm of special treatment for these countries. The norm of special treatment for LDCs has, since then, slowly spread throughout the international system and has been institutionalized in many international organizations, including the World Trade Organization (WTO). Evidence of the institutionalization of the norm within the WTO can be found in its founding documents and agreements, as well as in the Doha Development Agenda. This institutionalization of the norm has helped LDCs to have a greater impact on the trade regime than would have been anticipated based on their economic power alone. Based on my PhD thesis, this paper will trace the development and institutionalization of the international norm of special treatment for LDCs and will focus specifically on its institutionalization within the GATT/WTO. The paper uses the norm lifecycle to demonstrate how the norm of special treatment for LDCs has grown in strength over time and become institutionalized. It argues that it is the recent agency of the LDCs combined with the existence of the norm which has helped the LDCs have such an impact on the WTO. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The policy of gender-mainstreaming, incorporating gender sensitive aspects into external and internal policies and practices has been widely adopted throughout the international development community since the World Conference on Women in Beijing in 1995. This paper examines three major international development organizations, the World Bank, USAID and CARE, their gender-mainstreaming policies, how men are treated by these organizations in policy and practice and what the treatment of men says about how masculinity is viewed in these international development organizations. This paper argues that the policy of gender-mainstreaming as adopted by the international development community is fatally flawed given that it only seeks to understand women's relationship to men, failing to allow for the multiple identities that exist for both men and women. It examines these organizations' policies, their organizational structure and performs a website content analysis. It finds that the gender mainstreaming occurring is not gender nor is it truly mainstreamed. Men are only included as relational objects to women. This failure inhibits the success of programs and reinforces the power dynamics that exist throughout the developing (and developed) world. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

INTRODUCTION This paper examines Capacity Building in Developing Nations using Ghana and Singapore as case studies. By examining this important international issue, the paper projects a set and system of modified processes required to achieve progress ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Global climate change raises profound questions for political theorists. The human impacts of climate change are sufficiently broad, and generally adverse, to threaten the rights and freedoms of existing and future members of all countries; and they will almost certainly exacerbate inequalities between rich and poor countries despite the limited role of the latter in their origins. This article focuses on the question of how the burdens associated with selecting and implementing a robust global climate response ought to be distributed. This problem has two key features: identifying the nature and extent of the burdens; and identifying the agents who should shoulder these burdens. Identifying in a fair and transparent fashion the agents that should take the lead in combating climate change, as well as the precise burdens they must bear in terms of mitigation, adaptation or compensation, will be a key feature of the next generation of global climate policies. The paper argues that only a principled and philosophically robust reconciliation of three approaches to burden sharing ('contribution to problem', 'ability to pay' and 'beneficiary pays') can generate a satisfactory mix of theoretical coherence and practical application. At the time of writing, no proposal designed to replace the existing, Kyoto-based, climate architecture on its expiry in 2012 appears to meet this challenge. The paper considers, however, three climate proposals that offer some useful insights as to how the burden-sharing problem might be solved in future proposals. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on lengthy experience in Africa and other Third World locations, the paper warns against a view of suffering based on our own Western telos of concern and virtue. The paper does not offer an alternative vehicle for concern but imparts a sense of amb ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uniquely builds on previous research on cross-national democracy and income inequality. The refinement of multivariate cross-sectional time-series models that explain variation in both democracy and income distribution has proceeded to the point of incorporating variables that represent cross-national economic structure. These variables include ordinal scales of economic openness as published by the Fraser Institute and the Heritage Foundation and interval-level measures of governmental economic activity such as public sector size. However, given issues regarding the limited time frame and reliability and validity of the economic openness variables, and the limited country coverage of public sector spending variables, one can question the applicability of the findings of these models to a broad swath of developing countries over a lengthy time period. Developing countries tend to be less well-represented in these cross-national models. Yet the most interesting over-time variation on income distribution, democracy, and openness is in the developing world. I propose to make the case for proxying economic openness and governmental economic activity through a measure of economic development such as GDP per capita or energy consumption per capita. This will considerably broaden the developing country coverage and time frame of the study. Additionally, transitions toward capitalist development in developing countries can be more fully examined. I will use Heckman selection models of economic development to test whether or not the democracy-income inequality relationship changes across development levels. The resulting paper will be a unique advance on better accounting for cross-country, cross-development variation in income inequality, democracy, and capitalism. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes that the development dilemmas of the 21st century are related to what the developed world wants of the developing world and prescribes as solutions for them. These dilemmas arise from philosophies and ideals not originating in those countries seeking development. For small-island, developing states, these dilemmas lead to socio-economic confusion and conflict. The first part of the paper discusses three global philosophies or ideals - development, market forces also known as laissez-faire, and capitalism also known as market capitalism. The second part of the paper focuses on dilemmas facing The Bahamas. