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While posited as a unified ideology, Christian Nationalism (CN) actually contains two distinct views of what it means to be a "Christian Nation"—one which envisions a Christian civil society separate from the profanities of politics, what we call "Religious Traditionalism." The other envisions a Christian federal government where power is wielded exclusively by ethno‐religious insiders, or "Christian Statism." Multiple waves of two national surveys confirm that current measures of CN contain these two factors, which have become increasingly divergent in the past 20 years. In addition, we find that Christian Statism predicts nativism, Islamophobia, anti‐Semitism, and racial distrust while Religious Traditionalism, in most instances, predicts the opposite. Historically, Religious Traditionalists have always sought to influence civil society and focused mainly on family/sexual issues. But a different brand of CN has emerged, wherein all federal and state authority should rightfully and exclusively belong to Christian Statists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article aims to better understand Christian nationalism by investigating the cases of Uchimura Kanzō and Nitobe Inazō, two well-known Christians of Meiji Japan. In Meiji Japan, Christianity was a recently re-introduced and foreign faith which was not aligned with the Japanese way of life. However, both Uchimura and Nitobe converted to Christianity in their youth and dedicated their life to the development of Japan. The article investigates what made this possible. It pays particular attention to the relationship between politics and religion and the Meiji government's attempts to adopt the western view of the relationship to the nascent Japanese state. It argues that the invention of state Shintō as a non-religion but an indispensable part of the Japanese polity by the Meiji government created space where Christian faith and Japanese nationalism could co-exist, the space which was increasingly squeezed as Meiji turned to Taishō and then to Shōwa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines how Christian–Muslim relations are presented in Syrian history textbooks and deployed by the embattled regime of Bashar al-Asad in its quest for legitimacy both at home and abroad since the eruption of the war that displaced half the country's population. To that end, Critical Discourse Analysis is applied to selected texts from the school curricula stressing the harmonious coexistence between the country's only two officially recognized faiths (Islam and Christianity), in addition to the Syrian Christians' commitment to national unity from time immemorial, as nationalist discourses retrospectively assert. The historical narratives in question are juxtaposed with the ideological inconsistencies of the Arab nationalist Ba'th party that has ruled Syria since 1963 vis-à-vis religious sects and minorities, while being discussed against the backdrop of the recent geopolitical developments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canon Stephanie Speller's book The Church Cracked Open is approached in this review from two unique perspectives: from the perspective of a bishop, who is part of the current institution of The Episcopal Church, and from the perspective of a critic and historian of the Church, an academic who grew up in the segregated American South. From these perspectives, the book is said to shed much-needed light on the complicity of the Episcopal Church in matters of racial justice or lack of justice. The review regrets that the book makes no connection between the Eucharist in the Episcopal Church and social justice. The review maintains that the Eucharist is the Church's powerful instrument to challenge rising Christian nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A principal concern regarding nationalist sentiment is the tendency to sanctify "the nation" and support it as chosen and pure regardless of its complicity in injustice. Building on research showing the tendency to whitewash America's past is primarily localized to white Americans, and particularly those who stress its Christian heritage, we theorize Christian nationalism amplifies Americans' willingness to endorse "blind patriotism" (supporting the nation even in the wrong), but only for white Americans as opposed to Blacks or Hispanics. General Social Survey data affirm the more Americans conflate Christian and American identities, the more they agree citizens should support their country even if it is wrong. As anticipated, this association is pronounced for white Americans, but virtually non-existent among Blacks and Hispanics. Stemming from American religious and national identities being deeply racialized, conflating the two sanctifies "the nation" but only among whites, whose national membership and hegemony were historically assumed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is an attempt to understand education in light of the complex multiethnic relationships and politics prevailing in the state of Manipur. With the sustained tension between the Nagas, Kukis, and Meiteis over the matter of identity, education in the state remains massively divided along ethnic lines. That said, the Meiteis, as the ethnic majority, have been systematically influential in prioritising their identity and development in education, as its control remains in their purview. The subsequent claim and counterclaim regarding the imposition of the dominant Meitei language and culture in the school curriculum have further worsened the ethnic relationship. Consequently, the perceived sense of alienation by the tribal minorities in this sense has added to their sectarian aspirations and detachment from the state. Thus, through fieldwork and a review of literature, this paper presents the various discourses concerning the complex tussle over the control of resources and governance in the education system of Manipur. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2019, the Indian parliament adopted the Citizenship (Amendment) Act, which grants citizenship to non-Muslims 'persecuted' minorities such as Hindus, Sikhs, Buddhists, Jains, Parsis or Christians from Afghanistan, Bangladesh and Pakistan. Protests were held against the CAA in various parts of India. For protestors, the CAA is contrary to the secular character of the Indian citizenship. Supporters of the CAA also held rallies enumerating its benefits. This paper traces the historical evolution of the constitutional debates and changes in the Indian citizenship rules, and examines the socio-political impact of the CAA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The post-2014 period in India has seen a clear political shift under the leadership of Modi-led BJP (Bharatiya Janata Party), a ruling party ideologically parented by the RSS (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh), a right-wing Hindu-nationalist paramilitary volunteer organization that has millions of members nationwide. These years have been marked by a resurgent Hindu nationalism referred to as Hindutva. Hindutva as an ideology of majoritarian nationalism claims to make India a strong nation and gain international recognition as a rising power. However, both domestically and internationally, it is evident that contemporary that India is marked by a consistent erosion of liberal democratic norms whereby constitutionally guaranteed rights continue to be steadily qualified, undermined, and diminished, alongside a lack of promised improvement in global rankings on various indicators. Moreover, there has been an increase in anti-minority targeting, which is multidimensional and pursued through non/violent and extra/legal means. In this article, I explain the broad backdrop to political transformation and increased violence in India and then specifically focus on explicating two key dynamics--one, the multiple ways in which changes in the sphere of education have been crucial to how dissent is securitized in India and two, how the internalized hierarchical ordering of ideas of citizenship within Hindutva means that Hindu males are seen as the normative citizens and Muslims as the radical Other that can be targeted with exclusion, discrimination, humiliation, even lynching. Using the example of the multiplying vocabularies of "Jihad," I highlight how any aspect of Muslim life or livelihood can be interpreted as a form of sinister "Jihad" deserving a justifiably violent response and/or economic marginalization. I conclude by referring to the sustained and ongoing nature of this transformation of India and call for us to recognize and challenge it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the elaboration and application of the Old Testament idea of 'covenant' among Zambian church leaders who are Christian nationalist activists. In this framework, Zambia serves as an analogue of biblical Israel, while contemporary government and church leaders are the analogues of Old Testament kings, priests, and prophets. This covenantal approach presents challenges. On the one hand, government support for Christian nationalism encourages the compliance of church leaders with state‐led religious projects; on the other hand, however, the analogical reading of the biblical text on which this support depends casts the church in a prophetic role, which in turn opens the door for criticism of the government. Christian nationalist activists in Zambia therefore find themselves caught in a double‐bind that simultaneously encourages submission and critique. An analysis of this process contributes an important non‐Western perspective to contemporary discussions of Christian nationalism. It also complicates easy interpretations of Christian nationalism as abetting state power by demonstrating its critical possibilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the life of Christian Socialist Kim Chang‐joon and explores the themes of independence, liberation, reunification, and peace between both Koreas. It divides Kim's life into four stages: his participation in the March First Movement, his involvement in Christian socialism, his practice of social thought in Manchuria, and his activities toward reunifying the two Koreas after liberation from Japanese colonial rule. In the first phase, Kim became an active nationalist. His national consciousness developed into Christian socialism through his pastoral work. When he experienced Japanese colonial oppression while working with this ministry, he abandoned religious life and focused on socio‐political activism in Manchuria. He founded the Christian Democratic Alliance and participated in the Democratic National Front to reunite the two Koreas after liberation. This article demonstrates how Kim set an example for how churches and Christians can strive for and attain liberation, reunification, and peace in the Korean context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the book "American Idolatry: How Christian Nationalism Betrays the Gospel and Threatens the Church" by Andrew L. Whitehead. The book examines the history and theology of the Stone-Campbell Movement and its relationship with public life in the United States and Canada. It addresses the issue of Christian nationalism and its distortion of the Christian faith, emphasizing the importance of opposing it for the sake of the gospel