Search

The article presents the author's views about the work of sociologist T.H. Marshall. The author says that essays of Marshall can be seen as making a marked advance on the discussion of class conflict which can be seen in the writings of the other sociologists. The author further states that Marshall's views on citizenship showed that the most unique property of modern status systems is that their primary component entails equalities rather than inequalities of social conditions.

The article presents the author's views on sociologist Roland J. Liebert's article on measurement errors. Expenditure measure is perfectly common across cities, but the U.S. Census considers some measures reasonably common which have been used in many analyses. The most appropriate methods for dealing with measurement error, depend largely on the theory in question. A low or zero relationship exists between decentralization and a single aggregate measure of policy outputs implies more an inadequate test of the hypothesis than its refutation. Liebert's basic argument that functional inclusiveness should be added to the repertory of concepts and measures of city government is most reasonable. His concept demands careful scrutiny and elaboration. He defines functional inclusiveness essentially as the range of legal responsibilities of a municipality, and operationalizes the idea, for example, with various measures of whether a municipal government provides education or well are. He suggests that cities with greater functional inclusiveness employ a wide range of talent and thus enjoy a vast reservoir of competencies and interests which may be mobilized for the development and implementation of new programs.

The article discusses racial attributes. Social scientists often found support for difference-deficit model in gross analyses of overall racial differences, ending up, in effect, by comparing a predominately middle class white population with a black population with a high proportion of poor. It suggests that the loose conceptualizations which were popular in the sixties involving a tangle of pathology in the black community, were not only inadequate, but quite probably false. Alternative explanations which stress stratification theory and deny differences between lower class blacks and lower class whites, however, may be equally invalid. The differential distribution of the two racial groups in the stratification system implies that class itself may not be the only important explanatory variable. It is interesting to note that research findings which have controlled for class differences and have found positively valued attributes occurring more frequently among lower class blacks are often reported as surprising. Such reports are indeed surprising in light of the difference-deficit model and the class stratification model. The accumulation of surprising findings, however, strongly suggests that these models need to be discarded and the search begun for new models, based upon further empirical research, which can account for the surprises.

The article discusses role of sex and gender in economics. Economists contribute to the decision-making process by posing alternatives and outlining the implications of choices. Economists help others learn concepts and methods useful for analyzing choice-decisions, and some of theft students become powerful decision makers. Economists advise governments: they serve as staff to executives, legislative committees, and operating agencies. Economists also staff those organizations that specialize in economic information: non-profit research institutions include the National Bureau of Economic Research, the Brookings Institution, the Survey Research Center at the University of Michigan, and a number of specialized research or consulting bureaus attached to a great many university centers. Both economic analysis and economic policy dealing with individuals, either in their roles as producers or consumers, have been evolved primarily by men. It has not met the social concerns of the Nation as defined by women, or as defined by men and women. It has met them as defined by men. The other important economic role of human beings consists of acting as consumers, using the final output turned out by producers.

The article discusses role of women in sociology. The exclusion of women from the sociological consciousness has had an effect on the substantive areas of sociology. Considerable work has been done in sociology and social psychology on the nature of prejudice and discrimination, and some general hypotheses have emerged in which prejudice is considered as a phenomenon directed toward minorities. The methodological and theoretical perspectives offered in ethno-methodology, structural-functional analysis with its focus on systemic analysis, conflict analysis and other approaches in use by sociologists pose no intrinsic limitations for the analysis of women in society. The failure of sociology to deal meaningfully with the place of women in society throws a harsh light on the insufficiencies of the theoretical models that have shaped the profession's work for the past quarter- century. Events have made sensitivities more acute and have enabled people to better understand the limitations of theories and methods. Theoretical and methodological work on a more culture-free basis would provide new insights not only on the sociology of women's place in society but on the sociological profile of the entire society and, indeed, of all social systems.

The article presents information on the work of sociologist Vilfredo Pareto. In 1866, at the age of 18, Vilfredo Pareto published his first article on the applications of axionometric design. A year later, he received his B.S. in mathematics from the University of Turin and matriculated in mechanical engineering. In 1870, he graduated as an engineer maxima cum laude upon defending a doctoral thesis on "Fundamental Principles on the Theory of Elasticity of Solid Bodies and Basic Research on the Integration of the Equations That Differentiate the Equilibrium." The next 10 years in Pareto's life were full of varied occupational, intellectual and political experiences. For four years he worked as a consulting engineer in the railways of the new Kingdom. Later he was for six years general superintendent of three iron mines. During this period he became interested in economics, noting that there was much to read about it but altogether too little science in it. In 1880 he became general director of the Italian Society of Iron Works.

The article proposes an experimental design in policy impact analysis. Economists, sociologists, psychologists and even political scientists have argued that experimental design methodology offers the greatest opportunity for determining what, if any, causal linkages exist between policy action and policy impact. This opportunity rests on the main characteristic of experimental research: prior control by the researcher over the components of his research design. This control is manifested in several ways particularly relevant to impact analysis. Concomitant with this feature of control is the ability to assess the interactive, as well as independent, effects of policy action. This is crucial for impact analysis. Despite various advantages, the acceptance of experimental design methodology is not universal within the area of policy evaluation. The primary criticism centers on the following points: the impracticality of introducing experimental procedures within an applied research setting; the inability of experimental design procedures to evaluate the total policy process; and the limited generalizabiity of experimental results to non-experimental settings.