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The newest wave of globalization has created new challenges and exacerbated old ones for the developing world. One such predicament relates to the intensity of non-traditional security threats and the implications for sustainable development. The paper argues that although the majority of states in the international system are in the global south, the security discourse still focuses for the most part on great power politics, which often ignores the ‘security dilemmas’ faced by developing countries. To explore this problem the paper uses the case of tourism and HIV/AIDS in the Caribbean. It draws on Critical Security Studies, which seeks to conceptualize the multidimentionality of security in the contemporary era. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this paper is to examine the relationship between globalization processes, inequality (wealth convergence or divergence) and social cohesion within certain Third World nations. In other words, have cosmopolitan ideas and discourse about free trade, democracy, human rights, etc. enhanced equality and social cohesion? Has inequality increased in developing countries, and if so, what are its effects on issues such as state corruption, armed robberies, riots, or interethnic violence, among other things. The paper will utilize as case studies countries such as Nigeria, Ghana, or Sierra Leone to ascertain whether globalization processes have intensified inequalities and forms of societal insecurity.The analysis will explore the levels of inequality and social cohesion before and after the adaptation to globalization requirements. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The non-Western developing world has typically been marginalised in international relations. Subsequently, studies of developing countries as actors on the international stage have been limited to particularistic considerations of strategic significance, their economic underdevelopment, and their prime positioning as case studies on violent conflict. The extent to which developing countries, and consequently, their IR communities, are part of a global international relations/International Relations community, is therefore a subject ripe for investigation. The question of the non-West and the IR discipline has received attention recently in the work of Buzan and Acharya (2007) and Arlene Tickner (2003), and in the sub-field of Postcolonial IR, more broadly. Yet, this has not evolved into a systematic attempt to integrate the non-West into mainstream accounts of theoretical international relations, particularly as it has evolved after the second and third Great Debates. Taking the developing world itself as a point of departure for correcting representations of developing countries in the discipline, the paper examines the development of IR in two middle-income developing states, South Africa and Brazil, and finds that domestic economic, political and social factors, along with mainstream designations of IR as a 'social science' work in tandem to exclude voices from the non-Western developing world from the discipline of IR. This assessment is based on a narrow view of IR, as IR theory, that is termed 'mainstream' or 'traditional' IR in the paper. The paper suggests that 'disciplining' the developing world should not be regarded as one-way traffic; and that non-Western IR should seek novel terms of engagement with the Western mainstream. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The multilateral trade regime has long been the creature of its two largest markets, the United States and the European Union (EU). Yet these two giants have occasionally made concessions to developing countries in the form of special and differential treatment (S&D), which provides preferences that contravene free trade rules. This is not surprising per se; both the EU and United States recognize the role of trade in helping poor countries achieve development goals. But what is more surprising is the extent of EU-US agreement on this front. We might have expected the end of the Cold War to expose underlying differences between presumed European support for and American skepticism of preferential treatment of developing countries. Not only did this split not occur; the opposite happened. The EU and United States built a solid consensus on reducing and reorienting S&D in the GATT/WTO regimeâ€"a consensus that, though tested, has to date held firm.This paper explores this surprising EU and US policy convergence in two parts. First, it addresses the conceptual and empirical questions of what it means for EU and US S&D policies to be ‘aligned.’ It defines their policy ideal points as a function of three factors: general material interests (national security and prosperity); specific sectoral interests; and causal and/or normative beliefs. Through a content analysis of EU and US published policy agendas vis-à-vis S&D, the paper traces the convergence of their ideal points as a function of the convergence in the relative salience of these different factors for each.Second, the paper identifies the structural and unit-level factors that explain their growing policy alignment from the 1970s to today. It shows that we can understand EU-US convergence to some extent as a function of broad systemic trendsâ€"namely, the growing gap between ‘emerging’ and ‘least-developed’ (i.e., African) countries, and the plummeting strategic importance of the latter after the end of the Cold War. However, perhaps more important were changes within Europeâ€"specifically, the growing strength of the liberal-technocratic Commission and fading memories of colonial ruleâ€"which brought the EU closer to the American position over time.The paper provides insight into the ‘where do we go from here’ question after the collapse of WTO talks in the summer of 2006. The status quo bargain on S&D becomes even more important now that the ‘Doha Development Agenda” has receded, leaving the world’s poorest countries with uncertain multilateral guarantees of access to Western markets and ever-greater competition from more successful developing countries. This paper’s analysis will generate a set of predictions regarding the status of S&D, and EU and US support thereof, in an uncertain future for the WTO. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The improvement of the socio-economic situation of women, and the relationship between gender and economic development has become an increasingly researched topic in the development literature since the early 1970's. The following paper is designed to make a contribution to this literature by analyzing the effect of certain cultural, traditional and social institutions on women's participation in the economic life. By using OLS regression model, it measures the individual impact of polygamy, early marriage, and violence against women on Women's employment in non-agricultural sector. It finds that among these variables, polygamy and violence against women are statistically significant factors determining women's economic participation, controlling for variables like women's literacy, fertility, sex ratio, maternal morbidity and women's access to land. Following these results, the main argument of the paper is that development circles' present focus on improving simply women's access to material resources (i.e. health, education), and reforming legal and economic institutions is a necessary but an insufficient condition for improving women's existential conditions and their empowerment in developing countries. In the presence of women's inferior position vis-a -vis men in social relations, due to established cultural, traditional and historical institutions, it is difficult for any material measure to make a real impact on women's economic and social empowerment. Hence, any development strategy that aims for a real impact should target the change of those social institutions that determine traditional gender relations and women's socially inferior position in developing countries. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The core purpose of this paper is first to portray the most recent trends in and dynamics of the globalization in respect to integration of the economy and knowledge, as well as localization and regionalization trends; and second to evaluate states’ positions in the new conjuncture of the globalized world. In this study, we will try to answer the core questions: are the new trends in the global political economy realm along with the fast pace of globalization processes call for a defeat of the state autonomy or state altogether; or is this a new era of new governance in the world politics? While answering these questions our focus will be on the developing nations. Our theoretical tool will be an institutional analysis in regards to all corners of the system-state-society triangle; besides, we will adopt “internal and external congruity of the state” metaphor while we are dealing with the corners of our triangle (Skocpol 1979; Krasner 1984). Thus, we are only then being able to give worthwhile policy recommendations to the policy makers of, in this case to the Turkish state, the developing nations in their struggle to get adjusted to internal and external incongruities due to rapid globalization processes. Preliminary assumptions of the paper are, first, state has to adjust itself in terms of state-society as well as state-system relations. Second, state has to redesign its institutional setup to be able to overcome negative externalities of the globalization by using new governance approaches. And third, state-system relations are to be redesigned by new global governance approaches in which global instituions are expected to restructure themselves taking care of the global public accountability. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The completion of the Human Genome Project has opened up unprecedented possibilities in healthcare, but also ethical and social dilemmas. Some fear that the health concerns of developed countries will take precedence over those of developing countries, thereby creating a 'genomics divide'. Partly to address such issues, UNESCO has adopted three international declarations on human genomics and bioethics, whilst the Toronto Joint Centre for Bioethics (TJCB) has proposed the formation of a Global Genomics Initiative (GGI). Both UNESCO and TJCB require the support of governments to implement their programs. In her book 'A New World Order', Anne-Marie Slaughter proposes a global governance framework centered on government networks and the disaggregated state. This paper explores whether her framework might be applied to the UNESCO declarations and the GGI. Drawing on empirical data from fieldwork conducted in Kenya and South Africa in 2005 and 2006, the paper concludes that government networks could strengthen these genomics governance mechanisms, but that integration rather than disaggregation at national level would be essential to the success of any such endeavour. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Students of development are often confronted with ethical dilemmas. Economic growth promises to alleviate poverty, improve health and welfare, as well as create employment and improved working conditions. Yet, policies supporting economic growth often result in environmental degradation, human rights deterioration and social welfare decline, in particular in developing countries, but also carry adverse consequences for the more vulnerable segments of the population in developed countries. Theorising about such dilemmas and designing policies aiming to confront them, is implicitly or explicitly based on an understanding of ethics. In western traditions, for example, such an understanding is based on what guarantees individual fortification and promotes social welfare. Critics argue that based on such an understanding, approaches to development lack an ontological criticism for a different meaning of human existence, besides the logic of individual emancipation and the “materialistic” satisfaction of human longing for liberty. This paper explores alternative visions of human development and tries to identify how these are expressed, represented and promoted by the relevant actors in the global development governance. The paper also discusses the political feasibility of alternative visions to human development, as well as the conditions that would encourage their feasibility if these were desirable. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the late eighties there has been a growing ‘trend’ that is associated with poverty alleviation and aid to developing countries. To the point where it even became fashionable in certain milieus to ‘be involved’, the question arises whether high profile non-governmental activism in this realm has any real political or financial impact. This paper examines the growing involvement of non governmental actors, individuals, and foundations in spearheading projects and programs in developing countries. Furthermore, it analyzes the high profile coverage that these endeavors receive, particularly in raising public awareness about the plight of poor countries.First, this paper will study the various actors, their motivations and their channels of communication with governments. Second, I will explore the ability of these actors to influence governments and decision-makers either directly or indirectly, and the tools they use to do so. Finally, I will assess whether these efforts are self-serving and/or whether they contribute positively to governmental efforts designed to disburse aid and alleviate poverty. Once the layers of celebrity, fundraisers, well-shot clips of hungry children in Africa, and high profile rock concerts are pealed, we are left with some money, extremely challenging problems, and no apparent means to implement the necessary policies that would tackle these problems. I examine the effectiveness of the various methods used by non-governmental actors to influence and drive policy. I’m interested in finding whether public awareness carries with it any clout in the ability to make real political changes, or whether it is governments and policy makers that are using these high profile circumstances to advance interest-based policies. Furthermore, by increased philanthropic involvement, politicians are able to extract more political capital by showing compassion without actually paying dues (photo ops with and support of the philanthropists, but no government/political actual involvement). This paper will map out the various interests, strategies, and real contributions of the actors involved. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Lack of information is a severe barrier to effective participation by developing countries in the international trade regime. Information systems in international regimes are the sets of institutions, actors and procedures involved in collecting, analysing and disseminating information about members' actions and the regime's effectiveness. The multilateral trade regime's information system, including the Trade Policy Review Mechanism as its latest and most institutionalised form, has evolved over more than five decades. The TPRM in particular, in operation since 1989, shoulders a fundamental responsibility in making the trade regime more transparent. This paper asks whether the TPRM has been an adequate response to the demands for information and transparency in the trade regime, particularly from the perspective of developing countries. The paper builds a framework for the demand and supply of information in international regimes, using it to explain the evolution of information systems in the trade regime. It then conceptualises the functions of an ideal-type information system and inquires whether the TPRM was at all designed to perform as an effective information system. Finally, the paper investigates developing countries' participation in the mechanism to outline several challenges that prevent the TPRM from fulfilling its stated objectives and potential. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

HIV/AIDS is considered not only as the greatest global public health disaster but also as the biggest "development challenge" of the twenty first century affecting the most economically productive population and threatening development achievements in many areas. How HIV/AIDS as a disease entered in the development discourse making it the primary agenda of development in the Third World? How neoliberal globalization as a complex socio-economic, cultural and political process has shaped the discourses of development and HIV/AIDS in the developing countries? This paper explicates some of the complex issues surrounding the above questions and suggests that part of the answer lies in the way Third World countries have been historically produced through development discourses as "underdeveloped," and the way in which HIV/AIDS was later repackaged as the disease of the poor and a direct fallout of "development." Implicit in this argument, we use the notion of "discourse" of a disease that took place in the First World through which "truth" and so "power" was produced. By producing such truths, developed countries created a field of intervention over the developing countries through which "power" could be exercised. Thus HIV/AIDS as a development agenda is primarily Eurocentric that has been universalized through neoliberal globalization. Using an international political-economic approach to the study of disease and development, this paper explicates how the discourses of development and HIV/AIDS facilitated by a process of neoliberal globalization have affected the HIV prevention and care efforts in Third World societies with special reference to India. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the middle of the 1990s, the institutional structure of the international economic system begun to be challenged by a series of debt crises in developing countries which brought into question the role of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) as "crisis manager" and led many to call for the development of new institutions to deal with crises in the international economic system. The Sovereign Debt Restructuring Mechanism (SDRM) was devised by the IMF staff to be such an institution. Its main objective was to provide an overarching framework under which sovereign debtors and private creditors could agree on a debt restructuring early on, before the onset of a full blown debt crisis. However, despite the efforts of the IMF staff in promoting the SDRM, its reception was mixed; debtor countries such as Russia and Argentina supported - or did not openly oppose - the mechanism, while other debtors such as Brazil and Mexico rejected it. The paper will specifically focus on that puzzle: what explains the different reactions to the mechanism by those four sovereign debtors, considering that they were at the beginning of 2002 in roughly similar circumstances? The paper will rely on two different sets of theories in the discipline of IR to tackle this puzzle. The first set comprises realist and liberal institutionalist approaches to IOs; the second set, constructivist approaches to IOs. The paper has then two interesting implications to the discipline of IR. First, it describes and briefly analyzes the SDRM, a still understudied case of an attempt to create an IO in a very sensitive issue area of the international capital market, that of sovereign debt restructuring. Second, it problematizes the different policy options of those countries on the SDRM, assessing in this way three different, and maybe not necessary competitive, approaches to IOs. The third implication will be to draw attention to the contribution which "negative cases" can bring to the study of the institutionalization processes in the international system. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the theoretical appeal of a liberalised investment and trading regime, there has arisen in recent years a groundswell of opposition - much of it emanating from NGOs in both the developing and developed world. The abandonment of the MAI in 1998 unique phenomenon: for the first time, NGOs had blocked a proposal that had been backed up by the world's richest countries and the largest corporations. In 1999, NGOs were instrumental in halting WTO negotiations in Seattle. It became clear that NGOs were beginning to have a significant impact on the international competitive environment, and indeed on the process of 'globalisation' itself which, in turn, was inevitably going to affect the global strategies of TNCs. The working hypothesis of this paper is that globalisation has, to date, negatively impacted on many developing countries' (especially the poorest) ability to drive forward the development process and deal effectively with their internal poverty problems. In essence, the increasing interdependence in the world economy