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There has been growing concern about the increase in gender-based violence (GBV) among young people. The aim of this study was to explore the grey zones in GBV alongside gender (masculinities and femininities) discourses in young adults. We used the concept of a "grey zone" as an analytical tool to identify possible contradictory discursive positions where the notions of victims and perpetrators of GBV converge and become ambiguous. We performed a qualitative study based on 20 semi-structured interviews and 4 focus groups (October 2019 to February 2020) in Spain with a sample of 49 cisgender women and men, aged between 18 and 24, some involved in feminist activism and some not. We conducted a sociological analysis of the discourse system. Study findings show how culturally constructed gender norms intervene in the ways in which young people understand and deal with GBV. When asked general questions about GBV, this concept was problematized along with gender assumptions and two discursive positions were identified: the discourse of "men as authors of GBV" and the discourse of "GBV as an individual genderless issue." When vignettes of everyday GBV situations were shown, grey zones became visible when discussing subtle forms of GBV influenced by the myths of romantic love, victim-blaming around sexual violence, digital GBV and bystander men intervention on GBV. In those grey zones, discourses on GBV were articulated around unequal notions of gender that, in turn, served as its justification, reproduction, and normalization. The grey zones identified represent contexts of oppression that illustrate how GBV is systematically reproduced, as well as the ways in which young people can be involved in it, perpetuating power and health inequalities. Our findings provide information as a guide to design GBV interventions and prevention actions that incorporate a focus on gender configurations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The scientific debate regarding populism has been renewed by the rise of extreme right-wing parties in Western Europe. Spain was an exception to the European situation until Vox stormed onto the scene in the Andalusian regional elections in December 2018. By taking into account the definition of populism from Jaager & Walgrave (2007), Mudde (2007), Hawkins (2010), Charaudeau's populist discourse analysis (2009), and the idea of "contamination" by Hernández Carr, 2011 and Van Spanje, 2010, this article presents the results of an analysis regarding the discourse of the tweets published by the candidates of the three right-wing national parties during the electoral campaign in Spain prior to the day of the elections on 28 April 2019. The aim of the study is to reveal whether Abascal's discourse conforms to the parameters of the populist style, and whether there was contamination by Abascal (Vox) of the issues and rhetoric of Pablo Casado (Partido Popular-PP) and Albert Rivera (Ciudadanos-Cs). Firstly, the quantitative analysis shows that Abascal's political discourse on this social network is in line with the discursive strategies of populism; Secondly, the Vox leader behaves differently from the candidates of the PP and Cs. Finally, the influence of Vox's discourse on the other two parties with which he competes on the right-wing ideological spectrum is lower than expected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study describes the relations between the press and political power, during the Spanish transition to democracy in the late 1970s, focusing on discursive relations between political actors with power or challenging power and the media which interpreted their developments. It analyses how the main media, in the discourse of their news stories and editorials, framed events to construct a 'reality' for the public, aiding or impeding the construction of a democratic public sphere. The study is based on an analysis of journalistic discourse in ABC, La Vanguardia, El País (daily newspapers) and Triunfo (a weekly political magazine) in their coverage of key events in the period between the death of Franco (November 1975) and the approval of the Basque and Catalan statutes (November 1979). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Political debates on television were usually designed to provide viewers trustful information about the political candidates and their manifestos. Unfortunately, the political situation and the communication media have undergone such a change that those manifestos have become mere mediatic representations. In this article, we will analyze how the speech and the actantial position of the candidates get adjusted according to the mediatic show to become the winners, or in the best scenario, as television heroes, or maybe just the opposite. Method: Our main objective is not empirical but theoretical and methodological. We do not wish to describe the electoral debates in Spain. We are trying to highlight a model of analysis, which can be applied to different contexts, so we can contribute to fix a series of operative concepts, in a new framework. Results: To apply the suggested model will allow, among other things, to identify not only the political mediatization effects but also the marked tendency to create ceremonial gestalt in front of planned mediatic events. At the same, time it will allow to identify the aggressiveness and conflictive graduation of the different presidential candidates on the televised debates. Conclusions: From our point of view, it is a clear correlation with the polarization index that public opinion has experienced as well as a tendency to a conflictual spectacularization that television genres have developed in the last decades as a new way of