The article focuses on social scientist Clarence Edwin Ayres. In 1917 Ayres received a Ph.D. in philosophy from the University of Chicago with a dissertation on "The Nature of the Relationship Between Ethics and Economics." It was a topic that remained his central concern although his precise views and position shifted considerably over his professional lifetime. After leaving Chicago, Ayres started his full-time teaching career as an instructor at Amherst College. While there he was an apprentice teacher under Walton Hamilton, the economist and legal scholar who, among other contributions, was to coin the term "Institutionalism" to describe the way of thinking of which Ayres later became the chief exemplar in the post World War II period. Hamilton was to play a large role in Ayres's career. The young Ayres was Hamilton's assistant in the conduct of his course "Social and Economic Institutions." It was Ayres's good fortune to have been both a scholar in the cloistered academy and a toiler in the world of journalism.

This article informs that law is still by common practice removed from any brotherly contact with the social disciplines. The contention is that a different approach to law renders two-way contact and traffic between law and the other social disciplines easy, direct, and very fruitful on each end. The men of law have labored now for centuries over the most developed, explicit, and integrated bodies of norms and standards man has ever devised. The institution of law-and-government operates according to the laws of institutions generally.

This article examines the case for social research training at the post-graduate level integrally linked to a social survey research organization. Programs related to social research training should reflect a clear aim in relation both to post-graduate training in sociological method in particular and to postgraduate education in sociology in general. One such program is developed by the Detroit Area Study at the University of Michigan. Three main objectives of this scheme are to establish a highly efficient means of providing young social scientists with an all-round training in the planning and execution of survey research, to provide staff members with an opportunity to pursue social science research and to supply social science data of value to authorities and communities in the area surrounding the university where the program is located. The form which the training takes follows the standard procedures of social survey research. Students' work includes preliminary relevant reading, problem formulation, question drafting, pretest analysis, sampling, interviewing and data processing. In addition each student writes an analysis paper based on part of the collected data.

This paper examines in brief the relative significance which has been attached by social scientists to motivational accounts. Particular emphasis is placed upon the early work by C. Wright Mills and the attenuation of his theoretical statement is traced through to contemporary interactionist perspectives. An empirical study is reported which considers two elements in motivational theory: (a) the range of available motives for a particular type of deviancy-in this case sexual deviancy, (b) the relative acceptability of the available motives to powerful others--in this case magistrates. The results are discussed in terms of the significance for the actor of being effectively deprived of the opportunity to describe his behaviour in other than a deterministic vocabulary of motives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents research work related to organizational sociology as interpreted by various sociologists. The conceptualization of involvement rests upon the work of those writers who have attempted to specify the content of the rather ambiguous concepts of alienation and anomie. The main themes of this literature appear to be powerlessness, isolation, uncertainty, meaninglessness, purposelessness, and self-estrangement. Furthermore, involvement may be related to one or more of three categories of referent within the organizational boundary. These are the organizational referent, by which authors mean identification with the organization, as such, either in its entirety or as a branch, together with acceptance of organizational values and goals, the work group referent, by which authors mean identification with the particular work group to which the individual belongs, with greater emphasis on informal goals and norms; and lastly, the job activity itself. To examine the conceptualization of involvement in the light of empirically derived data authors began by formulating a large number of statements from which seventy-seven were selected by means of a panel technique.

The present article is an examination of the ideas of four great classical economists of Great Britain--James Mill, John Ramsay McCulloch, Nassau William Senior, and John Stuart Mill concerning the proper relation of the state to the national economy. The classicists are celebrated chiefly for their advocacy of laissez faire. But their notions about the relation of the state to the national economy were less simple than their more casual twentieth-century disciples and foes believe. The conception of society as a collection of rational, self-seeking individuals has as an indispensable aspect a certain theory of knowledge. The utilitarians regarded knowledge on any particular subject as an absolute thing, without any really qualitative variations. Such a theory of knowledge, today typified by behavioristic psychology, is a part of an atomistic conception of society just as an organismic conception of society includes a theory that knowledge is a very complex thing, each element of which is to be understood only in relation to many other elements. According to the latter theory of knowledge, now typified by gestaltism and Freudism, no one completely misunderstands any topic for to know something about it is to understand it in part; and no one completely understands anything, for intelligence is finite, relationships infinite.

The article presents information on activities of various associations related to social sciences. Nine Texas colleges and universities were represented at the opening session, a breakfast arranged by the Texas Association of University Instructors in Accounting, the only such organization in America. They were hosts to representatives from six other states. At the Joint Session with Sociology it was emphasized that accounting is not only ethically essential to assure honest application of monies entrusted to social agencies, but that the accountants' technique of profit and loss calculation is essentially a means of evaluating favorable and unfavorable features of any situation, and if imaginatively applied, might be an addition to sociological research technique for identification of dependent areas of cities, or of states in such problems as that of relief and old age assistance administration. The prevailing uncertainty or confusion within long established state administrative units, with respect to their effort in assisting with the administration of the newer social legislation, was contrasted by the Texas Assistant State Auditor with their existing ability and readiness to help whenever the state legislatures decide to so assist and provide added funds to enlarge the investigational staff.