has exacerbated the challenges of development and poverty alleviation. This paper aims to explore the processes involved in this from the standpoint of NGOs active in East Asia, in particular, the Philippines - where there has been significant recent TNC investment and NGO activity [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most of the economies of the developing world are now in the process of restructuring in the direction of free market and liberalization with an overall aim at developing outward looking internationally competitive economies, with negative social consequences. India had adopted the New Economic Policy in 1991 in the wake of the debt crisis, as an essential part of the Structural Adjustment Policy urged by the IMF and the World Bank. It was believed that this would make India overcome its foreign exchange deficits, encourage foreign investments and strengthen the balance of payments. The present paper looks at the women in the agricultural sector in India to show that there is a lot of difference between the global rhetoric and the local reality. The paper show that the contemporary process of globalization with emphasis on technical change in agriculture associated with higher capital intensity, greater mechanization of production and post harvest operations, the development of crop and livestock with varied characteristics geared to the requirement of commercial commodity production has been accompanied by changes which women experience in unique ways. These include the loss of knowledge, skills and production contributions. Due to the existing difference between women and men's access to knowledge, skills, responsibilities and concerns and control over resources they are affected widely by the global process. Since women in the informal sector have none they continue to bear the brunt of gender and class inequalities, experience increasing marginalization and pauperization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Coalitions and alliances are fundamental and universal aspects of international relations and politics. Coalitions can be defined as cooperative efforts for the attainment of short-range, issue-specific objectives. During the negotiation of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change, a coalition of small island states was formed to enhance the bargaining power and influence of these small, often marginalized, countries that are disproportionately affected by climate change. While the group, known as the Alliance of Small Island Developing States (AOSIS) (despite the name, no treaty ever established the "alliance" and therefore it does remain a coalition) is considered to be effective within the context of the climate change negotiations, when the tables were turned and small island states became the focus of a series of conferences, the divisions between the coalition's members proved to weaken the effectiveness of the coalition. This paper marks the first step of a larger project that will examine the inner workings of AOSIS and, specifically, the role of its regional groups in formulating the AOSIS position on different issues discussed during the period of 1994-2005. Within this larger context, this paper will first examine the notion of power in multilateral negotiations and the use of coalitions to maximize the power of small states in these negotiations. The paper will then look at the environmental challenges faced by Pacific SIDS and how they have used regional organizations and AOSIS as ways to maximize their influence in the UN system. Finally, this paper will examine the Barbados Conference and the challenges that AOSIS and the Pacific SIDS had in maintaining group solidarity and lessons learned from this experience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global environmental agenda, alongside the broad neoliberal agenda, may be viewed by developing states and societies as a neo-imperialist adventure to be resisted. This paper considers the theoretical parameters of resistance to global environmental governance and argues that the idea of 'eco-imperialism' reflects the uncertain location of politics, the ambivalent role of states, and challenges assumptions in the mainstream study of world politics. However, this is an unusual case of imperialism, in so far as it reflects diverse interests and actors which may not be pursuing the same objectives. It appears that eco-imperialism may be both hegemonic force and anti-capitalist movement. In order to explain this apparent contradiction, we must note some of the contradictions in capitalism and globalization, but also how the mix of underlying political orientations create strange bed-fellows of developing country activists and oil company executives. In doing so, some view of the universal dynamics of global environmental policy and the prospects for matching these to particular political contexts may be arrived at. While the exploitative and dominating aspects of environmental policy deserve to be challenged and studied closely, this may have less bearing on environmental governance per se than on the globalized world in which it occurs. In recognising the importance of the critique, the paper also notes the mutual constitution of governance and resistance, and concludes that the requirement of bottom-up support for any eco-imperialism implies 'participatory empire' at worst, and challenges should inform rather than create obstacles to necessary if not entirely satisfactory forms of global environmental governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent large-N studies of civil war conclude that inequality does not increase the risk of internal armed conflict. This paper argues that such conclusions may be premature because existing studies, which usually measure inequality as income inequality between individuals, neglect the group aspect of inequality and social organization. Case studies suggest that what matters for conflict is so-called 'horizontal inequalities' -- systematic inequalities that coincide with ethnic cleavages -- and that in addition to economics one should also consider other dimensions of inequality. The main objective of this paper is to explore whether horizontal inequalities affect the probability of civil conflict when tested quantitatively across several cases. Using data from the Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS) for 33 developing countries, I construct aggregated macro-indicators on inequality between the two largest ethnic groups in each country, along three dimensions: social, economic and health-related. The main finding is that social horizontal inequalities seem to be positively related to outbreak of civil conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers Japan?s development aid in the context of the development discourse. Questioning the dichotomy between the ?West? and the ?Third World? from Japan?s ?in-between? perspective, it argues that Japanese aid policy is not a ?third space? (Homi Bhabha) but rather a ?derivative