and society. The author, a Christian himself, seeks to separate Christianity from Christian nationalism and protect the faith from its influence. The text explores the concept of Christian nationalism and its various forms, highlighting the pursuit of political power, fear-based thinking, comfort with violence, and nostalgia for a perceived "Good Old Days" as examples. The author stresses that Christian nationalism is different from patriotism and can be dangerous, as demonstrated by the events of January 6th. The text also delves into the rejection of Jesus' teachings, the role of fear, attitudes towards war and violence, the belief in America as a favored nation by God, and the opposition to immigrants and refugees within Christian nationalism. The author calls for a rejection of Christian nationalism and a return to the teachings of Jesus, promoting love, liberation, and abundant life for all. [Extracted from the article]

This article is a keynote address given at the Global Ecumenical Theological Institute (GETI) held in Karlsruhe, Germany, August‐September 2022, on the theme "Christ's love (re)moves borders" and organized in conjunction with the 11th Assembly of the World Council of Churches. The article argues that around the world, political borders are being cemented by populist nationalisms even as pandemics, capital flows, and climate change ignore them. If Christians are to resist such ideologies, they must recover a robust incarnational theology and their fundamental identity as members of the worldwide body of Christ. Simultaneously, even as borders between people are being reinforced, the border between people and machines is blurred by transhumanist and posthumanist agendas. Such paradoxes will continue to abound in an intellectual landscape where what is distinctively human is obscured by technological hubris and philosophical naïveté. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What fuels both enthusiasm for increasing "American" birth rates and fears about their decline? Citing the prevalence of fertility campaigns in authoritarian regimes characterized by ethno‐nationalist Christianity, we theorize that, in addition to patriarchal attitudes, perceived ethno‐cultural threat and desire for ethno‐cultural dominance substantially drive "nationalist pronatalism" (promoting fertility to strengthen "the nation" and avoid national decline). We expect pronatalist ideology focused on American births is associated with (1) belief that dominant cultural group members (Whites, Christians, men) are threatened and (2) White Christian nationalism—an ideology that looks to conform American identity and values to those of a traditionalist, ethnicized Christianity. Recent, nationally representative data reveal Christian nationalist ideology is the second strongest predictor of support for nationalist pronatalism, second only behind patriarchal attitudes. This association is stronger for men and virtually non‐existent among Blacks. The belief that Whites or Christians face "the most discrimination" as opposed to various minorities also predicts nationalist pronatalism. Contemporary support for pronatalist ideology focused on American births is thus undergirded not only by attitudes that subordinate women but also (1) an ethno‐racially contingent ideology that insists the United States should reflect and institutionalize traditionalist Christian culture and (2) perceptions that Christians and Whites are persecuted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the bestselling 1898 novel The Yellow Danger , a so-called Chinese invasion fantasy that inspired Sax Rohmer's infamous Fu Manchu series. Where analysis of The Yellow Danger has tended to underplay its religious dimension, I argue that its depiction of the Yellow Peril constitutes a prototype of what I call "sanctified Sinophobia," religiously motivated hostility toward China that now fuels contemporary Christian nationalism. Both as a characterological emblem of racial personality and as an eschatological force of nature, the Yellow Terror represents an ineffable Satanic malevolence, defying European Christians' existing categories of evil. Tracing these two variants of sanctified Sinophobia in Shiel's novel, I then examine how the text's logics of ethnoreligious purity continue to structure the prayers, benedictions, and oracles of so-called China Virus discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Christian nationalists attempt to save the United States from eternal damnation by forcefully confronting threats at home and abroad. This paper investigates how a selection of Christian nationalists in the US foreign policy-making ecosystem use the apocalypse to achieve their political aims. The 'strategic social construction' model demonstrates how and why the apocalyptic narrative is helpful to rally political action to halt the decline of the United States in the world order. It shows how it has justified their staunch criticism of domestic liberalism and can link them to extreme conspiratorial views while maintaining broad ties to mainstream politics. Through this overarching apocalyptic narrative, the working foreign policy objectives of Christian nationalism fit with the hegemonic orbit of liberal internationalism, which is flexible enough to encompass it. Thus, among elite US foreign policy-makers, the apocalypse has been a shared implicit and explicit frame of reference to interpret the US position in the world order in the twenty-first century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After assuming power in 1925, Reza Shah promoted and strengthened nationalism in Iran and moved toward nation-building and enhancing national unity. Since the very beginning of his rule, the Reza Shah government paid contributions to foreign and national schools belonging to religious minorities with the intention to gradually oblige them to follow the Ministry of Education's programs. The present research has adopted a descriptive-explanatory approach, taking advantage of primary sources, not available to the previous authors, in order to analyze Reza Shah's cultural policies and the effect of these policies on the position of Jewish and Christian minority schools in Sanandaj. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