The article presents information on the development of cooperative social research in leading Northern universities and its status in colleges and universities of the Southwestern part of the U.S. For a decade or more, research workers in leading American universities have voiced a growing conviction that few real social problems, even of purely theoretical interest, can be adequately solved within the narrow limits of a single traditional department or field of specialization. They have pointed out that most social problems have a way of splitting up into sub-problems, some of which should be handled perhaps by economists, some by biologists, some by sociologists, and so on. Clear light on any such question appears only when all of these joint solutions are combined. This point of view evidently calls for some kind of cooperative research between different departments and different institutions. As a consequence, a number of tentative efforts at combined research have been made in various colleges, and frequently more or less formal organizations have been developed for the purpose.

This brief survey would not be complete without mention of the contemporary historian, Karl Wittfogel, who has made two major contributions to the development of the theory of Asian society. First, through his classic Wirtschaft and Gesellschaft Chinas (1931), a frankly but unorthodox intellectual Marxist work, Wittfogel brought the theory to the attention of the Japanese at a time when they were first beginning their intensive studies of pre-modern Chinese society. (The book was soon translated into Japanese (1933) by the eminent Marxist, Hirano Yoshitaro, and went through a number of printings.) At that time, Japanese scholars were availing themselves of the opportunity to do field as well as documentary research in China by following their troops' imperial ventures in that society before and during World War II. Unlike most of their western counterparts, the Japanese intellectuals, perhaps because of Marxist influence, perhaps because they felt oppressed by the rules of their own society, fortunately have been interested in the structural-institutional analysis of Chinese society. Hence they have explored aspects of Chinese society beyond the cultural, psychological, and interactional interests of western sociologists, thus providing us with a picture of a patrimonial society very different from that in the western literature and with a wealth of data now impossible to obtain (for example, Niida, 1953:8). The results of their work are still being published and being debated. In general, the Japanese follow the theoretical lead of Marx and Weber, viewing Asian society as a stage of societal evolution. In contrast to the Europeans, however, they place patrimonial society before rather than after feudalism (The Institute of Asian Economic Affairs, 1966). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