discourse? (Partha Chatterjee) that reinforces the hierarchical discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through the informational activities of Africa’s civil society organisations, the new information communication technologies (ICTs) are largely perceived to offer unprecedented plurality that challenges the hitherto excessive powers and influence of the continent’s ruling elites. Before the advent of ICTs, many African leaders tightly controlled information dissemination ? allowing only the dominant political views. Based on interviews in Kenya and Zambia, this paper examines the perceptions that in Africa the impact of ICTs is, ironically, disproportionately greater than their overall spread, and that the libertarian ICTs as impetus to the third wave of democratisation shift the balance of power between states and citizens, especially in developing countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is some evidence that there are gender differences in foreign policy priorities (Fite et al 1990; Papachristou 1990; Jeffries-Jones 1995; Pearson d’Estrée and Babbitt 1998; Jabri and O’Gorman 1999). In addition, there is evidence that countries where women make up a larger proportion of the legislature have more liberal development assistance policies (Breuning 2001). This study builds on that earlier work to ask whether the connection between women’s representation and development assistance also entails a greater emphasis on aid to developing countries that emphasize women’s empowerment. In other words, are the more liberal aid policies evidence of solidarity with women across borders ? a global sisterhood? Do these policies seek to foster not just economic development generally but on women’s development specifically? The paper will investigate these questions empirically. The geographical distribution of seventeen OECD donor states will be investigated for the relative emphasis on aid to states with a greater focus on women’s empowerment or policies which promote social equity. The former would be evidence of a global sisterhood, while the latter would support the notion that women favor policies promoting greater social justice and equity (an alternative thesis). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The problem of defection from coalitions is a familiar puzzle for political scientists. In this paper, we analyse the Like-Minded Group (LMG) of developing countries in the WTO. Our central hypothesis is that the survival and effectiveness of the coalition depend critically on the external strategy that the coalition employs. Strict value-claiming by the LMG led to the fragmentation of the coalition, produced collective costs, and also limited individual gains. We model this logic using a variation of the Stag Hunt game. Our enquiry is based on an actual assessment of outcomes of the Doha Development Agenda against the goals of the LMG. The study also raises the counterfactual question: had the group used a mixed strategy, would it have retained its cohesion and would individual member countries have achieved more? We examine the reasons for the choice and persistence of value-claiming strategy in spite of the sub-optimal outcomes that it generates. We conclude with an examination of ways in which the effectiveness of coalitions involving developing countries might be improved in the WTO. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bangladesh is a Less Developed Country (LDC) that has been buffeted by environmental problems. In recent years the number and intensity of these problems have increased substantially. In the beginning there were problems with ‘floods’ and then violent cyclones and hurricanes from the Indian Ocean and the Bay of Bengal. In the last 50 years the population explosion has added further pressure. The problem of deforestation in the Himalayan Mountain slopes in Nepal, and the building of many dams in India have added to the flood situation in Bangladesh. The worldwide problems of ‘Climate Change’ and ‘Global Warming’ and the ‘Rise in Sea level’ have increased the danger of about one-third of Bangladesh going under water. A more recent threat is ‘Arsenic Contamination in Ground-water’ which is said to be threatening about 80 million people in Bangladesh alone. This paper will attempt to assess the environmental dangers from the perspective of Bangladesh and analyze alternative views and solutions on the issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper has used aggregate data analysis to explore the relationships among economic development level, the status of women, and the quality of life and, in particular, to test the hypothesis that the status of women is positively related to the quality of life even after the effects of economic growth and development are statistically controlled. Our analysis strongly confirms this hypothesis since the status of women in a society appears to rival economic development level for explaining how good or ill a quality of life is enjoyed by its citizens. We undertook this study from the theoretical perspective which questions conceptualizing and measuring development simply in terms of the level and growth of GNP per capita. Rather, the social needs and quality of life in a society, the presumed consequences of development, are important as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Few authors have explored the bridge between economic reform and economic protest in Latin America. A great deal of the literature has focused on the political effects of economic reform including its effect on the party system, the executive, elections and other political variables. However, the literature is sparse regarding the nexus between economic protest and economic reforms. This study is part of a larger project that intends to correct this paucity in the literature on the developing world. This study focuses on Latin America, specifically examining the development of economic protest in Colombia, Venezuela and Argentina in the last decade. These three countries were chosen randomly for the pilot study. Using data collected from a variety of news sources, the paper will develop a theoretical model for understanding the causes of economic protests within the context of the developing world. The study is designed to contrast the data derived from the Inter-American Development Bank on economic reform and compare it to the incidence of protest in eleven Latin American countries. Data for instances of protest has been collected from Keesings World Wide. We examine the upward and downward trends of protest as they relate to economic and political change on a yearly basis for thirty years. A model to examine economic protest and economic reform is necessary because certain variables may make a region more tolerant of economic reforms than others. In addition, economic reform can affect the mobilized conflict in Latin America by giving rise to new collective action problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, free trade agreements