doing politics and journalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is part of the research framework of the R + D Research Project DIPURE (The Public Discourse on Refugees in Spain). The refugee crisis with which the media refers to the notable increase in refugees in 2015- especially-in the wake of the intensified conflict in Syria, our purpose is to analyze critically the discourse of written media (press) relating to educational issues. For which, the principles of the critical discourse analysis on which we base ourselves, as a research practice and instrument of social action, allow to reveal the form of symbolic construction of people, both individually and socially. Thus, the discursive representation of refugees in the press, in relation to education, with the education system or with the application -or not- of educational projects, evidences the treatment of the topic and its own social repercussion. The analysis of the data, composed of a corpus of 2943 news (April 2015-May 2017), is based on the works of discursive perspective of Brown and Yule (1983), Calsamiglia and Tusón (1999), Cortés and Camacho (2003), Íñiguez (2003) or López Alonso (2014), among others; as well as in the postulates of critical orientation of the discourse of Bañón (2002, 2003, 2004, 2007), Fairclough (1994, 1995, 2003), Fairclough and Wodak (2000), Sarangi and Coulthard (2000), Van Dijk (1997, 2000a, 2000b, 2003) and Wodak (2000) or Wodak and Meyer (2001), among others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores what happens when the term "austerity" becomes a global catchword. Specifically, we study how this term has been used in national policy making in the Portuguese and Spanish parliaments from the 1970s until recently. We show that although Portugal and Spain were in a somewhat different situation regarding the 2008 economic crisis, the increased popularity of the term austerity occurred practically simultaneously in the Portuguese and Spanish parliaments. This suggests that the term's popularity in political debates is not solely determined by a nation's political or fiscal situation. Rather, our contention is that employing the term austerity to discuss government policies became a global fashion after the fiscal crisis of 2008. The study also shows why austerity became an increasingly popular concept: the term changed from being mainly used in fiscal policy to being commonly used in other policy areas too. Related Articles: Exadaktylos, Theofanis, and Nikolaos Zahariadis. 2014. "Quid pro Quo: Political Trust and Policy Implementation in Greece during the Age of Austerity." Politics & Policy 42 (1): 160‐183. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12058 Monza, Sabina, and Eva Anduiza. 2016. "The Visibility of the EU in the National Public Spheres in Times of Crisis and Austerity." Politics & Policy 44 (3): 499‐524. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12163 Sager, Fritz, and Markus Hinterleitner. 2016. "How do Credit Rating Agencies Rate? An Implementation Perspective on the Assessment of Austerity Programs during the European Debt Crisis." Politics & Policy 44 (4): 783‐815. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12165 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: Our work tries to offer the concrete state of the tlm studies on the journals (SCIMAGO and ESCI) indexed in the Social Sciences category. Methodology: We have studied the complete universe (5343 papers), and applied a quantitative approach based on a content analysis methodology over the tlm studies concrete production: 3,9% of the whole SCOPUS universe (104 papers) and 9,7% of the ESCI universe (266 papers). Results: We have found a clear predominance of the papers signed by a single male author, using qualitative analyses based on the discourse analysis methodology on the audiovisual narrative teld, over other possible approaches as the historic-contextual processes or the quantitative methodologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Evidence of child abduction for intercountry adoption challenges our notions of altruism. The history of illicit adoptions and child abduction is presented with specific emphasis on Guatemala as a case example. Drawing on data produced in an ethnographic research, the analysis searches to elucidate how those involved in intercountry adoption in Spain (mainly adoptive and prospective adoptive parents) deal with signs of fraud and corruption. The results point out how these discourses usually dismiss the failures of the system and revolve around the idea of rescue. The rights of birth families – and even their mere existence – are usually absent in the discussion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immigration has consistently been one of the most controversial political topics in many European countries over recent years. Much research has consequently focused on highlighting and describing negative views of immigrants which dominate political debate. This has been particularly the case in studies of Spain. Yet such studies rarely examine positive views of immigration or explain the dominance of some views over others. This article offers a distinct contribution by examining the contested framing of Romanian immigration in Madrid's politics. At the same time that Romanian immigration has increased rapidly to form the largest single nationality population in the country and public opinion has registered specific concerns regarding this nationality, political debate has declared a 'magnificent atmosphere' of coexistence. The article explores why, highlighting the stability of discursive and institutional structures which emphasise values of democracy, equality and tolerance over potentially discriminatory acts