in this area. A radical re-tooling of some of his earlier definitions and concepts seems to be needed, if these are to become more appreciated and useful in future research. In short, while he undoubtedly knew his empirical evidence very well, Weber, like many other scientists, experienced some painful difficulties in attempting to classify and label it. The major modification tentatively suggested in this paper is that it is necessary to pay close attention to an extremely sharp contrast between the two variants of the traditionalist concept of domination, patrimonialism vs. feudalism. This basic contrast, crucial in his scientific investigation of cultural differentiations, runs most consistently through an unbelievable wealth of research material accumulated by him. It is an empirical typology of two sets of contradictory historical experiences concerning the origin and development of domination and legitimacy. There is another rather significant and frequently overlooked scientific contribution of Max Weber within the context of this paper. Albert Salomon's witty comment from the 1930's on the Me-long dialogue of Max Weber with the ghost of Karl Marx is now very popular among many radical, establishment, and the-rest-of-us sociologists. In spite of being fashionable to refer to it through the 1960's, no serious attempts were made to account for this many-faceted dialogue. This paper will try to settle one of the very much alive aspects of the same dialogue— hopefully to the lasting satisfaction of all. One morning numerous and valuable conceptual tools suggested by Max Weber, a typological dichotomy of patrimonialism vs. feudalism, has not been sufficiently utilized in modem research and obviously for good reasons. But the theoretical potentialities of this dichotomy seem to be imperative and still go begging particularly in an ever-increasing number of fascinating comparative analyses of durable and large political systems in time as well as in space. A consensus seems to be growing that the former is indispensable for the understanding of the latter, because the durability of patterning, found only in the comparison of things in time, is one of the most crucial prerequisites for contemporary studies of comparing things in space. Wesson (1967) and Eisenstadt (1963) in their admirable generalizing sweep of great historical empires, Blum (1964) and Jacobs (1958) in their specialized areas, could have immensely facilitated their formidable tasks if Weber's dichotomy had been available to them, thus only increasing the welldeserved impact of their contributions. Indeed, this dichotomy of Weber's, similarly to some others, does need just about a total rescue if not resurrection, and no student should be blamed for not digging for it for his own needs. Patrimonial-feudal dichotomy is buried in Webers extremely rough-draft writings on the traditionalist type of domination. In addition to being by necessity a residual type—whatever did not qualify for charismatic or legal-rational types was hastily located here perhaps for the time being—the traditionalist type, as presented by Weber, is one of the most mettled and confusing segments of Ms writings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The problem of the kind of social organization necessary to bring about radical social change was raised by Marx in 1843-1844 in his essay on Hegel's philosophy of law. In this essay Marx specified the kind of social organization capable of bringing about the total, socialist revolution as the proletariat, a class, in society but not of it, conscious of itself and of its enemies, and organized as a party. (See also Marx and Engels, 1848). In the historical development of Marxism, Marx' answer was reinforced, but also narrowed and specified, by Lenin's classical (1902) formulation of the revolutionary cadre party. In a world in which many now talk of revolution, both in the "Third World," and even in modem industrialized countries, it may be of some use to re-examine the question of the kind of social organization involved in generating radical social change, and to reexamine the Marxist answer. My strategy in this paper is to attack the problem indirectly, by reexamining Max Weber's discussion of the role of certain kinds of Protestant groups in the rise of the capitalist world. I shall try to justify this indirect strategy at the paper's conclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is now almost seventy years since Max Weber visited the United States and was inspired to write his delightful and significant essay entitled "The Protestant Sects and the Spirit of Capitalism." (Weber, 1946). I would like to comment on what Weber had to say in that essay concerning American Protestantism, and I would also like to assess Weber's predictions about the future of American Protestantism in the light of certain events since 1904, events that Weber himself might think important to reflect upon were he to come to life again and pay a second visit to this country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Max Weber's work is seldom beyond criticism, and a good deal of it is controversial. Some regard Weber's main contribution on Economy and Society as too aridly typological, even as they perhaps also concede its very considerable stature. There are those who do Weber less than justice because they are offended by a nationalism that repels them even after all qualifications, such as those suggested by Weber's political prudence and sagacity and impatience with political quackery, have been made. But Weber clearly suffers in part from the very massiveness of his achievement. No one could write so much and on so great a variety of matters as he did without making mistakes. And his nationalism, as has just been suggested in effect, did not inhibit great penetration and understanding of many political and social phenomena. In any ease, given Weber's limitations, given a variety of reservations about his performance, that performance in the end remains so outstanding that for many sociologists Weber is unequivocally the intellectual hero of their field up to the present time—the charismatic figure from the past of sociology. It is no doubt a pious thing to look back on him once again after fifty years, but the following observations are not motivated by piety, commendable as it might be if they were. They are rather motivated by a desire to take a somewhat unconventional look at the structure of Weber's sociological thought and to make some suggestions about wisdom and science in sociology today to which Weber's thought appears to give reinforcement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Politics and religion were Max Weber's dominant intellectual interests. They were awakened in his parents' home, where genuine faith and urbane secularism stood in unrelieved tension against one another. For young Weber the irreconcilability of the parents' values was a crucial formative experience. He learned early about the opposition between the pragmatic ethic of responsibility (Verantwortungsethik) and the absolutist ethic of sheer commitment (Gesinnungsethik). His eventual solution was to affirm secular pursuits while respecting religious convictions, and to advocate politics as the art of the possible while espousing rigorous standards of personal conduct. The present period of generational rebellion has drawn attention to the sociology and history of generational conflict. Currently, Weber is a major target as the patron saint of value-neutrality and hence a symbol of political irresponsibility. Therefore, his own generational revolt and maturation warrant closer scrutiny. His struggle for empirical sociology was part of the conflict between two political generations. Both generations agreed that partisanship and scholarship should be linked, but they fought over the appropriate forms of this relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Half-a-century after his death Max Weber's name is becoming more of a household word within the scholarly community and, perhaps, even beyond, for there is a rock-music band named Max Weber and His Charismatics surviving now for over five years. The mass media today increasingly prostitutionalize some of his carefully formulated concepts of charisma and charismatic leadership, e.g., the labeling of everybody and everything odd or that which is not understood as charismatic, including a loud-mouth reactionary household name of the (hopefully early) seventies. The greater interest in Weber's work among social scientists is justified by several propositions, a few of which will be briefly pointed out. To this writer at least the most important among them is that there seems to be absolutely nothing in his work which could even remotely serve as a source for a messianic doctrine of salvation for mankind in contrast to the writings of many well-known names. No messianic or millennial movements could possibly carry his name, and this appears to be a blessing today in the midst of so much utopian emotionalism. Even a more limited ideological preaching is absent from his legacy. Also, because of his unqualified and absolute humanitarianism, conservative defenses of the established order cannot be hidden behind Weber's name in spite of some attempts made by certain American sociologists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years many social scientists have attempted to explain why police behave the way they do in performing their duties. What follows is a review of some dominant themes running through the myriad of articles and books which have appeared on this subject in the last few years. This survey does not purport to offer an exhaustive coverage of all relevant literature but is intentionally selective to highlight some observable patterns. After this review, some observations will be made regarding the theoretical and empirical weaknesses in this research, and an analysis of some reasons for these deficiencies will be discussed. Finally, some suggestions will be made for profitable new directions for future research on police behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sociologists and social psychologists, perhaps more than some of their fellow social scientists, have striven for what is in many respects one of the most elusive aims of science—valid generalizations. Examination of the results of the past thirty years of research are, however, far from encouraging. Arnold Hose, in addressing himself to the problem of generalization in the social sciences, is tempted to raise the question as to whether or not there has been considerably more striving than achieving. Certainly it is apparent that the replications often do not verify the original study. The data presented in this paper are drawn from a study of delinquent behavior which I conducted in New Zealand. My research in this field constituted in part a replication of research conducted by Nye and Short in the United States. The data from these two studies provided an opportunity for fruitful cross-cultural comparisons in the area of delinquent behavior. The rationale presented in this paper may be interpreted as a modest attempt to pursue what Rose has called "generalizability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the impetus and design of research inevitably derive from a set of assumptions, whether explicit or not, the nature of fact—the categories in which something is captured out of the Deal world"—is dependent upon these assumptions. It is reason enough to suggest that in efforts to advance sociological knowledge at least as much care should be given to explicating the linkages of ideas as to empirical operations. The positivist traditions of sociology have, however, often meant that high-level, "general" or even "middle range" theorizing has been more of an avocation than a vocation for most sociologists, and that much more rigor, energy, and professional skill have in recent decades gone into the empirical aspect of research than into the theoretical. Though the bearings of theory and research upon each other have been usefully discussed and have, in fact, become a kind of credo, almost any published discussion lacking in figures and tables and involving some commentary beyond sheer description has been capable of definition as "theory." Where so little has been expected, relatively little by way of intellectual and other resources has been invested. Consequently, the returns have been small. Even when serious theoretical work has been attempted, it has often received something less than systematic consideration. Such work—some examples undoubtedly more scholarly and sophisticated than others—has been given more or less favorable receptions largely in accord with semantic preferences, generally unspecific "orientations," and degrees of sympathy for speculation as, hopefully and somehow, relevant to real research. Other than to note particular historical events and to cite research findings considered pertinent to some statement or other contained in a discussion, the supporters, sympathizers, and opponents of theorizing have rarely spelled out the criteria by which judgment was delivered. In short, the problems of theory construction have been neglected in favor of the more obviously empirical problems of research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When sociologists discuss the analytical concept "integration" they use an implicit conceptual imagery which must be made clear if some of the most common confusions and misunderstandings in this area are to be avoided. The recent discussion of the concept has been vigorous, but a systematic appraisal of the issue is needed. It is attempted in this paper. Our analysis must have two parts: first, we must understand the formal meaning of the concept "integration" as such—its logical properties, as it were, which stem from its nature as a characterization of whole-part relationships; second, we must apply the formal insights gained to a brief review of the analytical uses of the concept in sociological theory; it may then be possible to specify at least some of the conceptual relationships between different types of "integration theories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Only a new, direct, systematic, and comprehensively envisaged effort to develop an appropriate terminology would seem to promise a thorough, effective removal of these defects. The proposals offered in this paper stem from an intensive study of Cooley's major works and the fields they represent, his own distinctive conceptual contributions, the basic assumptions pervading his general methodological and theoretic stance, and allied terminological differentiations embodying the same basic views in disciplines other than sociology. Stated simply and directly, the results of this inquiry indicate that Cooley's general sociological orientation is constituted of a configuration of ideas involving idealism, organicism, diversitarianism, nonrationality, the pervasiveness of conflict or opposition, and the constancy of change. Perhaps the best general designation for this configuration of ideas would be romanticism or romantic idealism, as Cooley's respect for and indebtedness to Hegel, Schaeffle, Emerson, and especially Goethe might suggest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information about minutes of various meetings of the Southwest Social Science Association for the year 1965. The meeting of Executive Council was called to order by president of the association John W. Morris. Following the welcome by the president and introduction of members, the minutes of the last meeting were approved as published in the June 1964 issue of the journal. Donald Vaughn, Chairman, presented the report of the Auditing Committee to the group. The full report is attached to the file copy of these minutes. As Chairman of the Membership Committee, professor John Kane reported that the members of the Committee had been active in soliciting new members. Professor Kane pointed out that the principal activity of the Membership Committee was the distribution of "Invitations to Membership" to potentially interest social scientists. The General Business Meeting was also called to order by president Morris. President Morris then called for reports from various officers and committees.