concluded between developing and developed countries have proliferated rapidly. By including rules for investment and services, these recent FTAs comprise much more than tariff elimination. Why the sudden proliferation of these agreements, when most-favoured-nation tariffs are at a historically low level? This paper identifies the interests behind these agreements, arguing that they are a reaction to the liberalization taking place in advanced developing countries, conditioned by specific institutional features of the global trade regime. Motivated by an accelerating competition over markets and access to foreign direct investment, countries conclude more and more bilateral agreements out of fear of being left behind. The central finding is greatly increased role of interests around foreign direct investment, a factor that has been overlooked in previous analyses. The study is based on comparative case studies of FTAs concluded by Japan, the US, and the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines two different counter-terrorist styles: the hegemonic, often unilateral approach practiced by the West and the multilateral consultative approach of the East. America and its Western allies such as Australia have often voiced impatience with the gradualist, consultative modus operandi of Southeast Asian states in dealing with terrorism. Australia even warned after the 12 October 2002 Bali attacks that it would consider mounting pre-emptive military action to rout terrorist networks taking refuge in neighbouring countries whose counter-terrorist action was perceived as lackadaisical. This created a firestorm of protest from Canberra’s Southeast Asian neighbours. It is clearly unacceptable to allow complacency or the downside of the East’s way of approaching terrorist threats to be the norm. Conversely, a unilateral approach threatens to undermine jealously-guarded sovereignty and compound international relations in a time when multilateral collaboration is required. To strike the right balance between respecting sovereignty and instituting effective action requires a new model combining not the worst but the best of both East and West. In fact such a hybrid model may already exist in the Asia-Pacific, employed by both ASEAN and Pacific Island Nations to combat transnational crime. However, applying this model is not straightforward as some regional states barely tolerate one another and trust can be described as very poor. Nevertheless, there are some excellent best practices already found within overall Asia-Pacific strategies to combat transnational criminal activity such as people smuggling and illicit drugs, that might be similarly employed against terrorism. What is important is that whilst these Asia-Pacific transnational crime strategies fit with international conventions and treaties they are uniquely tailored to the region. The regional fora that facilitate action to combat transnational crime can be described as loose coalitions but with a ‘whole of nation’ approach where developing nations work closely with developed nations that are not members of existing regional associations. In fact the developed nations, like the US, work outside the box as dialogue partners and in some cases provide the necessary impetus for effective action. Strategies to combat terrorism in the Asia Pacific need to emulate the transnational crime approach where the power and authority exerted by the West is distilled into a formula for the East that is easily converted into a shared vision for agreed outcomes. A successful formula that injects hegemonic drive and resources to energize a loose counter-terrorist multilateralism built on bilateral and informal networks might be effective in the Asia-Pacific. One critical aspect of this top-down but mediated and multilateral counter-terrorist approach involves capacity-building: the US can help improve traditional governance arrangements in the East to more effectively cope with the threat of transnational terrorism. For example, is the ASEAN Secretariat or ASEANAPOL sufficiently resourced and does it possess the required policy base to be effective? A frustration of the West is perceived inaction by the East when in some cases developing nations do not have the capacity to participate in a multinational initiative. The question seems to be balancing the expectations of the West against the capacity of the East to deliver on global counter-terrorist conventions and treaties whilst combating a common menace. A hegemonically-energized but nuanced and multilateral counter-terrorist strategy might be what is needed to combat transnational terrorism in the Asia Pacific and even globally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Foreign Direct Investment provides a solid indicator of how much a country’s firms develop an interest for another’s. Therefore, FDI statistics are used here to show how industrialized countries, through their firms, have build in the last quarter century interests in the developing world. In this paper, standard FDI promoting factors, based on the macroeconomic endowment of the host nation, are contrasted with others less economic but highly relevant, such as common language, cultural background, migrations, tourism flows and colonial heritage. A more complete indicator is thus constructed to show how the growing internationalization of today’s world economy is heavily influenced by historical linkages and other important non-economic factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Trans-national enterprises, and the major oil companies in particular, have long suffered from a rather unpleasant public image. Since the mid-1990s, a growing number of studies have questioned whether oil industry investments are a force for good in developing countries. The objective of this paper is to examine and discuss the response of oil companies to this emerging and widening challenge to business, focusing on the four ?majors? ExxonMobil, Shell, BP, and TotalFinaElf. Drawing on business environmental management perspectives and theories of domestic politics, two key questions are addressed: How have companies dealt with calls for wiser corporate social responsibility? What can explain differences in response between companies? In addition, we briefly discuss the dilemmas companies are facing defining the limits of their responsibility. The case studies indicate significant variations among the companies, particularly at the rhetorical level, but also in terms of what they do and how they do it. These differences can be explained by a combination of company-specific features and different home-base countries. Nevertheless, even the most ?progressive? companies run into difficulties when it comes to setting the borders or limits to corporate social responsibility, e.g. how companies should relate to interference in what has traditionally been seen as the domestic affairs of host countries. More specifically this involves transparent reporting, the so-called ?paradox of plenty? and