and statements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Spain's organ procurement organization produces national identity discourses. • Its messages highlight Spain's national unity and international legitimacy. • This points at situated nation-building in nations with conflictive histories. • These nations may rely more on unusual sources of national identity. • Reputed actors leap to new discursive fields and may carry built-in interpretations. Spain is the global leader in organ donation and transplantation since 1992, an achievement that has become a source of national pride, in a country where national symbols are heavily contested. In this article I demonstrate that Spain's organ procurement organization is an active producer of national identity discourses oriented to increasing the legitimacy of the Spanish national project and generating affective adherence to the state institutions. Through a qualitative analysis of 43 press releases, 27 media interviews, 3200 tweets, and 35 YouTube videos, I show that the organization reproduces Spain as a frame of reference, redefines the bonds and boundaries of the national community by linking them to the circulation of organs, and attributes positive moral values to Spain's citizenry. It highlights Spain's internal unity, presenting organ procurement as a national enterprise that binds together different social actors and territories in a common project. It also leverages Spain's success in this area to depict the country as a global exemplar comparable to its neighbors in Western and Northern Europe. My study contributes to a better understanding of contemporary Spanish national identity discourses and raises theoretical questions about the role of alternative sources of national identity in countries with histories of conflict around national narratives and symbols. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contemporary times, Iberianism has been one of the most important themes in the relationship between Portugal and Spain. But there are few words as ambiguous in the peninsular history and culture as the word 'Iberianism'. Aside from traditional political or territorial Iberianism, and often in a critical reaction against it, there exists a less-known cultural, spiritual or civilizational Iberianism, striving for an approximation between the two countries and its peoples that excludes all kinds of state fusion and border suppression, and aims to strengthen the Iberian relationship through unity in diversity, differentiation with complementation, independence with alliance and neighbourhood with friendship. The aim of this article is to explore the cultural discourse of contemporary Portuguese Iberianism, drawing on the reflections produced on the subject by such authors as J. P. de Oliveira Martins, Teixeira de Pascoaes, Fernando Pessoa, António Sardinha, Almada Negreiros, José Saramago, Eduardo Lourenço, Natália Correia and Miguel Torga. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Each year more than 800 native English-speaking language assistants are brought into Madrid's bilingual/Content and Language Integrated Learning (CLIL) primary schools to assist local teachers and promote students' foreign language and intercultural competence. In spite of these high numbers and the cost to the bilingual programme, no specific guidelines are provided by the bilingual programme administrators regarding how the assistants should collaborate with the local teachers in the classroom. This article sets out to describe how these two different groups of educators interact in the classroom, how they distribute their corresponding teaching roles, and how these roles are articulated linguistically. Drawing on three broad strands of literature, namely (a) Systemic Functional Linguistics and the distinction between instructional and regulative classroom registers, (b) Discourse Analysis and classroom discourse functions, and (c) Second Language Acquisition and interactional strategies, this study analyses team teaching situations and provides a description of the discursive practices enacted. The data suggest qualitative differences in the type of discourse produced by both sets of participants while interpretations are offered in the light of native and nonnative speaker status, novice and expert teacher profiles, and possible intercultural differences. In closing we briefly discuss some of the implications for team teaching practice in bilingual/CLIL programmes across contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The promotion of children's decision-making is one of the principles of health-promoting schools, and the empowerment of children means that they are enabled to influence their lifestyles and living conditions. The aim of this study was to find out the suggestions of Spanish school pupils in Year 3 and Year 6 of primary education to promote their own health and the health of the people closer to them, through their ideas about health. We analyse the discourse on health in the school environment from focus groups of primary school pupils aged around 8 and 12 of five schools in the town of Alicante (Spain). The groups were organized according to the type of school (public, private), the socioeconomic status of the neighbourhood (residential, working-class) and gender (single-sex, mixed groups) to ensure both the highest intergroup diversity and intra-group homogeneity. The findings show that primary school pupils have a wide and diverse notion of health. The application of the focus group technique has proved useful in eliciting information from groups of primary school pupils, and involving students in health-promoting programmes because it allows them to identify the social and interpersonal determinants of