The article represents a first and most general step in the analysis of the most popular American pastime television (TV). In attempting to grasp the ethos or spirit of an historical period, social scientists have often turned their attention to an analysis of the cultural products of that period. Folk myths, literature, and other art forms have all been examined in terms of their relationship to other socio-cultural phenomena. Social scientists, in a review of popular and classical literature have suggested that literature may function to reflect the society; shape the society; and maintain and stabilize the society. Sociologists have recently turned their attention to the culture products of the so-called mass media. Newspapers, radio, pulp magazines, and, in particular, motion pictures and TV have all been examined under the general research question, "What are the functions of mass media for society?" Of the ten most viewed TV programs, eight are westerns. Furthermore, in proportion to other types of TV programs, the amount of time given to the western is large-it is perhaps the single largest category on TV.

The article focuses on the role that social scientists can play in development. It explains that science is important to future welfare, but physical science is not enough. Social scientists have a critical role to play in the shaping of social policy relating to man and his manifold potentials and relationships. It further explains that any civilization can decline and fall-this is a lesson one can learn from a study of prior civilizations. It must be naive enough to believe that great scientific advances will ensure that civilization will endure. As citizens and as social scientists, there must be a deep concern about the social and political decisions being made by governmental representatives whether they are being announced under a label of free enterprise, democratic way of life, inalienable rights, civil rights, or whatever other label, if any. These decisions are more important than the pioneering work being done by our physicalscientists. It further adds that man and his problems, are most complex and always changing.