American Christian nationalism highlights the entanglements of identity and power as they relate to the category of "religion." Like many populist movements, Christian nationalism emerges out of a power-devaluation crisis stemming from the diminishment of White Christians' social and political hegemony, coalescing around the affirmation that the US is a properly "Christian" nation. However, an examination of Christian nationalism reveals that the meaning of "Christian" within Christian nationalism cannot be captured by traditional measures of individual religiosity that tacitly presuppose that religion is essentially private, belief-focused, and non-political in nature, but must recognize that it expresses a complex social identity involving multiple social domains (e.g., race, gender, political ideology) and, as such, contests of power. This analysis is significant for religious studies because it suggests that religion is better approached analytically as an active process of socially-shared identity formation than as a belief system or Gestalt of individual religious practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the COVID-19 pandemic, state and local governments implemented lockdown restrictions that were tremendously polarizing. Those on the cultural and political left supported restrictions hoping to protect the vulnerable, while those on the cultural and political right challenged restrictions citing threats to the economy and liberty. We theorize that libertarian and authoritarian impulses within Christian nationalism undergirded much of the resistance to government restrictions. Analyzing national panel data collected before and during the pandemic, we find Christian nationalism is either the first or second strongest predictor that Americans prioritize the economy and liberty and deprioritize the vulnerable when asked about government restrictions. Religiosity works in the opposite direction, however. Findings underscore the centrality of Christian nationalism as an ideological driver of far-right discourse shaping COVID-19 responses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the fact that the introduction of Christianity in Indonesia coincides with the arrival of Portugal and Dutch Colonialism in the 16th-19th centuries, Christianity in Indonesia could not be claimed as a colonised religion. This study emphasises the importance of Christianity as an integral part of the history of Indonesian nation-building. It also has significance and relevance for Christianity, and how people of different religions should live together in Indonesia. Using historical theology analysis, we argue that being Christian in Indonesia has theological meaning as God's work in Jesus Christ. God that has called and sent Christians to Indonesia has bestowed independence on the country, as a nation that accepts and recognises all people in their plural existences. At the end of the research, the authors emphasise that by understanding the independence of Indonesia as God's gift, Christians are to make Indonesia a theatre for glorifying God. They should do it by dedicating themselves to participate in togetherness with all citizens to build and develop this country in all dimensions of life. Therefore, various actions that discriminate against Christians deny the history of Indonesian independence, which accepts and recognises the equality of all citizens as a gift from God. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the historical factors behind the rise of a new Christian Aramaic nationality in Israel, and its recognition by the state in 2014. It debunks the traditional claims that this phenomenon is mainly a present-day attempt by Israel to separate Christians from Arab society. Examining the phenomenon through a wide historical perspective demonstrates the link between the rise of national perception among Christians living among Muslims in Middle Eastern countries, and the development of a new national identity among Christians living in the Jewish state of Israel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This contribution explains the declining policy influence of the Christian Right in Australia, especially compared to its more powerful American counterpart. Despite seven years of conservative federal government in Australia featuring prominent Christian conservatives, including two prime ministers, the Christian Right has had continuous defeats on issues such as same-sex marriage and abortion. This contribution argues the Christian Right in Australia is weakened by the lack of a popular sense of Australia as a 'Christian nation', even if it still has a majority of Christian identifiers. Unlike the United States, where a Christian nation discourse is an important political resource for the Christian Right, in Australia the relative lack of such a discourse weakens the link between the Christian Right's policy agenda and broader exclusionary nationalism. Even when repelling out-groups is politically popular, Christianity is no longer privileged as the national in-group. This contribution empirically examines the use of the term 