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Using microdata from the European Union Labour Force Survey (EU‐LFS) and aggregate indicators of labour market institutions, this article compares the job quality of native and non‐native workers across European countries and analyses the impact of the institutional settings on the job quality differential between both groups. The LFS is used to measure a job quality index for the period 2005–2017. We find that some immigrant groups fare worse than natives, the contribution of the "composition effect" to explain this differential is large, and the institutional framework affects the immigration gap in job quality. In particular, some labour market institutions (more centralized wage bargaining, stricter employment protection legislation) tend to be detrimental for immigrants relative to natives, while integration policies seem to work well in reducing these differences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2004/2007 EU enlargements rendered CEE citizens legally equal to EU labour market participants. However, CEE migrants still face 'racialisation' and segmentation in North-Western European labour markets. Similar processes might extend to EU-South migrants, giving rise to a division of labour, whereby CEE and EU-South migrants end up in poor-quality, low-pay jobs. We compare the labour market integration of recent intra-EU migrants (EU8, EU2, EU-South, EU-West/EEA) in the UK, Germany and Denmark. Using labour force, microcensus and register data, we model quantitative and qualitative integration through labour force participation and wages. We find no significant differences in labour force participation between nationals and migrants in the UK. Whilst in both Denmark and Germany, the labour force participation of EU-migrants is significantly lower. Notwithstanding differences in migration trends, labour markets and welfare regimes, we find evidence of a division of labour along occupational and industry lines − that translates into wage differences. EU-West/EEA migrants occupy better jobs (even outperforming nationals), followed by EU-South and CEE migrants. In Denmark and Germany, EU8 and EU2 migrants' wages are lower than those of nationals even after controlling for differences in occupations. These findings suggest that inequalities across the EU are reproduced rather than converging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Second-generation Turkish immigrants make up an increasingly important segment of European labour markets. These young adults are entering the prime working ages and forming families. However, we have only a limited understanding of the relationship between labour force participation and parenthood among second-generation Turkish women. Using unique data from the Integration of the European Second Generation survey (2007/08), we compared the labour force participation of second-generation Turkish women with their majority-group counterparts by motherhood status in four countries. We found evidence that motherhood gaps, with respect to labour force participation, were similar for majority and second-generation Turkish women in Germany and in Sweden; however, there may be larger gaps for second-generation mothers than for majority women in the Netherlands and France. Cross-national findings were consistent with the view that national normative and social policy contexts are relevant for the labour force participation of all women, regardless of migrant background. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migrant care work has emerged as an increasingly important solution to the challenges of growing eldercare needs in both the private and the public sphere. Migrant workers are employed in domestic services in Southern European and in some continental European countries, and they are a significant part of the work force in the formal care sector in many national contexts. The article provides an exploratory cross-country analysis of the phenomenon. After assessing the extent of migrant care work based on individually contracted workers in the domestic sector vs. organization-based care workers in nine European welfare states, it investigates which conditions sustain specific national patterns. Using fuzzy-set analysis the article demonstrates how the intersection of care, migration and employment regimes shapes different patterns of migrant care work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After accession to the EU, we observed strong wave of emigration of Polish workers to the EU partners. Polish emigration rose from about 1 million before accession to a peak of 2.2- 2.5 million emigrants. The EU member states, which were among the most important destinations for Polish emigrants, included: the UK (690 thousands), Germany (490 thousands), Ireland (200 thousands), the Netherlands (98 thousands). Contrary to the popular opinion, the Poles are not the most mobile people among the European nations: in Poland emigration represents about 2% of the working population, less than in Lithuania (3,1%), in Cyprus (3%), in Romania 2,5% and, in the long run, much less than in Portugal (9%) and in Ireland (8,2%). Polish emigrants were mainly young, energetic and well educated people, who found jobs especially in the construction sector, in agriculture, in the simple services field - in the restaurants and the hotels of the host country. The main reason for emigration was an economic one: lower wages in Poland than in the EU-15 member states and lack of jobs in Poland. Although these waves of emigration had some negative consequences upon the Polish economy (for example the brain drain in the field of medicine and computer science, while some branches of industry and services started to complain about the lack of adequate labour force on the local market), the yearly transfer of money from emigrants to their mother country was higher than 2 billion euro, and even reached 4,1 billion in 2007, which benefited the Polish economy. After the financial crisis in 2008, more and more Polish people lost their jobs abroad and began to return to Poland. Among the Polish emigrants in UK, one third declared their willingness to come back to Poland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]