The article reports that the Southwestern Social Science Association may well be unique. Perhaps no other academic association brings together 600 persons, or more, with interests ranging from Accounting to Agricultural Economics and from Geography to Business Management. All of them are proud to be known as social scientists; yet, each may consider his chosen discipline to be the true salvation of their world. They tend to disregard, even discard, the accomplishments and ideas of those social scientists who represent disciplines other than their own. These walls between the specific areas of social science, however, are crumbling. The already overwhelming sweep of progress in the natural sciences is increasing in scope and tempo. Social scientists, though, are little inclined to let the radically new ideas and techniques disturb the venerable patterns of their work. Most of them have continued to labor within the same old comfortable framework as in years past. But now, and none too soon, they are awakening to the need to update their methodology and to re-examine their objectives.

The article reports on normative problems in the evaluation of water-resources development projects. Water shortage, potential and actual, may well be the most important limitation on the economic and demographic development of an area. The role of the social scientist in helping to meet the problems involved in conserving and developing this crucial resource seems obvious and important. The problem of evaluating water-resources development, it would seem, goes right to the heart of economic inquiry. The article describes the methods that are used in attempting to gauge the worth of water-resources development projects and the way these methods fit into the general framework of economic theory as it applies to policy decisions. As water-resources project evaluation is currently performed by various agencies of the government, it is essentially the application of some of the postulates of Pigouvian welfare economics to a particular problem. This application is termed benefit-cost analysis. And the criterion of justifiability is that benefits exceed costs.

The article attempts to measure, and indicate the trend of, contemporary expert opinion on the relationship of ethics to economics. It offers the results obtained from a questionnaire study conducted on the subject. Two groups were chosen as being most directly concerned: the economists themselves, and the philosophers, who have special interests in the field of ethics. All the answers from this group were from university teachers. Questionnaires were sent to seventy-five economists and to fifty philosophers. Of these, forty-nine economists responded, giving a 65-percent return, and twenty philosophers, giving a 40-percent return. One question asked whether or not the respondent thought that the subject was so well settled that it renders the making of normative statements an unprofessional act on the part of the economist. It is repetitive, to some extent, of questions already asked on the form, but this was done purposely to be certain that the checked answers would reliably measure the individual's belief. There were some interesting written comments.

The article reports that Bernard Shaw's role as an economic thinker can scarcely be isolated from his work in general. Some of his early novels, like "An Unsocial Socialist," exhibit traces of his economic thinking. In his criticisms of music and drama, his essays on art and imprisonment and vivisection, his biographic and autobiographic sketches, and in his personal letters, the economic point of view (especially as expressed in his socialism) is pervasive. In his essay "The Transition to Social Democracy," Shaw emphasizes that the Social Democratic program was already well under way at that time, and that the program (present and future) of Social Democracy grew out of things already accepted and established in Britain and out of typical British attitudes. He emphasizes the gradual, peaceful, orderly nature of the transition, though he confesses that he has no particular admiration for this process and says that the only alternative to it is violent insurrection.

The article focuses on influence of photographic cameras on social process. Although invention of photographic film and its use in a simple camera has been one of the more important factors in our transient civilization, this phenomenon has been strangely ignored by sociologists. The camera hobby has some outstanding devotees. Former U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower, who likes the stereoscopic camera, has been shooting pictures for years, and many of his paintings have been copied from snapshots he took himself; his grandchildren, however, remain his favorite subjects for photographing. British Queen Elizabeth II took pictures constantly during her tour of the Commonwealth, and Supreme Court Justice William O. Douglas carries cameras on his seemingly unending foreign tours. Every photographer takes a picture with some definite purpose: as a portrait, a record, a personal souvenir. The article also discusses that photography can also encourage long-term patients by shortening the length of hospitalization in many cases. An informal course in photography is now in operation in various hospitals in New York City.

The article reports that the importance of the role of the family in the personality development of the child has been a central concern of sociologists for many years. The family is apprehended as creating a particular kind of social structure within which the child and adolescent is embedded, which acts upon him in diverse ways and upon which he himself acts. It provides the main setting in early life for the learning of those behavior characteristics that have both individual and social reference, skills such as taking care of and feeding oneself, and motives and values of both a temporary and permanent nature. A description of a family, in other words, is a description of one of the major conditions of learning for a child born into, and reared in, that family. The present study concerns patterns of parent-child authority relationships and the family social-status system within which authority patterns are operative. A number of writers have contended that there is a functional relationship between the class position of an adolescent's family and various aspects of the adolescent's personality and behavior. Various writers have contended further that an "authoritarian atmosphere" in the home is not conducive to the development of personality security for the child.

The article discusses about inflation and taxation in relation to low-income groups. In spite of the great current need for more federal revenues and for measures to reduce inflationary pressures, and in spite of the insistence of many pressure groups and some highly respected economists' that taxes on the lower income groups be increased substantially, an excellent case can actually be made for exempting these groups from the increases voted in the Revenue Acts of 1950 and 1951. Besides facing objection on the grounds of its precipitating adverse revenue and inflationary effects, such a suggestion faces the additional criticism that the resulting further increase in the progressivity of the federal income tax would be an outright reform move unfairly undertaken during a period of national emergency. It is argued that further increases will destroy their incentives and hence throttle economic progress. Thus the case against tax increases, and specifically against greater progressivity in tax rates, is made primarily on economic, not ethical, grounds. The article also suggests some points for tax programs and represents it with the help of tables.