'Christian nation' in recent public discourse in Australia to show why it lacks political power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The millet system compartmentalised religious communities into different sociopolitical environments under the overarching Ottoman imperial realm. However, during the nineteenth century, state transformation and crisis and the global re-allocation of political and economic power led to the exacerbation of ethnoreligious conflicts. Facing the collapse of the Ottoman imperium and the threat of extinction, the Greek Orthodox, Assyrian, Chaldean and Syrian Orthodox communities developed five survival strategies. The first was co-optation by state authorities; the second, protection of the Great Powers; the third armed resistance and the creation of autonomous enclaves; the fourth was that of exodus; and the last was to integrate themselves into Arab nationalism, lowering the banner of religion and becoming strong advocates of an Arab national identity encompassing Muslims and Christians alike. This paper aims to present a comparative approach to these strategies in the period from the beginning of the twentieth century to the formation of the Mandates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although immigration is the domain of the federal government, recently there has been a movement to introduce anti-refugee legislation in state legislatures across the country. In 2017 and 2018 there were 86 anti-refugee state-level bills introduced to limit refugee resettlement in the US. We examine public testimony from South Carolina's 2016 anti-refugee bill, S-997. Building upon the literature on racist nativism, we find those who sought to eliminate refugee resettlement reconstructed the meaning of a legal status, refugee, to be synonymous with Brown, Muslim, Terrorist, Third World, by presenting these population categories as unified in a legal status in opposition to the white, Christian, civilized, United States. We show how even those who supported refugees and refugee resettlement engaged in and supported the logic of white Christian nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do regional identities develop (or not)? While we know about the institutional incentives that make some identities more salient than others, we know much less about the conditions that make nation‐builders more or less successful. To fill this gap, this paper examines the organizational dimensions of identity formation and the peripheries of Kachin nationalism in Myanmar. It argues that identity formation is shaped by political entrepreneurs' capacity to (1) create inclusive inter‐elite alliances and (2) turn individuals into "citizens" of a larger ensemble. Empirically, it seeks to understand why we find resistance to a pan‐Kachin identity among two "Kachin" subgroups: Rawang and Lisu. The article shows that their conditional Kachin identity is the outcome of (1) incomplete inter‐elite alliances due to the uneven spread of Christian networks through which nation‐builders worked; and (2) the KIO's variable and declining capacity to provide public goods inclusively across all Kachin groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Numerous studies show biblicist Christianity, religiosity, and conservative political identity are strong predictors of Americans holding skeptical attitudes toward publicly controversial aspects of science, such as human evolution. We show that Christian nationalism—meaning the desire to see particularistic and exclusivist versions of Christian symbols, values, and policies enshrined as the established religion of the United States—is a strong and consistent predictor of Americans' attitudes about science above and beyond other religious and political characteristics. Further, a majority of the overall effect of political ideology on skepticism about the moral authority of science is mediated through Christian nationalism, indicating that political conservatives are more likely to be concerned with particular aspects of science primarily because they are more likely to be Christian nationalists. Likewise, substantial proportions of the well‐documented associations between religiosity and biblical "literalism" with views of science are mediated through Christian nationalism. Because Christian nationalism seeks to establish a particular and exclusivist vision of Christianity as the dominant moral order, adherents feel threatened by challenges to the epistemic authority undergirding that order, including by aspects of science perceived as challenging the supremacy of biblicist authority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dietrich Bonhoeffer's radio address "The Younger Generation's Altered Conception of the Führer," has much to teach us about what kind of pastoral leadership is needed in our present social and political contexts. Personal antipathies have blossomed into generational antinomies, and the resentments of one side versus another threaten to take over our perceptions of reality and perhaps even reality itself. In looking at Bonhoeffer's diagnosis of why the "younger generation" was seeking a strong‐man leader to help them demolish the adversaries who had aggrieved them, we can see ourselves. In listening to Bonhoeffer's cure, we may find our own medicine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chinese Christians in the 1920s faced pressure from a new republic that demanded the loyalty of its citizens despite lacking a proper knowledge of the meaning of the term. Progressive Christians associated with the YMCA soon launched the Citizenship Education Movement in 1924 as they tried to combine Christian virtue with China's broader