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Economic performance is thought to be a powerful driver of incumbent electoral performance, and gdp growth and unemployment to be the "big two" factors involved. However, while in the 2011 elections, under a profound economic recession and growing unemployment, the Socialist incumbents lost about one-fourth of the electorate, the center-right coalition experienced losses of similar magnitude in 2015 under a recovering economy and growing employment. Why has this happened? I explore three hypotheses: (1) the economy became a less salient issue in 2015; (2) responsibility for economic outcomes became more blurred in 2015; and (3) national economic evaluations were more contaminated by partisanship and affected by cognitive resources and personal economic experiences in 2015. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the effects of social networks on the propensity of electoral voters to vote. Various formal models have suggested that the decision to vote has to be seen as being dependent on decisions of the members of the social network to which the individual belongs. Using data gathered in two survey questionnaires after the parliamentary elections of 2005 and the presidential elections of 2006, this article suggests that, as with the option to vote, social networks have a huge influence on the decision to vote. Unlike the option to vote, however, the influence in this case is mainly normative rather than of an informational nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Este artigo testa a hipótese de que as eleições presidenciais em sistemas semi-presidenciais sejam eleições de «segunda ordem», ou seja, eleições, por um lado, com menor saliência para os eleitores e menor participação eleitoral e, por outro, onde os grandes partidos — especialmente os que controlam o governo — tendem a ser punidos eleitoralmente. Esta hipótese é testada recorrendo a dados eleitorais a nivel agregado recolhidos em todas as eleições ocorridas em democracias semipresidenciais desde 1945. Conclui-se que a existência de padrõs de «segunda ordem» nestas eleições é apenas parcial e depende, para além disso, dos poderes ao dispor dos presidentes, lançando dúvidas sobre a utilidade substantiva da categorização genaérica de determinados sistemas de governo como sendo «semipresidenciais», pelo menos no que respeita aos padrões de comportamento eleitoral neles detectáveis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the extent of citizens trust in political institutions. The extent of citizens trust on parliaments can be explained on cultural grounds or by reference to a government's economic performance. But the trust also has an influence on existence of electoral or decision making rules which encourage the likelihood that voters will feel that the political system serves their interests. Based on the data from European countries this article test the rules favoring making majorities accountable or more perfect representation of social and political interests.