The article presents notes from the presidential address delivered by the author at the annual convention of the Southwestern Social Science Association at Dallas, Texas. According to the author, three things he wishes to mention at that time which he believe should claim his united interest and common concern. And the first of these is a defense of the social sciences themselves. He is sure one will agree that he is not dealing too loosely with the truth when he suggest that the social sciences as such at the present time are in something of a state of disrepute. The social sciences never have rated a position on a par with the natural sciences, of course, but in these days of urgent need when social scientists feel they could be of truly worthwhile service, it is particularly humiliating to be shunted aside and disregarded, ignored if not ridiculed as a non-essential. Moreover, according to the author, academic freedom is not just an academic matter. The nation, as a democratic republic, depending upon an alert and informed citizenry, cannot afford to limit inquiry or to restrict the interchange of ideas. One has a responsibility here. In true patriotism those who enter the profession of scholarship are under obligation to strive, to the best of their ability, to deliver impartial research and honest teaching.

This article examines problems besetting a social scientist in accepting that the function of social sciences is to study social situations involving a conflict of norms and to state the results of these studies so that they can be used by the people to resolve these conflicts. If fact-finding in the social sciences is for the sake of the furtherance of social harmony, then at least it would seem that those who limit themselves to the accumulation of a certain array of facts ought to choose their subject-matter on the basis of possible relevance to this end. Here however the situation is perhaps not unlike that in the physical sciences. There are those who investigate a problem because they are stimulated by concern with some social end to which the problem seems relevant, and there are also those who explore the problem for its own sake without reference to any ulterior end, simply because they are interested. There are a good many social scientists who are committed to serving the "general welfare"; even these, however, would not commit themselves primarily to the elimination of social conflict unless they believed that this was the most significant way in which they as social scientists could render a service to the community.

The article reports on the scope and role of social sciences in the new atomic age. Although the social sciences were given impetus and considerable tangible support after the First World War, their stock has seemed to dwindle in recent years to a low status in the estimation of the "powers that be" in universities and the foundations, an estimation that seems to be shared by a large portion of the public at large. The stock of the social sciences went up accordingly and departments of instruction in them increased in number and favor throughout the country. A veritable boom in the social sciences was under way. Universities, in meeting the depression, showed rather generally that research was scarcely evaluated as a primary function. It does not seem to be an exaggeration to say that the average adult person today thinks he knows the answers to the manifold and complex problems with which the social scientists have been grappling for many years. A second condition that may be mentioned lies in what has been referred to as "the climate of opinion" of the time.

The article focuses on two concepts of equity and their implications for public policy. The article argues that there is an important distinction between two concepts of equality which have been termed as ex ante and ex post equity respectively. It has been believed that more general recognition of these two distinct concepts should help to clarify discussion of a number of issues of public policy. Sociologists do not feel that one can draw firm conclusions as to the greater appropriateness of one concept or the other. Both are important. In most cases, sociologists feel that the ex post aspects of a policy are probably of greater importance than the ex ante aspects, but there are important exceptions, such as, where equality of opportunity is the objective. Further, there are many instances in which even though ex post equity is the more desirable characteristic, it may be impossible or very expensive to achieve, and the substitution of ex ante equity or some combination of the two may be desirable.

The article focuses on social scientist Thorstein Veblen's views on population and resources. Of the considerable literature about Veblen's views, little pertains to those relating to population and resources. Veblen's views on population are scattered through his books and essays, often set in historical or contemporary American and international contexts. They changed little over time though they reflected the business and ideological or ideational background of Veblen's America as well as works of philosophical, anthropological, and evolutionary writers which Veblen studied. The period 1890-1927, in the course of which most of Veblen's work appeared, witnessed growing approval by American writers of Maithus's general approach to the population question, albeit not of his estimate of the elasticity of population or the corollary inference that "overpopulation" might be imminent in the United States. Running through some of what Veblen wrote is a contrasting of slow biological change with much more rapid cultural change, source of modification of man's habits, institutions, and economic life.

The article focuses on scientific fundamentalism and scientific utility, while commenting on the article "Causation and Theory Construction," written by Jack P. Gibbs, published in the March 1972 issue of the journal "Social Science Quarterly." Scientific fundamentalism calls for a revival of what is presumed to be the original and true scientific doctrine and a renunciation of recent embellishments that are alleged to have distorted it. There are undoubtedly many ways of calling for a purer empiricism, and such a call seems to be the major theme of Gibbs' comments in "Causation and Theory Construction." If causal relations in the social sciences cannot be directly observed, he suggests, they should be of no concern to social scientists, among whom a concern with exploring such elusive notions may even impede the serious work of accumulating social science knowledge. Gibbs has found it difficult to understand how causal models could lead to implications about matters of fact for a number of reasons, but basic among them is his confusion about logical deduction.