national demands. While their association of modern citizenship with virtue cultivation was not new, these Christians did attempt something unique, which was to define a good citizen as a world citizen, whose belief in God meant one is loyal ultimately to certain universal values instead of the nation-state. As the Movement continued, the relationship between one's devotion to these higher values and that to the Chinese nation-state remained a complex and often competitive one. Although the Movement ended largely with the end of its visionary, Yu Rizhang, its momentum was harnessed by the Nationalist Party in the New Life Movement. The latter, however, omitted the language of God and universal values at the same time as it injected the nation-state, and the Party in particular, as the sole receiver of loyalty and granter of privilege. Thus the decade-long history of the YMCA's Citizenship Education Movement testifies to the association between one's religious devotion and an internationalist understanding of citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The discussion of Christians in Pakistan usually starts off with them being viewed as a besieged minority without agency which was marginalised further as Pakistan became more 'Islamic' through official legislation, particularly under the regime of General Zia ul-Haq in the 1980s. This article attempts to historicise this narrative by focusing on the 1950s and 1960s. It argues that in the early years of Pakistan's existence, Christians narrated themselves as being important for the very formation of Pakistan and believed that a more equal citizenship was possible, but the environment of political repression under General Ayub Khan, and the war with India in 1965, quickly closed off such possibilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on origins and connotations of the phrase "Eastern Christians" may explain some reluctance to use it. It mentions rise of the Islamic paradigm in societies and policies in the region as well as in France and questions about national identity and cultural and religious pluralism which haunt opinions Western countries largely explain this return. It also mentions Treaty of Lausanne attempts to interfere with and limit the sovereignty.

Far from being just a secular project, the Italian Risorgimento had deep spiritual foundations. The project of “resurrection” of freedom of religion in modern Italy became an anti-clerical project though not necessarily anti-Christian. Radical Free Church Protestants generally supported the Republican ideals of Mazzini and Garibaldi, while Waldensians sided with the liberal Cavour. A spiritual awakening preceded the political awakening that led to the emancipation of the Waldensians, an event embodying the ideals of the Risorgimento. Indeed, Waldensians played a major role in the Risorgimento, contributing soldiers, parliamentary representatives, educators, writers, entrepreneurs, missionaries, and most of all, individuals who fought for religious freedom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contextualises the idea of Christianisation as cultural guilt within the Bulgarian context, particularly at the time of the Bulgarian National Revival. This theory has been most radically depicted in the published works of the outstanding revolutionary and poet of the National Revival, Hristo Botev. The origin of this idea is studied through his cultural dialogue with the texts of Georgi Rakovski (another eminent revolutionary and poet from the same period) to prove that the decadent version of Christianisation was known amongst the Bulgarian elite, most of whom were educated at Russian institutions, where they became familiar with the essays of the German historiogJohann Christian von Engel. Under his influence, Christianisation is considered to be a cultural and political invasion on the part of the Byzantine Empire. In this context, the motive of the lost brightness of the Bulgarian Middle Ages emerges from the literary works of the National Revival. The valuation of the medieval symbols of the obliterated Bulgarian antiquity culminated in the 1920s and 1930s. During that period, aspects of national identification were sought from magicians, dualists, and anchorites, which ultimately did not yield the desired result for the official nationalism but rather caused a crisis of symbols. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the article, the author discusses how Christians can effectively deal with displaced and threatened group of people. Other topics include religious freedom, the discrimination, displacement, and threats faced by religious minorities, fundamentalism or religious extremism, religious nationalism, and genocide.

Abstract: This article analyzes the discourse of contemporary Hindu nationalism in Nepal. Based on Hindu nationalist speeches and writings distributed between 2014 and 2015, this article demonstrates and explains the Nepali Hindu nationalist narrative that characterizes secularism as the product of a foreign conspiracy enacted in order to facilitate Christian conversion in Nepal. The article further illustrates how Hindu nationalist discourse suggests that imperial motivations lie behind the conspiracy. Four factors are crucial to understanding the emergence and valence of this narrative: 1) the historical relationship between the state and Hinduism in Nepal; 2) the pervasive sense that foreigners regularly interfere in Nepal's domestic politics; 3) the growth of Christianity in Nepal and its increasing visibility; and 4) a pre‐existing association between secularism and Christianity in Nepal's nationalist discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]