investments/disinvestments in areas with poverty and unrest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A growing literature surveys how democracy changes the government?s spending priorities in Latin America. This paper extends study to the Asian-Newly Industrialized Countries (NICs) to evaluate how specific democratic procedures ? elections and legislative fragmentation ? affect military and civilian allocations. It also considers how the sequence and rules of the budgetary process affect results. The analyses of government spending in South Korea, Taiwan, and Singapore from the 1960s to 2000 reveal two important findings. First, the budgetary process significantly influences how the effects of elections and legislative fragmentation are manifested; indeed, the effects of elections and legislative fragmentation on the government?s spending priorities are clear and robust only when the sequence and rules of budget making are modeled. Second, democracy does not affect government spending separately from elections and legislative fragmentation in South Korea and Taiwan ? it has a distinct effect only on spending in Singapore. These findings add nuances and new perspectives to the study of democracy?s effects on the government?s military and civilian allocations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Global intellectual property rules in the World Trade Organization (WTO) emerged from a vigorous transnational private sector campaign to link intellectual property and trade. This campaign employed economic expertise and effective discursive strategies to persuade governments to redefine their interests in intellectual property protection. The result was the dramatic expansion of protections for rights holders and penalties for violators of intellectual property rights. In the wake of the WTO Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property (TRIPS hereafter) a robust civil society and developing country campaign has mobilized to protest this expansion of rights. Arguing that intellectual property rights should be construed as a public health issue, rather than a trade issue, this campaign has scored some victories in challenging the corporate perspective. This group seeks to limit the expansion of intellectual property rights and reduce such rights for essential medicines in an effort to contain costs and increase access. The contest between these groups is raging in several venues, including the WTO and the World Health Organization. This paper will examine the strategies and effectiveness of the competing knowledge networks, paying particular attention to their relative influence in diverse institutional settings and locating their advocacy in broader structural context. The analysis will focus on discourse and expertise, competing institutional priorities, and the hierarchy of international institutions that animate this political struggle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to 1999 estimates, arms sales to third world countries constituted a $23 billion market. Of this $23 billion, nearly $20 billion worth of arms were sold by the democratic countries of the West like the US, France, Great Britain, Germany etc., that in rhetoric push for the improvement of human rights around the world. It is also a well-known fact that most of these arms eventually end up fueling human rights violations in most of these third world countries. It is a great paradox that despite various laws like the Leahy Amendment in the United States, German Political Principles Governing Arms Exports and the Code of Conduct of the European Union that prohibit or limit the sale of military equipment to the countries that are found in violation of human rights, arms and military equipment continuously make their way to the countries that are notorious for their human rights records. The goal of this paper is to document this paradox and the reasons behind it by comparing the practice in the United States to the one in the EU (European Union) as a whole and in the major European powers. The central argument while doing this comparison will be that it is the great powers that decides what constitutes as human rights, when and how. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past forty years, enduring regional monetary institutions have been created in West and Central Africa (the franc zone), Southern Africa (the rand zone), the East Caribbean, and Western Europe (the euro). Short-lived or failed regional currencies can be found in East Africa, the post-Soviet successor states, Central America, and the Persian Gulf. Using the role of France in the franc zone as evidence, one common argument is that these regional efforts are merely byproducts of hegemonic powers’ ambitions and interests--imposed from above by great powers rather than chosen from below by newly independent states. A related argument focuses on the Southern African rand zone to suggest that regionalism thrives only where there is a regional hegemon or paymaster to support it. I show that both versions of the hegemonic argument are incomplete and misleading. This paper examines the overall pattern of regional currency institution-building during the Cold War and after. I show that intra-regional hegemons have played no role in creating regional currencies except in the case of the rand zone and that the extra-regional hegemon hypothesis provides little insight outside the franc zone. Even in the case of the franc zone, the French role should not be exaggerated. Overall, while the hegemonic explanation has value in these two cases, it is not the whole story even in those cases. And broadly comparing across all world regions--francophone Africa, anglophone Africa, Central America, the ruble zone, Southeast Asia, etc.--the common denominator is not hegemonic imposition, but small power choices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines global governance attempts to prevent financial crises through a review of proposals for achieving global financial stability. Financial globalization has greatly contributed to the integration of international financial markets. Yet the rapid increase in free financial capital flows to developing countries has brought severe financial turmoil and recurrent strains in global financial markets. Official G-7 and IMF proposals highlight transparency and surveillance of emerging economies by strengthening the role of international financial institutions. However this may not relieve the pressures of financial volatility, and presents major policy-making quandaries. Alternative proposals argue that more specific policy suggestions or extreme prescriptions (i.e. the ‘Tobin tax’) lessen the destabilizing flows of short-term capital and are more effective at building a stable global financial system. Thus, global governance in the international financial system is at a crossroads between requiring more responsiveness to debtor countries and sacrificing nations’ policy autonomy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]