The article discusses the formation of concepts. The formation of concepts in science is subject to the same limitations and pitfalls as perception and observation in day-to-day living. The scientist, however, is distinguished from the man in the street by virtue of the additional lengths he will go in order to see more clearly, and so all manner of care is exercised through instrumentation and measurement in order to provide more precise facts. But whereas instrumentation and measurement procedures usually enhance precision, they do not necessarily guarantee accuracy. In his famous paper on the relationship between personality and conservative ideology, researcher H. McClosky partially describes procedures by which his measure of conservatism was developed, and more recently, researcher A.L. Kalleberg has pointed to that study as illustrative of how it is possible to form, through the development of scales, objective concepts of so-called subjective meaning-structures. McClosky's procedure consisted of presenting students with 43 items, culled without their knowledge from conservative literature, and asking them to supply a name or label characterizing all the items.

The article analyses the role of social scientists in studying civil violence. The author remarks that the motivations for studying violence seemed quite impeccable. The motivations and career developments which brought each of the social scientists involved in this study, to the point of wanting to pursue these researches in a systematic, disciplined way varied, but none of us felt personally detached from what was happening in the U.S. society. While the nation's nerves had become brittle from the long hot summers of violence, the commentators who rushed to press with another round of interpretations missed the significance of this new development. It was generally assumed that sniping was a component of riots and hence the Glenville shoot-out was only different in the magnitude of police casualties. They failed to recognize that the very nature of violence had moved into a new phase. Precisely what happened in Glenville on the evening of July 23rd will probably never be known. Whether the radicals are right or not, the developments of the past few years have forced the most serious self-appraisal of the social sciences since the inception of the various disciplines.

The article presents social science perspectives on aging and death. The reason that presidential addresses are seldom explicitly about aging is that despite some recent growth of interest the vast majority of social scientists do not see the subject as one their central concerns. There is a widely held view that the recent emergence of concern with aging, old age, and the life cycle is a phenomenon which has its genesis in the demographic changes characteristic of modern societies. These changes, the long run decline of fertility and mortality and the consequent increase in the number and proportion of older people in urban-industrial societies, require no elaboration, and undoubtedly they are the chief source of our present interest. But if one looks beyond the narrow confines of the social sciences, one becomes aware that concern with aging and the life cycle is not new. Obviously a concern with aging and old age is more a matter of perspective than of demographic change. The absence of a life cycle perspective has had two related consequences. The first was that when we were suddenly faced with the social problems, we had neither a body of fact nor of tested theory to apply. The second consequence was that we ignored the potentialities of the life cycle for testing theories of social structure and social change.

The article presents information on the history of the journal "Social Science Quarterly." In December, 1919, members of the University of Texas Department of Government took preliminary steps to form the oldest of the regional social science organizations, the Southwestern Political Science Association. The stimuli for this new type of academic association included the time and expense required for southwestern social scientists to attend the American Political Science Association meetings, which had rarely been held within 1,000 miles of the geographical center of the Southwest, and the observation that local and sectional interests were not represented by articles published in the national journals. The first annual meetings of the association were held at the YMCA and the Driskill Hotel in Austin on April 16-17, 1920. At that time, final arrangements were made for the publication of the journal "Southwestern Political Science Quarterly." The relevant academic world was told of the new association and its journal in the May, 1920, "American Political Science Review."

The article presents some early unconventional wisdom on utility regulation. The economic pages of "Social Science Quarterly" soon after its inception in 1920 as "The Southwestern Political Science Quarterly," were vitalized by the presence of writers who would eventually become economists of the highest distinction. One test of the success of a professional journal is how many scholars of note were recognized early in their careers by its editors. By this standard, the Quarterly rates high marks. During the year 1929, for example, the Quarterly published articles by five economists who eventually were to achieve the presidency of the American Economic Association. This record is in no small part doubtless attributable to the uncanny ability of one of its three editors of that period, George Ward Stocking, to recognize quality when he saw it. Stocking himself later moved from the University of Texas to Vanderbilt University where he was to become one of the most eminent of economists in the field of industrial organization.

Explores the preoccupation of economists and other social scientists with the phenomenon of economic development in the U.S. Display of an extraordinary diversity of interpretations and hypotheses regarding the development; Areal differentiation of economic conditions and prospects; Role of natural resources in economic development.

The article presents a discussion on performance measures. A careful examination of any body of data will doubtless reveal weaknesses. However, bad data if prudently handled are better than no data at all. Further, warnings about inaccurate measurement should not be allowed to immobilize attempts to improve policy related empirical research. First, it is almost impossible to decide in the abstract if data are of "good" quality. That judgment depends on the uses to which the data will be put. Careful scrutiny will always unearth "significant" measurement error, but its import will rest on how demanding one needs to be. Second, in the symposium on urban output and performance, the articles focus not so much on structural analyses per se, but the reactions of people to performance characteristics of cities and city institutions. Hence, the perceptions of people are vital to any measurement scheme. Third, all measurement has noise. Its nature is not only a question of the use to which the data will be put but an empirical issue that should be approached statistically. Fourth, probably the most common way social scientists analyze multivariate data today is through some form of the linear model.