health. There is a firm basis to consider school pupils as health agents, particularly regarding interventions within the school environment itself. With the support of teachers, it is possible to train school pupils as community health agents, and increase their control over their own health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a study of the constraint factors that condition the form and functions of questions in a corpus composed of several face-to-face election debates that took place in Spain during different election campaigns. Some of these factors are of a distributional nature, such as the position of the questions in the politician's turns at talk, with final positions and fragments of simultaneous speech being the most favourable contexts for the formulation of these utterances. Questions are also favoured by stylistic and rhetorical forces, such as those which lead the speaker to repeat questions or question formats within wider inquisitive sequences, which represent almost half the corpus. In addition, these communicative units are also influenced by institutional factors, such as the political role played by the candidates in the debates (government/opposition), as well as the political expectations and identities that the politicians seek to enhance, and which may vary in different moments of the election campaign. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The past few years have been witness to a significant progress of the Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) in Spain due to the development of several initiatives promoted, initially by the private sector, and from 2004 thanks to the determined governmental promotion. The most visible result of the new public policies of CSR promotion was the creation of three areas for dialogue (Parliamentary Subcommittee, Forum of Experts and The Table for Social Dialogue) where companies, union and business organizations, experts, mass media, academic and social organizations, along with public administrations, in order to supply the government with concrete guidelines for the promotion and dissemination of the practices of RSE. The present work analyzes the speeches made public by the three forums for dialogue with the aim to investigate to what extent this process of dialogue has contributed to clarify the objective and the road toward sustainability. Set against the general satisfaction with which the conclusions of the three areas of dialogue have been greeted, our work presents some reflections on the possible capture of the process and of its results on the part of the corporations' interests in detriment of the sustainability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The idiosyncrasy of national academic discourses in educational sciences and the flow of ideas between them is a topic that has inspired recent research, even though it has not been treated very exhaustively. This study presents some results of an investigation into German influences on the Spanish academic discourse in educational sciences between 1945 and 1990. Considering system theory as a tool, which makes it possible to widen the knowledge of educational science about itself, the research is based on the idea that all communications between scientists, who represent a certain discipline, constitute the core of a scientific discourse. In this perspective, scientific disciplines appear as social-communicative networks of knowledge production, which regulate themselves. The basic element of communication, which produces and reproduces the self-regulated context of the scientific discipline, is the publication. To that extent this study assumes that scientific reviews reflect truly the condition of a discipline and uses their analysis as a method to survey the possible influence of a national academic discourse on another, i.e. how certain ideas cross the boundaries of their own reference system. These assumptions constitute the background for the quantitative and qualitative analysis of two important Spanish reviews, the Revista Espanola de Pedagogia and the Revista de Educacion. The register of all authors and titles of any article that contains the quotation of a German author, all quoted German authors and the titles of their works, all authors and titles related to German educational sciences and all reviews of books edited by German authors allows quantitative statements concerning the presence of German influences on Spanish academic discourse. Furthermore, the interpretation of some selected articles published by Spanish authors illustrates the quality of this reception. The analysis of these data shows as the most important result that the quantity and frequency of quotations of German authors in both Spanish reviews are positively related to the presence of a relatively small group of Spanish educationists among the authors of their articles. A prosopographic approach to these authors discovers that they share certain characteristics, such as for example high interest in German academic discourse, often due to longer stays at German universities. The interpretation of some selected articles identifies different types of reception of the German discourse. Besides a small number of articles that reflect the quoted ideas correctly in their context, there are a large number of studies that use the quotations of German literature only in order to strengthen their own point of view without regarding the original context of their sources. These cases shed light upon the structural differences between the German and Spanish academic discourse in educational sciences and illustrate the difficulties for the exchange of educational ideas between different national debates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]